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This article provides a tour d'horizon of the recent emigration of the Kurdish political elite from Turkey and contextualizes it in its historical course. Specifically, the article discusses the similarities and differences of the exilic waves at the two ends of the chain of pro-Kurdish political parties in Turkey, i.e., the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and the Democracy Party (DEP). Based on semi-structured elite interviews, a comparison of the patterns of integration with and differentiation from the Kurdish diaspora organizations in Europe, in particular, reveals significant variation between these two exilic waves despite their common root cause. Such variation, coupled with tensions derived mainly from the hierarchal structure of the Kurdish diaspora organizations, fuels a rivalry that may alter the composition of Kurdish political elites in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses the relationship between the military and political elites in the United States, through the lens of theoretical concepts that have approached it in the post-Cold War environment. This era was marked by external pressures that pushed for greater subordination of military personnel to political authority, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, which had previously necessitated an expansion of military independence. However, soon after, counterproductive results emerged, manifesting in severe crises between the two elites as signs appeared of military personnel’s reluctance to comply with political directives and positions. The study concludes that the expansion of political interventions in American military policy was dictated by the new position the United States occupied in the new international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the changes in the formulation, prioritisation and implementation of India’s foreign policy objectives as a result of a significant renewal of its political elite, triggered by the economic reforms that began in the 1990s. It is argued that India’s ruling elite is now largely identical to its political elite, whose mindset, although considerably younger and better educated, is more than ever defined by its self-identification with traditional values, which are religious and, for the vast Hindu majority, caste-based. At the same time, the composition of India’s elite has broadened during the reform years, mainly through the inclusion of middle and even lower castes in the traditional hierarchy. Many of its representatives tend to associate the strengthening of the country with a return to the “correct” cultural and civilisational basis which, in the centuries before foreign conquest, gave India what the y saw as its natural primacy in the world. The main change is the emergence of a sense of self-confidence among the elite, on which the so-called “new nationalism” of the “man of the people”, the current Prime Minister N. Modi, is based. Drawing on his statements, speeches by Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar, and articles by Indian and Russian scholars, the author shows the innovations introduced by the Prime Minister in promoting India’s core national interests in a changing world. The article examines the creation of India’s own sphere of influence within the framework of the new Indo-Pacific strategy, the combination of cooperation and competition in relations with China, the reasons for the dynamic expansion of interaction with the United States and the “red lines” involved, the motives for developing a particularly privileged strategic partnership with Russia and for using multilateral formats, and the return to India’s agenda of the task of gaining the status of the main voice of the Global South. It is concluded that approaches to the imperative of building a multipolar world order “in which India would be a strong pole”, based on the priority goal of establishing for it the status of a great power and a global actor in world politics, create historic opportunities for increasing Russian-Indian interaction.

The Indonesian political atmosphere has recently been shocked by controversial issues regarding the postponement of the Indonesian elections in 2024 nationally. The reason for postponing the election is due to the unstable economic condition of the country after COVID-19 so that it is considered incapable of holding elections in 2024. This study aims to find out how the postponement of elections is regulated in Indonesia, as well as whether the postponement of elections is a constitutional action or for the interests of groups elite. The results of this study indicate that basically the Indonesian Election Law does not specifically regulate the postponement of elections. The postponement of elections in the provisions of election law in Indonesia only regulates regional election delays. Meanwhile, national election delays are not adequately regulated. Therefore, nationally postponing the election is considered a violation of the Indonesian constitution. In addition, it is seen that the postponement of the election is not an aspiration of the Indonesian people so that it is considered an attempt by the political elite to take political advantage in the 2024 election.

Relevance The formation and development of the political elite play a decisive role in determining the direction of social transformations and implementing strategic changes. Therefore, researching the political elites of the regions of Ukraine allows us to understand how these elites influenced national movements. A comprehensive study of the regional political elite, its influence on local and national processes, fills existing gaps in historiography and contributes to a more complete illumination of the events of the early 20th century in Ukraine. Researching the biographies and activities of individual representatives of the political elite, such as P. Blonsky and the participants of the 1906 conference, allows for the creation of a more complex portrait of this group, revealing their social and ethnic characteristics, educational level, and ideological-political orientations. This contributes to a deeper understanding of not only the political history of Ukraine but also the cultural and social processes that shaped Ukrainian national consciousness. Objective The objective of the research is to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the Ukrainian political elite of Podillia Governorate as of 1906. The research aims to uncover aspects such as the ideological-political orientations and activities of the representatives of Podillia’s political elite. It seeks to identify the socialethnic composition, educational level, and professional characteristics of the members of the regional political elite. Additionally, it aims to analyze the biographies of several figures who influenced political processes in the region and to reveal the social portrait of Ukrainian political activists in revolutionary movements and their participation in election campaigns to the State Dumas of the Russian Empire. The research will also provide an assessment of the influence of the regional elite on the national and local context of political development. Methods The methodology of the study of the political elite of Podillia Governorate in 1906 is based on a comprehensive approach that includes the following methods: historical, biographical, sociological methods, content analysis, etc. Conclusions The evolution of the political elite was closely connected with the general political context of the Russian Empire, where a transition from autocracy to more liberal forms of governance was observed. The analysis showed that the political elite had a diverse social composition. The biographical method revealed that the political elite of Podillia Governorate consisted of various social groups, including nobility, intelligentsia, merchants, and clergy. Key representatives of the elite sought to attain a high level of education and were active participants in political life, holding significant administrative and public positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractCorruption is recurrent in conversations and political debates, but it can have different meanings. This study aimed to assess how the words that 1,020 citizens and 120 politicians in Portugal associated with corruption interacted and varied. Data came from two surveys that collected responses to “What words do you associate with corruption?” from October 2020 to April 2021: the EPOCA-FCT survey conducted with citizens and the ETHICS-FFMS survey conducted with MPs and local elected officials in office. We used network analysis to find that the mass-elite incongruence when defining corruption can be used (a) to enhance corruption surveys and (b) as a tool to foster political will for anti-corruption reform in areas/sectors that are linked to corruption. In Portugal, corruption came down to “theft of money by politicians” (citizens) and “dishonesty and illegality in a crony relationship” (politicians), and the promotion of integrity in the Banking sector emerged as central to any anti-corruption reform. This was the first attempt to show that knowing what citizens and politicians have in mind can be a valid tool to enhance both the quality of future corruption surveys and the implementation of anti-corruption policies when no short-term political will for a change exists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to elite and mass surveys, the late-Soviet sociopolitical and economic order was largely perceived as the only viable alternative to domestic political and economic status quo in Russia before 2022. Political elites invested significant efforts and funds into deliberative promotion of a complex of ideational legacies through different tools (including cinematography). This complex, labeled a "Good Soviet Union," is an imagined sociopolitical and economic order, which somehow resembles that of the late-Soviet past, while lacking its inherent flaws. Elements of the Soviet legacy were selectively chosen for the sake of preservation of the politico-economic status quo. They include the hierarchical mechanism of governance, low circulation of elites and their privileged status, state control over media, and repressions toward organized dissent. Meanwhile, other elements of the late-Soviet past, such as relatively low inequality and certain state social guarantees, have been discarded. A "Good Soviet Union" model includes not only market economy and no shortages of goods and services, but also a lack of institutional constraints on rent-seeking and legalization of wealth and status of elites. In this article, we consider a "Good Soviet Union" as a socially constructed legacy of the past and focus on mechanisms of translation of this legacy into Russia's current agenda through the use of modern Russian cinematography and analysis of policy preferences on the part of political elites. We further consider its effects on politics and policy-making, as well as its limitations and constraints. Some implications of the social construction of Soviet legacies are discussed in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Subject of the study. The problems of economic diplomacy are constantly in the focus of researchers' attention, especially in recent years, when the challenges of the globalisation era have significantly changed the rules of interaction in international relations: limiting the possibilities of classical diplomacy within the Westphalian system, allowing new actors (multinational corporations, non-governmental organisations) to enter the diplomatic field, introducing advanced forms of diplomatic communication, etc. These innovations have led to significant changes in the field of economic diplomacy, as the economic aspects of international relations have become crucial in the process of economic competition in the modern world. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to provide an in-depth study of the theoretical and applied aspects of modern instruments of diplomatic influence as a system of mechanisms for interstate regulation of the world economy, which belongs to the sphere of foreign policy and is, by its very nature, one of the main and most effective means of settling international socio-economic disputes. Since the term "diplomacy" is most often used: 1) in the sense of state activity in the sphere of foreign relations; 2) as a set of institutions and persons engaged in state activity in the sphere of foreign relations; 3) to define the profession of a diplomat. Traditionally, some of the main methods of diplomatic activity are: negotiations, conclusion of bilateral (multilateral) agreements, opening of representative offices of one state in another, etc. Methods of implementing diplomacy are defined as appropriate levers of influence on governments, diplomatic representatives and other persons of foreign states, using and applying the world's effective diplomatic experience of conducting business relations of states to achieve its objectives. Currently, economic diplomacy is an important catalyst for economic progress not only in individual countries but also in the global economy, an integral element of foreign policy to improve international competitiveness, investment and tourist attractiveness of the country, increase its foreign trade activity, open new production facilities and create new jobs. Undoubtedly, the role of economic diplomacy is obvious for countries with a high level of investment and trade activity, for SMEs trying to enter the markets of other countries, and for multinational companies that are strengthening their presence in the world. Conclusion. The current development of multilateral economic diplomacy is shaped by the following trends: expansion of the mandate of leading multilateral organisations and forums beyond the scope of traditionally discussed issues (in recent years, the OECD has been discussing non-traditional aspects such as environmental and food security, population ageing, fighting corruption, etc.); increasing the number of participants in the global economy and expanding the scope of regulation within international organisations necessitates reforming the institutions of multilateral economic diplomacy (the WTO has developed a document "The Future of the WTO" containing proposals for organisational reform); multilateral economic diplomacy has become open and public (many developed countries often make proposals addressed to the entire world community (especially on global issues of economic, social and environmental development)); interaction of various organisations and forums is increasing (the WTO cooperates with the IMF, the World Bank, the UN, UNCTAD, etc.); increase in the level of publicity and transparency of multilateral diplomacy (openness to the media, prompt posting of information on the official websites of international organisations). Despite the fact that multilateral economic diplomacy has many problems, it can be argued that bilateral and multilateral economic diplomacy forms an effective mechanism for managing global economic processes in the interests of individual countries and the global community as a whole.

The role of women as political elites is increasingly important, which makes gender inequality widespread. This study examines the expansion, role, and contribution of DPD women of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) in the 2020 Medan City regional head elections with a case study on the Akhyar-Salman couple. Qualitative research was conducted by collecting data on the role of female PKS party members and leaders in winning the Akhyar-Salman pair through in-depth interviews with research subjects. sample determination using a purposive sampling technique. All data were processed descriptively. The results showed that the expansion of women in improving the quality and quantity of regional elections in Medan City is significant; this is indicated by the contribution of women’s political elites in mobilizing the implementation of campaigns in the community and attracting public interest from upstream to downstream to introduce the Akhyar-Salman couple. Women’s political elites have functions and responsibilities in winning candidate pairs through door-to-door campaigns to each household, creating work programs that attract women to join, such as carrying out women’s recitation (dakwah), helping communities affected by disasters, and carrying out approaches to the ulama. In addition, the most prominent expansion of women lies in the gender equality program and equal access to information, which have the most decisive influence on the campaign process. The work program launched by the mayoral and deputy candidate pairs is the result of preliminary studies of the community and data collection by the DPD PKS women’s political elites. Finally, the Japuan program (women’s network) indicates that voter accommodation and navigation can be appropriately managed by disseminating information related to candidate pairs by political elites from the PKS party.

The aim of the study is to analyze the practices of commemoration and memorial culture in the Penza region in the 1960–1970-ies. The issues of periodization of development of memorial culture and historical politics, the content of collective memories, transformation of social reflection, forms and means of commemoration are considered. An assessment is made of the possibility of using the methodological tools of the «new political history» at the regional and local levels of problem development. The high source potential of materials of personal origin in the study of commemorative content in narratives, symbols and signs is noted. In the course of the analysis of historiography of the problem, a pluralism of value judgments regarding the «instrumentality» of Soviet historical policy was revealed. Conclusions are drawn about the need for an objective analysis of national specifics, including in relation to the memory of the past, in the search for universal content in the structures of memorial culture. The evolution of functionality and content of historical politics in the 1960–1970-ies is traced: the general trend of the process is the decline in interest in the symbolic practices of the revolutionary era and the establishment of a new «organizing» idea as a manifestation of social demand for solidarity and common identity. The memory of the victims of the struggle for Soviet power as a tool of legitimization is giving way to socially significant experiences (memory of the Great Patriotic War) and the idea of restoring the unity of memory, a tolerant attitude towards the past as a whole, which united both the imperial and Soviet heritage. The factor of traumatic order is the memory of Stalin. The period under review also saw the institutionalization of the system of socio-political interaction in the field of memorial culture.

This article is the first systematic examination of the proposition that politicians can foster their careers through affiliations with transnational elite clubs. Focusing on the Euro-Atlantic Bilderberg Group, I provide preliminary evidence in support of the proposition. I argue that politicians invited to the exclusive meetings gain valuable contacts, insider information and probably some backing. Still, most politicians who participated at Bilderberg conferences were never later elevated. But 133 were and sometimes even shortly after their appearance at the gatherings. Of these mainly European politicians, 42 became prime ministers, presidents, or top representatives of international organizations like EU, NATO, IMF. However, I mostly found correlation, not causation. Only in several cases, there are additional indicia which suggest that "factor Bilderberg" was really one of the reasons for career advancements. On the other hand, the suspicion of the Bilderberg Group's direct influence on personnel policy cannot be confirmed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of women as political elites is increasingly important, which makes gender inequality widespread. This study examines the expansion, role, and contribution of DPD women of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) in the 2020 Medan City regional head elections with a case study on the Akhyar-Salman couple. Qualitative research was conducted by collecting data on the role of female PKS party members and leaders in winning the Akhyar-Salman pair through in-depth interviews with research subjects. sample determination using a purposive sampling technique. All data were processed descriptively. The results showed that the expansion of women in improving the quality and quantity of regional elections in Medan City is significant; this is indicated by the contribution of women's political elites in mobilizing the implementation of campaigns in the community and attracting public interest from upstream to downstream to introduce the Akhyar-Salman couple. Women's political elites have functions and responsibilities in winning candidate pairs through door-to-door campaigns to each household, creating work programs that attract women to join, such as carrying out women's recitation (dakwah), helping communities affected by disasters, and carrying out approaches to the ulama. In addition, the most prominent expansion of women lies in the gender equality program and equal access to information, which have the most decisive influence on the campaign process. The work program launched by the mayoral and deputy candidate pairs is the result of preliminary studies of the community and data collection by the DPD PKS women's political elites. Finally, the Japuan program (women's network) indicates that voter accommodation and navigation can be appropriately managed by disseminating information related to candidate pairs by political elites from the PKS party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper advances the argument that misappropriation of public funds should be construed as illicit financial flows (IFFs) which, undoubtedly, have an adverse effect on the realisation of the right to development. Furthermore, by detailing the nature of IFFs, this paper aims to demystify the shallow understanding of what is IFF or what are IFFs and why misappropriation of public funds should be seen in that light. Design/methodology/approach: This paper examines and interrogates the different judgements that have been delivered in cases tried and finalised by the special criminal court (SCC). With viewpoints that are backed by a theoretical understanding of Cameroonian criminal law in particular and criminal law in general, an analysis of the underlying intentions, motives and trajectories in the commission of misappropriation of public funds corroborate the view that the offence must be construed as IFFs. The data used in this paper are primary. Findings: A few pertinent findings were made in the course of this research. Firstly, the offence of misappropriation of public funds and IFFs are not distinct, and any effort to limit the use of "funds" to finances will ultimately miss the point as property with financial value will definitely amount to funds. Secondly, through misappropriation of public funds/property, IFFs have been committed based on the trends and figures disclosed in the judgements of the SCC. Finally, the right to development requires resources and by stealing public funds, resources are deprived, thereby compromising the realisation of development and the right to development. Originality/value: This paper examines the impact of IFFs on the right to development within the context of Cameroon. By diagnosing the definition of the crime of misappropriation of public property or funds, the paper argues that such an offence must be seen as IFFs given its nature, the motive and intention underlying its perpetration. By taking such perspectives, this paper not only adds to the literature thereon but further brings in new perspectives on those aspects of Cameroonian criminal law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author analyzes the current domestic state studies, trends and features of its development. It is concluded that legal science practically does not study the so-called blunders in state policy, ineffective strategics, failures of reforms and programs. Classical state science and its representative Aristotle called this a deviation in a state development and used the concept of a deviated (deviating) state . It is proposed to study the causes, types and forms of deviations. The author believes that this approach will allow a deeper analysis of the emerging negative trends and patterns in the European statehood development. The current global crisis, provoked by the situation in Ukraine and around it, only sharpens deviations in the European states’ development. It is emphasized that deviated state theory needs a proper development in the legal science. The problem of the state bodies activities imitation shall be central in the future theory. The author believes that many components of modern statehood do not essentially fulfill their tasks and functions, or, if they do, then partly. The relationship between society and the state is analyzed through the prism of alienation. The state is a product of society; it was created for society and is entirely indebted to it. Legal science must develop criteria for remoteness of the state from society to define the degree of alienation. Within the framework of negative trends, selectivity is also considered as a feature of modern statehood. The author understands selectivity as a special form of coercion. Such states do not carry out heavy repressions; there is a certain point of revenge on individuals, groups, organizations, etc. Among the deviations, the author refers to ignoring the role and importance of social organizations, state’s withdrawal form international human rights organizations, etc. The article ends with the author’s appeal to reasonableness as a condition for resisting deviations. Reasonableness must form the basis for statehood and legal reality. The state, its institutions must be the product of rational human activity. Mankind has long been determined in its own values, which include the state and its companion - law.

Why did Kazakhstan, as an authoritarian post-Soviet state with moderate economic performance, become an Official Development Assistance (ODA) donor? In this article, we argue that state identity has a causal and constitutive effect on Kazakhstan's foreign policy through discursive development encounters between Kazakhstani state actors and representatives of the international development community. The research questions are addressed by applying discourse analysis to official documents and media articles from Kazakhstan and international sources, along with the ODA dataset collected during fieldwork, focusing on 2013-2019. The article concludes by stating that Kazakhstan's decision to become an ODA donor is primarily motivated by the political elite's desire to boost national prestige and patriotic spirit among the population through the implementation of the domestic development program "Kazakhstan 2050," which would include the country on a list of 30 developed countries, the condition of which is to provide and institutionalize ODA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research is a rereading of the Hagar narrative in view of prejudice in South Africa. Some previous contributions on the Hagar narrative have tended to pursue either exegetical or hermeneutic route. The present research comprises an eight-tier structure. However, the Hagar narrative is explored in lieu of the following two foci. First, a critical exegesis of the Hagar narrative (Genesis 16:1-16) is given. The critical exegesis is a verse-by-verse analysis of the narrative. The analysis seeks to present clarity for the readership where some ambiguity and inconsistency occur in the narrative. For example, the study interrogates the flight of a pregnant Hagar from Sarah in Mamre and travels a journey of approximately 340km to Shur at the border with Egypt. Other misunderstood parts of the text include the enslavement, marriage and mistreatment of Hagar by Abraham and Sarah. Second, a rereading of the Hagar story as a narrative of prejudice in South Africa is explored. It is argued that the attempt is not to regard the narrative as a historical reality and that Hagar will not be discussed as a historical figure. On the contrary, the present study examines the concepts and themes in the Hagar narrative considering the perceived oppression and prejudice devastating post-apartheid South Africa today. The study argues that South Africa has not successfully dismantled apartheid policies by the dawning of majority rule; unemployment, poverty and abortion continue to depict the 'rainbow nation' in a bad light. For example, legalization of abortion contradicts the African Ubuntu philosophy. Hence, "...Return to thy mistress and submit thyself under her hands" (Genesis 16:9) suggests a perpetuity of apartheid policies. However, a rereading of the Hebrew phrase translated as "The well of him that lives and sees" (see Genesis 16:14), portrays Hagar envisioning triumph and a dispensation of euphoria beyond her situation of deprivation and prejudice. The study is, therefore, poised towards a feminist discussion of Hagar as an African mother (wife) who was jettisoned to take care of the young children solely and single-handedly. The study utilizes a contextual content analysis as an approach in which secondary data analysis on the Hagar narrative will be explored in light of the biblical text as the primary source. The study revolves around a symbolic interactionism theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article elaborates the conceptual material published earlier in the journal (Russia has Spread its Wings. Phenomenology of Developing the Global System Contradiction of Our Era// Vestnik of the Russian Plekhanov University of Economics. – 2022. – Vol. 19. – N 5 (125). – pp. 44-53), which requires a specific approach to resolving vital problems facing Russia today. It is caused by unprecedented after the World War 2 institutional challenges launched by the collective West that aim at destruction of the Russian state system, at elimination of Russian identity, at eradication of Russia as it is, as a nation. Earlier the authors revealed specific features of the current stage in developing the global system contradiction ‘creditors – debtors’ and the origin of its sharp phase in view of diverse forms of total hybrid and informational war. Within the context of the present publication the authors characterize a sharp phase of developing the global system contradiction in the current era. Recognition of social and economic contradiction as a global phenomenon of our age was confirmed in the speech by President of Russia V.V.Putin at the plenary session of the 19th annual forum of the International Discussion Club ‘Valdai’: ‘…This forms the principle contradiction of the current epoch… the situation is revolutionary.’ In order to apply and promote social technologies which were chosen and announced a political doctrine the US and UK elites devised and started a keen, rather inventive, cynical propaganda machine, i.e. the machine of lie. The global start of the machine took place on September 11, 2001 that can be called the beginning of the World War 3 – the hybrid war. It was followed by informational and power attacks on countries and nations, peoples of the Earth innocent towards the US and UK. Anglo-Saxon elites shale public opinion in the format of cash-masters’ ideological paradigm, develop and implement mechanisms for transforming public opinion, use the doctrine ‘Overtone Window’, the manipulation matrix of political and social management. Massed informational flow is used to form a ‘smoke-screen’, which can hide true grounds and intentions of architects of global predomination. Military pressure on thoughts, souls and bodies of people, first of all bloody slaughters unleashed by the US, are meant to disrupt foundations of humanistic civilization and secure global predomination over the world and cash masters’ control. Russia has accepted the challenge. Today Russia is facing numerous crucial problems, which must be resolved by all means.

Book review: Tudoroiu T., Ramlogan А. 2021. China’s International Socialization of Political Elites in the Belt and Road Initiative. Routledge. 292 p.

The article reveals specific features of the present day stage in the global systematic contradiction ‘creditors – debtors’ development. The origin of its critical stage was depicted in the context of form variety in the total hybrid, informational war that was projected well in advance, thoroughly worked-out and unleashed in a mass way against Russia by overseas and over-oceans Anglo-Saxon political elites. Technologies of the present day informational wars were studied and tools of cynical manipulation of public opinion of people in their own countries used to obtain a mass support of any decisions made by their governments were described. The massive information flow is meant to form a smoke-screen, which could hide real goals and intentions of architects of global domination. Deliberately formulated lies aim at discrediting a previously chosen object in eyes of the global public. This object is a nominated institutional enemy. This object forms a barrier due to its natural being and it is absolutely unacceptable for a new idea, i.e. global dominating exalted by British political elite to the strategic imperative of this implicit, pressing demand. Strategic imperative has a direct meaning, it is an official doctrine presented in a solemn, high-society atmosphere by the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Great Britain in the London City. The implicit demand, forming the essence of strategic imperative arose, grew and was promoted by all possible ways. This demand makes today the essence of Anglo-Saxon elites’ interests, the essence of any form of overthrowing the enemy in the process of developing the global systematic social-economic antagonism ‘creditors-debtors’. Today contradiction of interests of social groups forming poles of this antagonism passed over to the stage of global systematic antagonism of our era and has reached its climax. To attain the longed-for goal of strategic imperative for all of us London is going to stick to a new approach in international relations, which will be based on three spheres: military force, economic security and more advanced global alliances. Strategy of British political elite was defined and declared in public. An open, unprecedented by its aims and attracted resources challenge was thrown down to institutional enemies. Russia has accepted the challenge. Today Russia is facing numerous most serious problems that must be settled without any doubts.

The dynamics of the relationship between politics and business ahead of the 15th General Election in Malaysia is very interesting to be analyzed. The fall of Barisan Nasional (BN) in the previous 14th General Election has ended the dominance of the coalition of parties that dominated the accumulation and concentration of wealth at the federal level through the practice of patronage politics in Malaysia since independence. In addition to ending BN's dominance, GE-14 also opened critical awareness among the masses about political funding and the relationship between politics and business, especially following the biggest kleptocracy scandals in history, namely 1MDB and Najib Razak. Through secondary data, this study analyzes the relationship between politics and business through the perspective of the elite who lead the parties in the 15th General Election. The findings of the relationship between the political elite and business are analyzed through the aspects of direct ownership of the political elite in private companies, ownership of the political elite in governmentlinked companies (GLC), ownership of the closest family members of the political elite in private companies and GLCs, as well as ownership of the closest friends of the political elite in private companies and GLC. This study also reflects the implications of the relationship between the political elite and business from the point of view of the equality of political funding which is quite critical for fair political competition in a democratic system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies the behavioral models of parties in democratic change in terms of building coalitions and concluding "pacts" within the framework of their own value system. The party coalitions established as a consequence of Armenia's presidential and legislative elections over the past 20 years are analyzed. Since 2003, and to this day, coalitions in Armenia have assumed only the consolidation of political personalities pursuing power and the formation of coalitions with "minimal gain". The ineffectiveness of the political coalition is due to the formal nature of thematic and doctrinal discussions as a result of the absence of genuine communication between the ruling elite. The method is supported by evidence that the inefficiency of coalitions established in Armenia during the democratic transition period suggests that coalitions are one of the causes of political growth crises only in terms of maintaining their own interest-based system. With this method, the authors demonstrate the persistence of Armenia's political development crises in the context of democracy transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of the transformation of the highest political elite of the Russian Empire after the death of Peter the Great. This is one of the most difficult and dramatic periods in Russian history, called the era of “palace coups”. The main properties of the Russian political elite formed by the reforms of Peter the Great are analyzed, its main features are determined that influenced the nature of the intra-elite struggle and led to the transformation of the highest political elite in Russia. The composition and goals of the main court groups that fought for power under Catherine I, Peter II, Anna Ioannovna are considered in detail. The formation of such bodies as the Supreme Privy Council under Catherine I and the Cabinet of Ministers under Anna Ioannovna and their influence on ensuring the interests and transformation of the highest political elite are analyzed. Attempts to limit royal power by members of the Supreme Privy Council were considered and conclusions were drawn about the reasons for their failure.

The present research is a rereading of the Hagar narrative in view of prejudice in South Africa. Some previous contributions on the Hagar narrative have tended to pursue either exegetical or hermeneutic route. The present research comprises an eight-tier structure. However, the Hagar narrative is explored in lieu of the following two foci. First, a critical exegesis of the Hagar narrative (Genesis 16:1-16) is given. The critical exegesis is a verse-by-verse analysis of the narrative. The analysis seeks to present clarity for the readership where some ambiguity and inconsistency occur in the narrative. For example, the study interrogates the flight of a pregnant Hagar from Sarah in Mamre and travels a journey of approximately 340km to Shur at the border with Egypt. Other misunderstood parts of the text include the enslavement, marriage and mistreatment of Hagar by Abraham and Sarah. Second, a rereading of the Hagar story as a narrative of prejudice in South Africa is explored. It is argued that the attempt is not to regard the narrative as a historical reality and that Hagar will not be discussed as a historical figure. On the contrary, the present study examines the concepts and themes in the Hagar narrative considering the perceived oppression and prejudice devastating post-apartheid South Africa today. The study argues that South Africa has not successfully dismantled apartheid policies by the dawning of majority rule; unemployment, poverty and abortion continue to depict the ‘rainbow nation’ in a bad light. For example, legalization of abortion contradicts the African Ubuntu philosophy. Hence, “…Return to thy mistress and submit thyself under her hands” (Genesis 16:9) suggests a perpetuity of apartheid policies. However, a rereading of the Hebrew phrase translated as “The well of him that lives and sees” (see Genesis 16:14), portrays Hagar envisioning triumph and a dispensation of euphoria beyond her situation of deprivation and prejudice. The study is, therefore, poised towards a feminist discussion of Hagar as an African mother (wife) who was jettisoned to take care of the young children solely and single-handedly. The study utilizes a contextual content analysis as an approach in which secondary data analysis on the Hagar narrative will be explored in light of the biblical text as the primary source. The study revolves around a symbolic interactionism theory.

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The article aims to analyze the political-discursive and ideological action involving the creation of the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) in the city of Cáceres, in the state of Mato Grosso, Brazil. To achieve this goal, the following procedures were adopted: a) Survey of the literature on the subject to build a conceptual and exploratory theoretical framework; b) Documentary analysis; and c) Field work, through which the researched phenomenon was addressed. In addition to observation, photographic records of the study area, interviews with key people and collection of extracts from printed newspapers relating to the period between 1988 and 2018 were carried out at the Municipal Public Archive of Cáceres, Mato Grosso. It was observed that there are political-discursive and ideological disagreements regarding the different political articulations of the state and its main local agents throughout the process of implementing the EPZ in Cáceres. In this political-discursive and ideological game, the political use of the media, particularly printed newspapers, became clear. It was found that segments of the regional and local political elite in Caceres, relying on certain scenarios, employed broad discursive strategies. In this way, they acted by aligning the discourse with developmentalist ideological interests, understanding the EPZ as the only effective instrument of industrial economic policy to promote local/regional development. Despite such assessment by the regional political and economic elite, the concrete fact is that the implementation of the EPZ did not take place and is still surrounded by many uncertainties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African states have undergone dynamic political processes ever since their struggle for independence. Students have played an important role in political developments and triggered processes of democratisation. In the course of recent waves of protests and political activism, however, students took a more ambivalent stance against both the state and the political elite. This report is based in parts on field research. It discusses the relation between student activism and the political elite in Kenya. During the overall change in the meaning and function of higher education, universities and student activism have played an important role in political development. This report analyses the education system on the basis of (qualitative) research on education and student activism in Kenya. The paper focuses on the education system as an important factor in the recruitment of political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The coincidence of the first and last name of the two would create the impression that they are father and son. All the more so as both will pursue legal studies, they have professed as lawyers and, with a doctorate in legal sciences, they will impose themselves in the political life of the Romanians in the province, both in Austria-Hungary and in Romania as a whole. Aurel Traian Cosma (1867-1931), lawyer and politician, actively involved in the struggle for the emancipation of Romanians from Banat since his student years in Budapest. As president of the Romanian National Party in Banat, he organizes and coordinates the actions leading to the union of Banat with Romania. He will be the president of the Banat delegation in Alba Iulia and the first Romanian prefect of Timiş-Torontal county. In Greater Romania he was a deputy in several legislatures and Minister of Public Works as a member of the National Liberal Party. Aurel Cosma Junior (1901-1983), with studies in theology and law in Arad and Bucharest, and a doctorate in economic and political sciences in Paris, also attended journalism courses at L'ecole du Journalisme in Rue de la Sorbonne, gets involved in politics since he was young. He was present at the Great National Union in Alba Iulia on December 1, 1918. During the interwar period, he was active in politics at a high level, he was a liberal deputy in three legislatures as a representative of Timiş and Torontal county. He carried out an intense foreign political activity. His political activity intertwined with journalistic and literary ones, publishing a series of historical evocations and literary studies, he collaborated with a number of publications, led and founded literary magazines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Study on political elites in sub-national politics in post-1998 Indonesia did not pay much attention to identify the shifting or continuation of structural change in the post-New Order authoritarianism. From a case study in East Java, this article shows the change and continuation of political elite structure. Democratization does not necessarily produce significant changes that shift the position and privilege of the old political elites. Their organizational power might have declined, but their control over patron-client relationship remains strong. This is also finds that the political changes were, institutionally, not strong enough to cause the significant damage to the patron-client relationship developed during the New Order era. The democratization pressure has only caused the partial diversification of elites’ political affiliation while the inter-intra elite power relations model has not changed much. This explanation provides a new contribution to the understandings on the dynamics and changes in the structure of political elites in sub-national politics in the era of democratization in Indonesia.

Copyright of Strategic Affairs Magazine is the property of Strategic Affairs Magazine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scholarly debates on civil–military relations often focus on how the military impacts society. Adding to the vast literature of civil–military relations, this article examines how socio-cultural practices and societal developments in the host society affect the military. Based on long-term ethnographic engagement with the Ghana Armed Forces, the piece presents empirical observations of how culturally informed practices, such as begging via proxies (djuan toa), infiltrate the Ghanaian military barracks and affect the institutions' functioning. The article illustrates how two additional elements, skewed recruitment practices and the politicisation of the rank and file, are used as tools by political factions, such as Ghana's two most prominent parties (the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress), seeking to gain control over the Ghanaian military. The article analyses how these approaches contribute to undermining the armed forces' discipline and military professionalism and consequently affect the military institution as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Objectives During the COVID-19 Pandemic, political elites in Iran have tried to use social media to express their views, influence public opinion or criticize the government's performance in managing Covid-19 disease. The aim of this study was to investigate and analyze the tweets related to this Pandemic that were tweeted by Iranian political elites. Material and Methods This qualitative study is conducted based on the method of content analysis. A list of political elites likely to run for presidency in 1400 presidential election was selected by referring to public and specialized political news websites, their Twitter accounts were identified and all their Persian and English tweets about COVID-19 until the end of 2020 were collected and reviewed. Content analysis method was used for analyzing the tweets. Results More than 2,800 tweets from 27 political elites were reviewed. About 18% of the total tweets during this period were related to health and about 84% of the health tweets had COVID-19 content. All tweets related to COVID-19 were categorized under six main themes; notices; policy recommendation; criticism of government performance; situation analysis and future forecasting; warnings and Macroeconomic, social and political issues. Conclusion In recent years, the use of Twitter among Iran's political elites has increased significantly. It seems that the tweets of the political elites can influence the public’s views and behaviors as well as the government performance in a major way, leading the government to be more accountable in responsible management of the COVID-19 pandemic. The health system can also make more use of the social network's capacity to inform programs, attract support and disseminate health and prevention perspectives Extended Abstract Background and Objectives In the field of health care, the views of political elites greatly influence the opinions of citizens and their health-related behaviors. Political leaders can use their influence on public opinion to address public health issues by disseminating evidence-based public health information. Social networks like Twitter play an important role in enabling people to stay in touch even in times of crisis. During the COVID-19 Pandemic, political elites in Iran have tried to use social media to express their views or influence public opinion or criticize the government's performance in managing COVID-19 disease. This study aims to investigate and analyze the Iranian political elites’ tweets related to this pandemic. Material and Methods This qualitative study is conducted based on the method of content analysis. According to public and specialized political news websites, we made a list of political elites who were likely to run for presidency in 1400 presidential election. The research population of this list was finalized, and all members of the research population were surveyed. The Twitter accounts of these people were identified and all the main tweets of these people -both in Persian and English about COVID-19 were collected and reviewed, starting from the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in late 2019 to the end of 2020. The names and positions of individuals, the number of followers, the number of health and COVID-19-related tweets, and finally the content of COVID19-related tweets were collected in tables. Content analysis method was used to theme and analyze tweets. Because all data (tweets) were retrieved from the open-access public domain, no ethical approval was required. Results More than 2,800 tweets from 27 political elites were reviewed. About 18% of all the tweets during this period were related to health and about 84% of the health tweets had COVID-19 content. All tweets related to COVID-19 were categorized under six main themes; Notices; Policy recommendations; Criticism of government performance; Status analysis and future forecasting; Warning; and macroeconomic, social, and political issues. The main topics of information included sub-topics of morbidity and mortality trends, production or purchase of vaccines, planning of national and local actions, status or sacrifice of medical staff, preparation and distribution of masks and other protective equipment, disease status in other countries, job closures, the economic, social and psychological damage caused by the covid-19 outbreak. Policy recommendations also included support for medical staff, prioritization of health to the economy, distribution of protection or vaccination equipment, self-care and attention to health advice, temporary closure of infected cities and areas, development of virtual communications and new business platforms, international cooperation and regional, avoidance of unnecessary travel, cooperation between government agencies, people's livelihood and the improvement of monitoring systems.Criticism of the government's performance, excessive inconsistency in decision-making and information, inadequate distribution of protective equipment, absence of the president in the parliament, hasty and contradictory comments, preference of the economy over public health, internal and inter-sectoral inconsistencies, indecision in decision-making, Lack of use of successful internal and external experiences in dealing with the disease and impossibility of social and physical distance in public places were classified. Situation analysis and forecasting also include the doubling of economic problems along with the COVID-19 outbreak, the lack of impact of restrictions on traffic reduction, resilience to crisis due to previous experiences, and the synergy of military devices and facilities for the present and the future.We also categorized other sub-themes, including aggravation of poverty and economic and social harms, reduction of observance of health protocols, congestion and gatherings, trips and excessive presence of travelers in tourist areas, failure of health system, security, political and religious issues and profiteering and abuses. Finally, the themes of macroeconomic, social, and political issues included themes such as political sanctions, assistance to families affected by the corona, the impact of the corona on sustainable development, and new lifestyles in the corona and post-COVID-19 eras. Conclusion In recent years, the use of Twitter among Iranian political elites has increased significantly. It seems that political elites tweets can have a dramatic effect on the attitudes and behaviors of the people or obliging the government to be more accountable and do better in the management of COVID -19 pandemic. The health system can also make more use of the social network's capacity to inform programs, attract support and disseminate health and prevention perspectives. Practical Implications of Research The present study helps to create a more comprehensive analysis of the views of political elites, and familiarizes us with their thoughts and attitudes on current issues of the health system and even the extent of their attention to health. This study helps health researchers and analysts while designing a reliable source for the analysis of attitude of officials and political elites, we might, in so doing , provide a basis for them on which to design and implement similar studies. This study helps health researchers and analysts to design and implement similar studies while obtaining a reliable source for their analysis of the attitudes of officials and political elites. This research is the first study of its kind in the Iran that can affect future studies in this regard. Ethical Considerations This study was conducted using public data on the Internet and does not require ethical approval due to public and open access to the data used. The names of the people and their tweets are openly available to the public. Conflict of Interest There is no conflict of interest in this study. Aknowledgment None declared.

Early eighteenth century was the age of Peter the Great’s transformations, which affected many spheres of life of Russian society, and, in particular, caused the restructuring of the highest political elite. The reforms were, on the one hand, conditioned by the processes of the late seventeenth century, on the other hand, by the specificity of Peter’s absolutism and the long period of warfare. The article analyses the features of Peter’s reforms of the higher political elite. The background to the reforms has been examined, and Peter the Great’s personnel policy, approaches and principles have been analysed. Particular attention has been paid to institutional change, looking at the mechanisms used by Peter the Great in replacing obsolete institutions with new ones. An analysis of the qualitative composition of the elite made it possible to establish a continuity between the political elite of Peter the Great and the aristocracy of the earlier period, with a change in the principles of interaction. The post-reform Russian state is no longer built on the principles of the “servant state”, but on absolutism with a rationalist approach and the principle of “suitability”.