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The People's Republic of China has been the number one target of antidumping actions filed by the U.S. Commerce Department on behalf of various domestic industries. This paper examines U.S. antidumping (AD) actions against China from 1980 to 2004. Specifically, it addresses both the conditions under which U.S. industries apply for protection from regulatory authorities against China and the likelihood of their obtaining an affirmative ruling from the International Trade Commission. While our statistical analysis of U.S. antidumping actions against China affirms the importance of standard political economy explanations of U.S. antidumping decision-making, it also emphasizes how industries characterized by high levels of intra-industry trade has tended to generate more AD actions against China. In addition, the paper assesses the impact of China's membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) on the pattern of initiation and imposition of AD actions by the United States against that country, postulating that China's WTO membership may not have had the effect of deterring U.S. protectionism via the antidumping instrument as the designation of China as a non-market economy under the WTO has led U.S. AD authorities to apply more stringent criteria in dealing with AD case against that country. This counter-intuitive finding suggests that under certain circumstances, the legal framework of the WTO can facilitate trade protectionism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates crises in which the Chinese government requested an apology from the United States, and the official and popular reactions to these incidents. Two contentious episodes are studied: the 2001 EP-3E airplane collision near Hainan Isl ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-U.S. relationship has evolved considerably since 1949. While the early days were characterized by direct conflict in Korea and Vietnam, China and the United States have avoided hostilities since the Nixon administration initiated normalization negotiations. Deng Xiaoping's Twenty-Eight Character Strategy, which advised that Beijing keep a low profile and avoid the limelight, exemplified the softer approach adopted by Beijing at the beginning of its economic reform. This concept remained a key element of Chinese policy into the 1990s, yet China found itself faced with a potential conflict with the U.S. by the middle of the decade. The purpose of this paper is to explore the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis of 1995-1996 to answer two questions. First, what were the atmospherics and contextual factors that explain how the crisis unfolded? An analysis of this event cannot stop at the surface, but rather it must examine the contributing factors such as domestic politics and the international structure. Second, what are the implications of the crisis on the Sino-U.S. relationship? This confrontation illustrated how easily the U.S. and China can navigate their way into a collision, even over interests that are peripheral to the core security of both states. Since this crisis was the only instance of Sino-U.S. use of force since the normalization of relations, U.S. decision-makers will reference these events and draw conclusions to inform future decisions in dealing with a rising China. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes U.S. policy toward China and Taiwan. I begin with an examination of Cold War foreign policy across the various presidential administrations. I then move to an examination of post-Cold War foreign policy concentrating on the Clinton and Bush presidencies. I focus on comparing various administration approaches to the Taiwan crisis and how and why policies varied within and between administrations. I discuss the numerous international and domestic factors that have contributed to U.S. policy toward Taiwan and China. Throughout, I attempt to capture the competing interests involved and how these actors and events have complicated both foreign policy processes and outcomes. I conclude with a discussion of policy implications for the present and future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "Understanding Prospects for Cooperation and Competition in U.S.-China Relations: A Review Theory and Practice" prepared for the "Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association" held in Honolulu, Hawaii. It examines the volatility of the U.S. foreign relation toward China. It highlights the same assumptions of U.S. presidents Bill Clinton, George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush on the nature of the Sino-American relationship.

China is increasingly becoming a focal point to policymakers and international relations analysts. In answering the challenge of a rising China posed to the United States, realists propound containment approach while liberalists back engagement approach. However, by positioning analysis from a kind of ideal-type thinking, scholars of both schools did not pay enough attention to the exact shape and content of the current Sino-US relations, particularly the increasing transnational interactions across the pacific, as well as their potential influence to the relationship between China and the United States. This paper intends to compensate the above drawback by probing the transnational relations between China and the United States as well as their possible implications to China’s foreign policy, especially China’s foreign policy to the United States, in a comprehensive way. More specifically, two related questions will be addressed in this paper. The first question focuses on the issue of how exactly interdependent the current Sino-U.S relations is. By following Karl Deutsch’s transnational communication thesis as well as Nye and Keohane’s case study of the relationship between the United States and Canada as well as Australia from the prism of complex interdependence ( Nye, Keohane 2000), this paper will look over a wide range of issues between China and the United States, striding from the most noticeable economic exchanges, to tourists across two countries, missionary, students exchanges in both official and unofficial way, as well as military, religious connections in an extensive way. Basically those issues will be examined in a comparative wayâ€"both historically and horizontallyâ€"to contrast the past with the present, to contrast the Sino-U.S. links with the historical Soviet-U.S. connections. By this comparison, we hope to get a relatively clear and comprehensive picture with regard to Sino-U.S. communications and transnational relations.Second, this paper will tackle the problem that to what extent, in which aspect, the increasing interdependence between China and the United States have affected or even changed China’ s policy choice or its approaches to Sino-US relations. Basically, this paper will argue that China’s increasing interdependence with the United States not only leads to the Chinese leaders to redefine China’s national interests, but also leads China to adopt more liberal elements in its foreign policy approach. In addition, China’s growing interconnections with the world also caused the Chinese foreign policy decision making to become more decentralized. All those new elementsâ€"we can further add the factor of the increasingly matured international institutions, might work together to challenge the doomed logic of security dilemma as articulated by realists and consequently lead to China’s peaceful rise. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the past decade, China has been experiencing phenomenal rates of economic growth. Its continuing development, however, is closely tied to its ability to keep its goods competitive in the international market. Thus, China has kept the value of its currency comparatively low by exporting many of its profits to the industrialized world. In particular, China has used some of its excess financial gain to purchase American treasury instruments and other American dollar assets. This has helped to finance the growing American national debt. China is one of the United State?s major creditors. At the same time that China is helping to artificially maintain the American economy, the US is engaging in security policies which seem to cast China as a threat to American hegemonic power. Considerable time and energy has been spent in the US in evaluating China as a potential threat, and a great deal has been written on how and when the US should respond to this perceived threat. The paradoxical relationship between the US and China is the subject of this paper. In particular, the paper evaluates the mutually-reinforcing economic relationship of the two countries and attempts to evaluate how this affects the evolving security relationship. Theoretically, the paper compares realist and liberal approaches to these questions with more complex constructivist arguments. The paper argues that the US perception of itself as the premiere world power is coming into conflict with the China?s perception of itself as a relatively weak country that is only now starting to attain the level of global prominence that it deserves. These self-identities strongly influence the operation of economic and security factors when the two states assess how to deal with each other. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations are often believed to be saturated with various combinations of danger and opportunity. This, for many American neoconservatives, will be particularly manifested in the next decade or so, a period which presents a window of opportunity for the United States to cement, once and for all, its global strategic supremacy, before a rising China is able to mount challenge. Underlying this double sense of danger and opportunity is their perception of a rapidly developing threat from an undemocratic China. Unlike conventional realists, who see China as a long-term military threat susceptible to calculated containment, neoconservatives are convinced that the China menace is compounded by its authoritarian regime, an ultimate obstacle to their grand vision of a new American century. Consequently, in line with their sense of urgency, neoconservatives suggest an aggressive policy triad of confronting China by supporting democracy on Taiwan, strengthening alliances, and beefing up America's military power. This paper argues that despite, and perhaps because of, the setbacks of the neoconservative experiment in Iraq, there is every possibility that their fixation on China will gather further momentum. And in light of its practical consequences in the Middle East, the paper argues that the neoconservative China strategy would have serious implications for U.S.-China relations. Based on the recipe of military strength and moral clarity, this neoconservative policy would launch U.S.-China relations onto a dangerous path to confrontation which neither side could afford. If anything, it would squander a rare window of opportunity for the two countries to cooperate for peace and stability in East Asia and beyond. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The People’s Republic of China traditionally relied on a purely retaliatory deterrence strategy backed by relatively modest nuclear capabilities, but recent developments appear to indicate that Beijing is no longer content with its longstanding minimalist ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite much public discussion about its inevitability, we do not know whether or when there might be a transition from a U.S.-centric world system to a Chinese-centric world system. Should one take place sometime in the 21st century, we also do not know ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the relationship between the changing political economy of labor in China and its potential influence over the US market economy through the production and financial connections between the two jurisdictions across the Pacific. At the macro level from the aspect of international political economy, it is argued that globalization has aroused further social changes in China by encouraging internal labor migration, foreign investment and the rule of law, while retrenchment of the party-state faces development from the entrenchment of a globalized civil society movement, along with the internationalized corporate governance and its production structure, which introduces international social and production norms to China, while also delivering the Chinese labor reality to the external world. Meantime, at the enterprise level, widely ignorance of the Chinese labor law and the coalition between the capital and local governments sustain the labor rights violation activities, ranging from employment discrimination against labor migrants, gender inequity at workplace, to deliberate neglects on occupational safety and health. Bad labor treatments partly sponsor the cost subsidies on the global production chain and keep the US inflation at a low level. However, the evolution of the rule of law in China bears the potential to raise the rights consciousness among workers and initiate more industrial actions against the employers. Moreover, joint efforts from the Sino-US civil society and legal practitioners tend to bring the information of law and rights violation in China to the US through shareholder litigation, which targets at MNCs by working with union-controlled pension funds, the media and other stakeholders, so that the US shareholders and consumer movement can realize the labor practices of MNCs and their subcontractors in China and add downward pressure to the stock prices of the listed companies in the US. Therefore, a positive linkage among labor rights in China, union practices and the financial market performance of the MNCs is about to be established, and it can not only influence bad labor treatments under the global production chain, but also contain the power of a decentralized Chinese predatory state over its working population by holding the state behaviors responsible economically, through international financial and product markets. As globalization creates new channels of exploitation, it also offers innovative leverage power over such practices. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In my paper, I will examine the strategic logic of U.S. China policy and evaluate its feasibility. U.S. governments and the advocates of engagement policy have argued that the economic and institutional integration of China into international community an ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does the history of U.S.-China foreign policy making tell us about the future relationship between the most powerful country and the largest and fastest growing developing country? Does bilateral reciprocity promote cooperation? Is there any adaptive pattern in the foreign policy making between the two countries? This paper aims at answering these questions using machine-coded monthly events data and VAR time series analysis for the period between 1990 and 2005. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper scrutinizes the current and future state of Sino-American relations. The positive and negative factors that characterizes Chinese-U.S. relations are closely interwoven and often run into one another. On the negative end is the battle currently underway between the two powers for "hegemonic status" in the Asian Pacific. On a more positive note is the building of greater economic (and mutually beneficial) partnership between Washington and Beijing. Perhaps most importantly, Washington and Beijing have several vital common interests, notably in the war against terrorism and the desire for strategic stability in the Pacific, South Asia, Middle East and Eurasia. Key concepts and issues discussed/examined include: emerging superpower, security threats, Taiwan, North Korea, "harmonious world," Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO), and Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers recent crises in which China has requested an apology from the United States, and the short- and long-term impact on international peace and stability of such discussions. Two contentious episodes are investigated: the 2001 EP-3E airplane collision near Hainan Island, and the 1999 NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Most experts interpreted these incidents as indicating the on-going problem of Taiwan in the resolution of disputes between the US and China. Upon closer inspection, however, indications are that traumatic historical memories fueled the crises and prevented early resolution given the virulence of American and Chinese nationalist reaction to these episodes. In addition, these events provide a way to evaluate apology as a potential conflict resolution mechanism, indicating that gendered notions of honor and prestige often serve as stumbling blocks to the constructive resolution of conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China?s impressive economic growth has led to a surge in energy consumption, increasing Chinese dependence on foreign energy resources. US policy analysts disagree over whether China?s increasing dependence on international energy markets conflicts with US energy security interests. Thus far, these debates are occurring within the policy sphere and are not theoretically informed; this paper will improve on those debates by analyzing the energy issue against the backdrop of international relations theory. We argue that the security dilemma best models the emerging energy situation ? although both China and the United States are defensive status quo actors, uncertainty over one another?s intentions may lead to unwanted conflict. Recognizing the presence of security dilemma dynamics is critical for correctly determining which policy actions are most likely to lead to a cooperative outcome. The US must recognize that China is a status quo actor and follow a strategy of reassurance. If the US mistakenly treats China as a revisionist actor in the energy sphere, this may verify Chinese fears of US intentions and trigger avoidable spirals of Sino-US conflict. Maintaining US-China cooperation in the energy sphere is crucial because both the US and China view energy policy as an issue of national security. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. policy of encouraging China to become a “responsible stakeholder” is the newest manifestation of a policy that seeks to persuade China not only to participate in international affairs, but to share the burden of maintaining the existing internati ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most scholars acknowledge the pacifying effects of established nuclear arsenals on great power relations. But how robust must a country’s arsenal be for deterrence and the “nuclear peace” to hold? When it comes to nuclear arsenals, “How much is enough? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores what happens to politics and foreign policy when historical hatred, past humiliation, and feelings of national insecurity come to the center of political discourse. In particular, it examines how the Chinese people's collective historical consciousness about the country's traumatic national experience, combined with the state's political use of the past, have become powerful forces in the way China conceptualizes, manages, and resolves the Sino-U.S. crisis over the NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade on May 8, 1999. The place of history and memory in the conduct and understanding of foreign policymaking remains a much under-studied field. This research contributes a detailed case study exploring how history and memory manifest themselves in a group of people's approaches to external conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter contributes an elaborated structural realist analysis of the relationship between the U.S. and China, which encompasses the issues of off-shore-balancing and US expansion. Merging policy and theoretical analysis, it explores the different policy implications of competing theoretical approaches and argues that, while there is still a great deal of utility in structural realism, structural realism and neoclassical realism can more usefully be combined to explain US grand strategy - including US policy with respect to China's rise. It is also shown that Mearsheimer’s and other more extreme versions of offensive realism are a dubious foundation for a "theory of US grand strategy." ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2004, China has declared frequently that it supports multilateralism and emphasized that the UN is the best venue to practice multilateralism. It seems that multilateralism has become a dominant disposition of Chinese foreign policy. However, can it be truly considered as a paradigm shift of Chinese foreign policy or is it just one of China?s tactics to counter U.S. unilateralism?The main structure of this article will contain four sections:First, what does multilateralism mean? This article will sort out the definitions of multilateralism in IR theory and its evolutions in world politics.Second, is multilateralism related to traditional Chinese foreign policy thinking, and what are China?s views of multilateralism? This article will analyze Chinese strategic thinking of multilateralism, both in academic discussions and official statements and behaviors.Third, are there any differences between ?words? and ?actions? in Chinese policies toward the UN? In the article, the author will choose three parts in China?s UN policies as case studies: its policy toward UN reform, Darfur crisis and its voting behaviors in the first committee in General Assembly. Fourth, can such development be said as long-term changes in behavioral norms or is it just a tactical learning (as Alastair Iain Johnston terms it, ?adaptation versus learning?)? After reviewing these three cases, the author will try to answer the question mentioned above: paradigm shift or tactics considerations. This will also be the conclusion of the article. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study will outline a new methodology employed by the author and present very briefly the result of three case studies based on three key events in Sino-American relations between 1989 and the present: the Tiananmen incident of June 4, 1989; the Taiwan Strait crisis of 1995-96; and the Kosovo intervention and American bombing of China?s embassy in Belgrade in the spring of 1999. Functioning primarily at the second/unit level of analysis, and focusing on elite decision makers, the study utilizes a tripartite methodology based in scientific realism and constructivism, and consisting of an analysis of Chinese and American official statements, secondary literature in both countries, and the results of interviews of 28 Chinese and 30 American experts on China, the United States and/or Sino-American relations in 2002. It concludes that ideational and social (non-material) factors and interests drove policy more than material factors and interests in the three cases. More specifically, as it concerns the reasons decision makers in both capitols chose the policies they did in the period under study, rather than security interests, balancing behavior or economic interests, the study found the following more salient: non-material issues like values, ideology, perceptions, mutual images, and social interaction; as well as domestic political factors and interests. This leads to the conclusion that material-driven Realisms are not very revealing as it regards the three cases under study here, ?majoring in? things material as they do, often without enough emphasis on domestic politics and non-material matters. More promising is the constructivist derived approach/method outlined here, which gives full play to the vast array of interests and factors that shape foreign policy decision making, be they ideational, social, domestic political, or material. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world in which the United States holds a preponderance of power, how does China design a grand strategy to advance its security interests? In this article, I make two sets of argument. First, I argue that the logic of balancing still holds in international politics. Critics of balance of power theory have missed the other piece of the puzzle—internal balancing. Although states have not resorted to external balancing by forming a counterbalancing alliance, they can still undertake internal efforts to mitigate the power gap with the dominant state. Second, to balance American power, China is pursuing a grand strategy that combines elements of internal balancing and external “soft balancing.” The strategy of internal balancing aims to increase China’s relative power through economic development and military modernization with an emphasis on asymmetric warfare, whereas the strategy of external soft balancing is designed to limit or frustrate U.S. policy initiatives deemed detrimental to Chinese interests through diplomatic efforts in multilateral institutions and bilateral partnerships. The logic of such a grand strategy is to maintain a stable external environment for China to concentrate on economic growth and accumulate relative power, without provoking a vigorous U.S. response. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]