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Two distinct but related themes pervade discussions on globalization, and the restructuring of the State. There is on the one hand the nationalist anxiety about the erosion of the national space to pursue social policies. On the other hand there is the cosmopolitan excitement about new governance, soft regulation and the promise of democratic experimentalism. This paper attempts to rationally vindicate nationalist anxiety through a concrete, historical/structural analysis of the transformations in the post-colonial State and its sovereign power.I focus on role of the state in the development process. I will make three arguments. First, nationalist anxiety fails to capture the specificities of the post-colonial development state. Second, the experience of states to go beyond "chastened neo-liberalism" no longer fits any one development model. Ruling elites and policy makers eclectically combine elements from competing development models. Their eclecticism is the effect of disenchantment with the policy determinism within the different development models. Third, in this disenchanted, post-development policy landscape, critical evaluation of the real effects of development policies, and the relative success and failure of any particular country's experience, can be best conducted holistically focusing on how these policies work with and against each other. This can be best done from the perspective of the state and its normative order as a whole.I will develop these arguments by exploring, in the context of Egypt, the structural relations linking regulation of foreign investment, "Export Processing Zones," transformations in state bureaucracy, informality, and the state of emergency. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the spreading of legal rules through international agreements on environment subjects as instrument of globalization. The ecosystems of natural environment, in nationals territories and international areas, depends on each other. This phenomenon turn them natural subject of international agreements, wich are intregrated to the nacional law systems, giving them greater similarity. A true globalization of legal rules. Sometimes the interests of hemisphere north developed contries are in collision with the hemisphere south countries interests wich owns the major part of biodiversity of Earth and great part of its natural resources. Its important, in this way, that hemisphere south not developed coutries organize themselves together to a fairy negociation in the international system of coutries. In another side the globalization of legal rules can results in a greater environmental conservation of whole planet, what is a common interest of all coutries sociaties and its populations, doesn't matter wich hemisphere, north or south, these societies belongs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The globalization, the "digital revolution" and the wide spread growth of the internet (cyberspace) are extremely modifying the way of world-wide social interactions and communications. As from a special sociological point of view societies are basically constructed by communications (Luhmann), we have been experiencing in the last two decades the genesis of a new global cyber-society. In this respect there is a growing demand for "transnational rules", which will adjust and regulate the interactions and the phenomena of delinquency and crime in cyberspace. These rules may come into conflict with existing cultural values and criminal norms in different countries and societies.In this regard there is a need first of all for substantial empirical and transcultural comparative research. The cyber-society needs more relevant socio-legal studies. The internet can be used as a subject matter as well as a methodical basis of this new kind of sociological research.By using the example of special issues in the context of constructing and defining global cybercrimes this paper will make a contribution to the necessary scientific socio-legal discussions, which have to be transnational as well as interdisciplinary. It is intended to present new empirical data from the author-s own and actual online-survey conducted among a representative population of more than 2000 internet-users in Germany compared with assimilable data from the US and Australia. The presentation of these results may encourage other interested socio-legal researchers in other countries to start a reproductive and forward-looking collaboration to analyze global aspects of cyber-crime via cyberspace. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization is a transformation within municipal legal spaces without a universal jurisdiction or a legitimate subject. Legal change and the generation of new legal rules is one of the substantive components of the intended or unintended outcomes of the social change in the developing societies. Acting within a rule-based foreign aid system, the international financial institutions (IFI) and multilateral donors promote two broad legal types of regime ordering: (1) diffusion and (2) harmonization. The multilateral donors intentionally diffuse rules to the national legal systems by generating new rules, mutate existing, or transplant metropolitan ones. The donors also harmonize legal rules between the international actors (sovereign states, international organizations and partial juridical personalities). Such rules lack many of the features of the locally generated legal rules (clear constitutional justification, legitimacy and adjudication mechanism), and therefore exists as soft, or 'quasi-legal' rules. Regardless of the sources, their policy character, the jurisdictional limitations and the legitimacy deficits, these rules are not less formal or less coercive than the rules which have a recognized pattern of emergence through the municipal legal systems. The paper will examine the practice of the World Bank within the foreign aid system about such rules and take a closer look at several country examples about the contents of such rules. This paper will attempt to inquire into the extent to which an international developing agency, such as the World Bank, can play the role of a 'global' jurist (subject) for creating quasi-legal rules, and how such rules 'behave' when governments and civic actors transmit and adopt them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1990s, an increasing use of the term 'global civil society' can be found in the writings of scholars who study the pluralization of global governance. Many of them agree that a realm of collective life is emerging at the global level, inhabited mainly by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). These new actors interact with each other, with states, and with international organizations, and successfully use different tactics to promote their agendas. Three key questions are relevant to the discussion: Who is included in what has come to known as 'global civil society'? What roles should global civil society play in global governance? Why should global civil society be involved in what has been thus far the domain of sovereign states alone? While most of the scholarly interest has focused on the last of the three questions, I take a different approach and begin by addressing the definitional query. The paper traces the origins of the term 'civil society' as it emerged in territorially defined societies and as it is theorized by political thinkers. This is not a mere terminological investigation, of course: Exploring the meaning of the term in its original context involves a discussion of all three questions listed above: What is 'civil society'? Who are its members? How is their role conceptualized in political theory and what is the nature of their relationship with the political authority? Why is their involvement in social and/or political life considered valuable for social ordering? After clarifying the elements of the original definition, the paper evaluates the prospects of 'globalizing' civil society, by comparing the components of the theorized 'civil society' in domestic settings to the global conditions and realities. The paper will aim to show that while many of the insights provided by the domestic debate around the of notion 'civil society' can prove useful in re-conceptualizing the international system, one has to be mindful of the risks of drawing mistaken analogies between fundamentally distinct systems of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With globalization, the nation-state's traditional role as the primary creator of international norms has been threatened. Nontraditional, nonstate actors now compete in global governance. As a response - or perhaps spurred on by these changes - in recent years nation-states have attempted to regain a modicum of control lost to globalization through expanded domestic regulatory policy. Increasingly, domestic regulation has a transnational component as nation-states attempt to govern through extraterritorial laws. Nonstate actors have also sought to harness the power of extraterritorial domestic regulation to exert their influence and advance certain transnational goals. This paper examines the increasing role of domestic regulation in global governance, with a particular focus on environmental and trade law. Conventional wisdom generally is supportive of using domestic regulation, applied extraterritorially, to vindicate environmental protection and labor rights on a global level. This paper sounds a more cautionary note. It laments the willingness, in some areas, to replace international institutions with domestic ones. It suggests that scholars should be concerned with the extent that domestic regulatory policy has impacted, and at times, undermines international institutions and law. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international has become an intrinsic part of domestic governance. As globalization increases, regulatory paradigms that have traditionally been considered within the realm of domestic public law no longer can exist isolated from global factors. This paper will explore the interplay between international institutions such as the WTO and domestic administrative agencies that set rules and regulations. This interplay will play an essential role in areas such as energy and the environment. In this context, the law-making authority of the "nation-state" as the sole creator of norms is put into question as the influence of transnational players in the public and private spheres increases in importance. Specifically, the paper will discuss distinguish between the regulatory model of norm-setting institutions and a dialogical approach in which norms develop over time through bargaining processes occurring domestically and transnationally. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of globalization has raised the specter of a race to the bottom in environmental, labor, and human rights standards, while others contend a race to the top is the more likely outcome. This ongoing debate tends to overlook another possible relevant externality, which cuts across environmental, labor and human rights issues. In particular, this paper looks at resource curses and the environmental issues raised not by scarcity but by abundance. This paper focuses on the role of globalized markets in precipitating and prolonging internal conflicts and the role of new institutions to address these emerging resource induced conflicts. The presence of a subset of resource curses have led scholars, states, corporations, trade associations, and NGOs to call for the regulation of international markets. This article looks at one such intervention, the Kimberley Process, a commodity tracking regime undertaken to dampen diamond influenced conflicts. In particular, this paper looks at the ways in which environmental regimes have influenced the Kimberley Process and explores the complex networks between transnational non governmental organizations, international corporations and states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I take up (some) feminists' invitation to theorize the "more responsive state" as a possible mechanism for addressing some of the structural causes of economic and other disparities. Three premises upon which my theoretical account rests are: (1) because of the profound effects of state institutions on the kinds of people we are and lives we lead, the basic structure of society must be "the primary subject of justice"; (2) location matters - historically, culturally, geographically, socially; the focus of my inquiry is North America; and (3) the socio-political developments following from the complex range of policies and processes we call 'globalization' require that we do something more than simply theorize the role of the state; these developments require theoretical engagement with the form, nature and location of the state itself. While the creative and normative dimensions of choices made around state identity have been acknowledged and canvassed in a wide variety of contexts (especially in Europe and especially in disciplines outside law), feminist legal theorists in the United States rarely challenge the legitimacy of the Westphalian state system per se. Organizing theories of the state around this system is complicated by forces pushing in the direction of deepening continental integration in North America. Typical feminist responses to integration are grounded in assertions of sovereignty; that is, resistance is described in terms of anti-integration/anti-globalization discourse. In this paper, I argue that integration is both a threat and a promise, potentially and simultaneously a location of dominance and resistance. There is nothing about integration qua integration that portends the institutionalization of a particular set of values, nor closes the transformative process to particular institutional actors. In these circumstances, there is a pressing need for deeper and more nuanced inquiries by feminist and other critical legal scholars of the meaning of, and potential for, North American integration to achieve the substantive equality envisioned by feminists and other activists. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Borrowing from an institutional perspective, the paper suggest that Chilean labor law administration has retained a socialist-inspired, French system, albeit titanic challenges stemming from its right wing dictatorship past, constitutional protections of private property rights, neoliberalism and U.S. influence because: (1) the model's was based on a widely diffused system of labor law administration common to Franco-Hispanic, civil law countries; (2) Chile has maintained a legal profession trained in the Franco-Hispanic, civil law traditions; (3) the country has retained a strong and dominant socialist left associated with Franco-Hispanic systems of labor regulation; and (4) U.S. hegemony has been in decline notwithstanding the fall of the Berlin Wall. The paper concludes by stating that "globalization" does not necessarily imply homogeneity, even in such critical areas as labor regulation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the new wave of labor agents spawned in the U.S. by high levels of immigration and the growth of the informal sector. These developments have depended on state policies supportive of the spread of unregulated labor markets. This paper focuses attention on the example of labor in the Gulf region after Hurricane Katrina, carried out under federal contracts. It seeks explanations of the peculiar relation of the neoliberal globalizing state to labor law and regulations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to demonstrate that the modern notion of politics has been developed in a determined space, the nation-state, which engenders wider political participation and the achievement and defense of rights. Economic globalization has produced the growth of global commerce, turning transnational companies into powerful antagonists facing the power of the State by implementing a new international division of work that spreads production to several countries. Neoliberalism, as the globalization operator, conceives a miniaturization of the State, preconizing the reduction of its role in favor of the market producing a gradual erosion of sovereignty, the obsolescence of national boundaries, and, retraction of the public sphere in favor of the market and the loss of the citizen's political rights. This paper proposes the following thesis: the notion of politics loses its reference of manifestation in a territory-defined political space by transcending the boundaries of the nation-state, for instance, in globalization; and, it can be deduced that a considerable decrease in political participation happened, thus, occasioning a loss in the political stage of a privileged locus to conquer, defend and exercise the rights that progressively fade. This new scenario has generated negative consequences in both the political and legal environment, such as the loss of political power of the State, implying the separation of the citizens from the deciding center, the weakness of the local power, the political apathy, the emptiness of the political debate, and, social exclusion, negatively compromising the political-legal levels of participation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty law scholars have reconceptualized lawyers as collaborators with community, political agents, and rebels. More recently, taking into account the decentralizing effects of neo-liberal globalization, scholars have identified opportunities for the empowerment of marginalized populations through legal strategies such as "participatory privatization" and "constrained legalism." It is suggested that lawyers structure new public-private regulatory systems that foster popular participation. Case studies demonstrate that lawyers strengthen progressive political formations through campaign-based litigation and transactional strategies. Theorists of counter-hegemonic globalization describe the uses of law by localized social movements that are nodes in transnational networks of progressive political activism. Each wave in the poverty lawyering literature, particularly the latest narratives of political empowerment in an era of decentralized public and private power, relies on the mobilization potential of poor people allied with organizers and lawyers. However, public and private entities use law to exert social control over poor people and stem progressive political mobilization. Immigration status, non-participation in the workforce, and criminality are used as vectors of social control in bureaucratic legal systems. Race underlies constructions of illegal status, non-participation, and criminality. This paper will analyze how these forms of social control operate in a few key areas. It will identify legal/political strategies for progressive social change that take account of or are centered on attacking the social control of poor people through law. This paper will draw upon examples in the areas of welfare, immigration, and criminal justice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2006, more than 39 million United States citizens traveled to foreign countries aboard commercial air carriers. Was this their right or merely an activity permitted by their government? What statutory and constitutional restrictions should limit the ability of Americans to leave and return home? How have legal conceptions of a "right to international travel" changed over time, particularly during periods of heightened threats - real and imagined - to national security? The countervailing, twin forces of economic globalization and international terrorism render answers to these questions both more difficult and more urgent. Most American citizens imagine their right to engage in international travel - a right proclaimed by numerous international treaties - to be much more secure than it really is. This paper explores these questions through the harrowing case of two American citizens denied their "right" to return home from travel abroad because of government suspicion of terrorist entanglements. After a detailed examination of the constitutional arguments that have led the Supreme Court to grant only limited procedural protections to the right to international travel as an "aspect of liberty," the paper presents the argument for heightened judicial protection of the right to enter and leave the country as a fundamental right of United States citizenship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the persistence of national models of administrative law in the face of globalization. The law by which private parties are empowered to take part in public policymaking is examined in two paradigmatic administrative law systems-the United States and France. In both places, private parties are given ample legal opportunities to influence rulemaking by administrative agencies and direct enforcement of regulatory statutes by courts. In both places, private associations substitute for public administration in setting product standards, governing the professions, and performing a number of other regulatory functions. Yet such private participation takes on radically different forms depending on whether French or American law governs: In the United States, the law permits multiple, particular interests to compete for influence over bureaucrats and courts. In France, only private associations believed to represent the general interest or believed to represent the social and economic interests at stake in any given social problem are allowed to participate. This difference is explained as a result of different political cultures: pluralist democracy versus republican democracy with a later overlay of solidarist syndicalism. The paper concludes by considering the extent to which these differences can be expected to persist in the face of Europeanization and globalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As much as people idealize the notion of the public square-- the public sphere articulated by Jurgen Habermas-- access to public sphere is controlled by the state. Participatory democracy is messy. This messiness is an anathema to the state since the purpose of governmental states is to efficiently control its sovereign public. Habermas also articulated the problematic relationship of the universal principles of citizenship to the particular claims of specific political communities (1992). It is this public that this paper addresses--the multiethnic body of people that comprise political communities (the states) and how to, in this post-modern age, balance the specific claims of states on citizenship. As Bhiku Parekh (1999) puts it: the role of the modern state is to reconcile the demands of (national) unity and diversity.This paper look at the idealized concepts of citizenship as articulated by equality and participation in the modern state as it shows that the state controls, via public policy and law, access to full citizenship. The result is that "citizenship" is in crisis. This is evident with the uprisings in the banlieus of Paris, the murder of van Gogh in the Netherlands, the war on terror, the debate on same sex marriage, the on-going Palestinian and Israeli conflict, not to mention the affects of globalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are the forces of globalization transforming the environmental impacts of consumption? What are the characteristics of the resulting patterns of consumption? This paper will examine how, why, and to what extent global consumption patterns are becoming more or less sustainable under the pressures of globalization. The paper will develop its argument drawing in particular on two studies of changing patterns of consumption. The first one will focus on analyzing the influence of transnational activists on international trade rules. The second will focus on the impact of national legal regulations and technological advances in the North on consumption patterns in the South. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins from the assertion that migration law is a key site for observing globalization effects because of the traditional relationship of migration law and nation. Contemporary migration laws reveal a transformed sovereignty where control over the movement of people is central. This picture of sovereignty predicts increasing convergence of these laws. But sovereignty also has an intricate relationship with law. The second half of the paper considers how the rule of law is transformed by the contemporary shift to the global scale, and the potential for law to resist state actions in the crackdown on illegal migration. This analysis suggests we are on the cusp of a paradigm shift in theorizing the rule of law. That is, the historical intertwining of law and nation is beginning to fray. This accounts for the trends we can see in refugee law, citizenship law, legal responses to trafficking and the security panic in migration law. The conclusion to be drawn from this insight is that nations are challenged in a more fundamental way than many analyses of globalization suggest, and that this challenge unleashes myriad possibilities for law. One of these is a profound reformulation of migration law. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss some of the theoretical reasons why religion has largely been absent in analyses of the role of law in a globalising world, and more specifically of the expansion of mechanisms of dispute management under processes of globalisation. The paper will discuss some of the contradictions and paradoxes that emerge out of different perspectives on globalisation. A number of theoretical strands will be discussed in conjunction: debates about alternative dispute resolution, debates about the increasing importance of religion, and the debate about increasing juridification. It will be argued that the reluctance to take religion into account and a general tendency to see religion primarily as a source of conflict has led to a skewed view on developments in dispute management and juridification. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is focused on the judicial reform in post-communist Romania. By adressing the general question of how a candidate country complies with the requirements of the EU enlargement, the article argues that the role of civil society organisations cannot be neglected. More precisely, my assumption is that the relationship established between state institutions and civil society organisations, analysed in terms of policy networs formation, describes and explains the Romanian process of adaptaion to the conditions of enlargement in the field of the judicial reform. Theoretically, the paper aims to intersect the usages of the concept of Europeanization and policy network formation. Empirically, qualitative interviews are used in order to consider the role of these civil society organisations in the elaboration of the laws on the independence of the judiciary. A particular attention will be paid to the role of the Romanian Association of Magistrates. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The globalization and internationalization of mafia-style organized crime represents a key point for scholars and experts in organized crime. The increase of relations between criminal organizations and terrorist international network, the growth and rise of markets, the simplification of transactions, the opportunity to hide money and financial movements in the international area characterize actual criminal scenario. This paper tries to analyse the effects of globalization on mafia criminal activities and their possible connections with international terrorism. An objective of the present work is to pick out new social actors and technological instruments of transnational and national criminal organizations, new border lines between lawful and unlawful conducts and to describe the shifty "grey area" that links markets and interests apart in the past. The aims of this paper are to explore effects of globalization on criminal organization at the local and international level, to identify if and how tradition is combined with innovation in more structured and traditional criminal organizations, and to investigate the effects of the new legislation against transnational crime on the strategy and structure of mafia organizations. At last, this research also reviews possible tools those scholars and justice operators could use to understand and to decode a phenomenon that appears more evasive and invasive than in the past. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of legal pluralism might be used to characterize every society. Notwithstanding, legal pluralism can assume many different forms. In Mozambique we find a large number of instances solving local disputes according their own legal orders. These instances interact with each other and even with the judicial courts raising complex networks of litigation. This paper aim is to discuss the contribution of these networks of conflict resolution to the acess to justice.If the way these instances work might be more apropriated to some kind of contexts and cultures and serve as a reference to the criation of democratic models of justice around the world, they are not free of criticisms. If they can be seen as ways of resistance to the neoliberal globalization, they are on the other hand accused of reproducing patriarchal models and the subalternity of women. African customary law and legal pluralism are also seen by some authors as a ficction invented and imposed by the colonial indirect rule.In this paper I analyze and discuss these questions on the light of an empirical research conducted in three Mozambican provinces (Maputo, Manica and Nampula) between 2003 and 2005. This field work was part of a research project on the admnistration of justice in Mozambique in which I participated as parte of a team composed by researchers of the Centre for Juridical and Judiciary Training (Mozambique) and the Centre of Social Studies of the University of Coimbra. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will explore the cultural colonialization of Ireland from the onset of the 16th century Tudor conquest until the rapid demise of the Irish language in the late nineteenth century as a manifestation of a consistent, underlying pattern of hegemonic practice that assumed the superiority of British values, culture and language while asserting the power to project them through various means including physical, political, cultural and economic subjugation. It will contend that this antagonistic British policy towards the Irish language has continued unabated until the present, merely becoming more veiled and sophisticated in conjunction with the political expediencies of the particular era. I aim to frame this analysis into a wider understanding of cultural shift in colonial contexts and how this corresponds directly with the modern context of Globalisation. Concomitantly, it will argue that colonial conquest, imperialism and globalisation have established a hierarchy of the most powerful languages, which echo the world's power relations and thus, arguably aim to deliberately accelerate the extinction of 'weaker' minority language varieties through stigmatising and marginalizing them via the unequal exercise of social, economic and political power.In the Irish context, the consequences of colonisation will be seen to have inspired and shaped an ideology of decolonialisation and resistance which has been a central motivating factor in the contemporary Irish language revival movement. The paper will sum up by examining the Irish language community's current struggle for language rights, within a broader human rights framework, that has the potential to challenge the Global linguistic hegemony. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on time series data of the International Social Justice Project 1991, 1996, 2000, and 2006 the paper reports on the changes of justice beliefs in Germany after reunifi-cation. The perceived justice of the economic system is of special interest, not only in East Germany where the communist rule was transformed into market economy, but also in the West where globalization has set off dramatic changes in the distribution of labor and wealth. Whereas the different attitudinal reactions to these changes are documented in the paper, particular attention is given to explanations. Why is there diminishing support for the economic system in both parts of the country, in the West more so than in the East? In the paper, three sets of possible explanations are dis-cussed and tested empirically: cultural differences in terms of different justice ideolo-gies in East and West, structural path-dependencies, and individual characteristics of respondents (e.g. differential social mobility patterns). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract:This paper is organized in two interconnected parts. First, the theoretical approach on the concept of Implementability including the variables which are considered its supportive structure, are outlined. Specifically, it is suggested that the variables: political governmental will, cost-efficient resources, and legislative domestic incorporation of the International Human Rights Law; known as the variables part of the process of Implementability will, if developed integrally, offer better opportunities to realize human rights. Second, the contemporary problem of the wounding effects of the economic globalization on the social level of the majority of the peoples of the world could be gradually or rapidly overcame by reaching the Social Globalization This Concept will be developed as well. Finally, the objective of this paper is to create and trigger the debate on the difficulties faced by the United Nations strategies and policies in accomplishing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights standards through a unique global Plan of work towards the MDG's fulfilment.Keywords: United Nations; Implementability; International Human rights Law; Social Globalization; MDG's ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In our complex world of cultural differences, conflicts, competition and seemingly relentless globalization, the idea of granting human rights the role of "law of laws" is growing. But, speaking about human rights, one has to take account of local domestic condiction in the implementing of international conventions. Thus, the need of harmonization between different legal order, mainly reshaping constitutional laws and systems, is becoming more and more urgent.Drawing on current literature on the topic, the paper propose a case study collection about the way the key concept of human dignity is deployed in some European and non-European constitutions, and examine human rights as a practice, a discourse and a form of global law. The goal of the paper is also to rise attention on what anthropological encounters with human rights can contribute to the development of our ability to "mobilize the horizon of our world-view, to achieve plausible and socially adequate workable legal solution. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

WORKING GROUP ON LAW AND MIGRATIONInternational Conference.Law and Society in the 21st Century. Joint Annual Meetings of the Law and Society Association . and Research Committee on Sociology of Law (ISA)At Humboldt University in Berlin, Germany July 25 -28. The Theme of Working Group: Law and International MigrationChair: D sundaram (dsundaram@hotmail.com)Title of the abstract: Globalization, Migration, Law and Multiculturalism: A Socio-legal PerspectiveAuthors with email id: ARVIND KUMAR AGRAWAL (arvind2004@rediffmail.com) Role: Co-ChairIn the era of Globalization, a new philosophy and ethics of economy, polity and culture is emerging. According to a report by UN University of Globalization of Human Rights, globalization moves money, people and ideas around the world with astonishing speed. Migration of workers across the borders of countries is a vital feature of this process of globalization. With migration it is not the people only but their culture also comes with them. Thus a new scenario of multiculturalism is emerging. The 'circumstances of multiculturalism' shall have to face Ghettoization, ethnic consolidation and majority/minority clashes. There shall be raging conflict between 'essentialism' v/s 'universalism'. This paper intends to review briefly major perspectives on multiculturalism, especially, in the wake of Brian Barry's famous work on "Culture and Equality" and subsequent debate on the related aspects of laws on migrants and theory and praxis. The socio-legal perspective of legal construction from the point of view of Constitutionalism, Nation-State and Citizenship through Naturalisation Legislations and how laws in certain instances like France, Germany and Canada have curbed migrants' rights and evolution of a multicultural society would be highlighted in this paper. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the future of communities as sources of identities' construction and identities' generation in state law and local law. Following a critical review of international and transnational trends in law and society, the paper relies on findings about non- ruling communities around the globe and based on theoretical and empirical study embarks on offering a future field of research of communities as alternative sociolegal foci to the concept of the nation-state. The paper argues that based on critical review of nation-states and globalization more focus of research should be given to non-ruling communities [often- minorities] as foci of law-state-society relations and that through analyzing those communites we can move beyond abstract knowledge of 'globalization' or too much emphasize of the nation-state. The paper shows how communities litigate, how they are conducting a legal calculus vis-a-vis the nation-state and international/transnational trends. In addition I show and exhibits the contribution of communities to different types of legal mobilization, hermeneutics, and resistance. The paper concludes with inviting a new research agenda for understanding how the challenges of non- ruling communities to legal ideology can better facilitate civic societies. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a widely publicized human rights legal case filed under the Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA) in U.S. courts, the so-called Unocal-Burma case (Doe v. Unocal). Before the case's recent, out-of-court settlement, it became a lightning rod for debates about corporate accountability, the "rule of law," and human rights politics in an era of globalization. Focusing on this case, the paper examines the ways and conditions under which legality and human rights discourse, articulated with transnational advocacy networks, figure (or do not figure) as resources in counter-hegemonic globalization struggles. It employs qualitative research methods, including interviews with ATCA human rights lawyers and Free Burma movement activists in the San Francisco Bay Area. Engaging scholars such as Michael McCann and Gerald Rosenberg, the paper argues that the Unocal-Burma case and similar legal tactics targeted at corporations have the potential to alter the "political opportunity structure" for corporate accountability activists and (perhaps to a more limited extent) other human rights activists focused on abusive regimes and/or environmental justice. Such corporate ATCA cases appear to affect the political landscape by opening up new, counter-hegemonic avenues for: 1) institutionalizing the principle of "universal jursidiction"; 2) corporate accountability agenda-setting and enforcement; and 3) transnational human rights organizing in the context of globalization (and hence new forms of counter-hegemonic globalization politics). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Not too long ago 'experience' and 'culture' prevailed as the grounds for claims for the inclusion - 'recognition' and 'incorporation' - of subaltern 'voices' which reconfigured the theoretical salon, as knowledge was consolidated as a proper site of political struggle. As this re-arranging of the seats was still under the way, the announcement of a new political-economic order (globalization) that followed the demise of the Soviet Union also introduced 'war' as trope to justify the need of new strategies of global policing. Not surprisingly, the new subjects of policing were the same that demanded the recognition of their particular 'experience' and 'cultural' perspective. And yet, the fact that these racial subaltern collectivities as the main targets of the 'war on drugs,' 'war on crime,' and 'war on terror,' seems to be of no consequence to those theorizing the reconfiguration of the political space globalization imposes. Instead, the focus has been placed upon the abstract figure of the state - in notions such as 'empire,' in the theorizing of sovereignty, etc., even as the argument for global policing privileges the need to protect national borders located in the Global North against transnational black and brown 'evil doers' who thrive everywhere in the Global South. In this paper, I argue that the renaming of the racial 'others of Europe' as the subjects of evil acts constitutes as new moment of the analytics of raciality. I show that rather than displacing the racial and the cultural as global signifiers, the naming of evil relies upon their effects of signification to place certain global regions and collectivities - precisely the ones subjected to colonialism and imperialism - as outside the 'moral' community to be protected by the principles presupposed in national and international legal instruments and strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the notion that the organization of space bears socio-political manifestations, and as such can be produced to advance certain agendas, this paper aims at unveiling the underlying socio-political currents in the production of Israel's global city; the city of Tel-Aviv. Examining the effects of the phenomena documented by 'Regulation Theory' and 'Globalization Theories' on the urban sphere, I argue that these phenomena underlie many of the 'creative destruction' processes that have been taking place in many cities around the world. This is especially true in the realm of global-cities, which serve as non-virtual spheres for the flagships of the post-Fordist global economy to produce, launch and organize their operations. These processes, it is argued, result in new socio-spatial dynamics of glitter, wealth and inclusion on the one end and decay, poverty and exclusion on the other end. Applying that general paradigm on the concrete case of Tel-Aviv I argue that the endorsement of post-Fordist global practices by Israeli governments has laid the grounds for an enthusiastic local development regime to emerge. This regime seeks to render Tel-Aviv a definitive post-Fordist global city. Examining the spatio-temporal order this regime is advancing, I conclude that despite the use of an inclusive rhetoric, this regime is but a reincarnation of the existing ethno-class hegemonic regime, utilizing space to perpetuate old inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The popularity of the terms 'globalization' and the language of 'human rights' has been invoked by those interested in addressing the problem of human suffering as a result of inflicted violence. Human rights talk,' heralded a new order of linkage and global responsibility extending the obligation of protecting individual rights beyond the boundaries of the nation-state. The growth of these discourses represent the growing philosophy of the sanctity of the demos, democracy, and the sacredness of the 'human' that is shaping the logic of how new institutional norms should be put into practice as 'natural' norms, 'natural' rights (Hegel: 1817/18:52). Such developments may suggest that territoriality is no longer significant in this age of late capitalist globalization and human rights are objective natural rights. But, rather, the evidence has shown that in the globalization of institutions new national and regional policies are being deployed to strengthen territorially-based policies, and enforce particular state powers. This strengthening of government policies has included the protection of borders, the expansion of detention policies and judicial sentencing, and has been shown to reflect an increase in state power. In this context, there still exist increases in ethnic violence and related forms of religious nationalisms. In an attempt to resolve conflict, the lines between religious and nationalist freedoms and secular responsibilities are becoming increasingly blurred. The focus of this paper is to examine how the development of new International Criminal Regimes and Tribunals, such as the International Criminal Court, has not only led to the development of new national state policies on penal reform in Nigeria, but also has maintained the conditions for the development of an Islamic criminal sharia as part of a democratic pluralism. Such an examination will demonstrate that understanding the globalization of human rights must begin with a deconstruction of the myths of globalization and sovereignty and an examination of the implementation of international treaties that are leading to new forms of state enforcement in Nigerian legal reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary debates surrounding the regulation of domestic violence via rights discourse echo, in part, cultural and historical tensions regarding the regulation of gender, marriage, and the family. Drawing on Sally Engle Merry's published work on domestic violence, in this paper, I will outline parallels and disjunctures obtained when viewing the governance of domestic violence through an historical lense. Specifically, I will suggest a framework for investigating the governance of domestic violence from colonization to globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan is the second largest economy in the world. Japanese companies are active in globalization of their operations. Japan has strong industrial export output. On the other hand, Japan does not seem to have significant achievement in legal service export. Japanese law firms are significantly smaller in size when compared with their counterparts in many other advanced economies. They are also comparatively less active in branching out overseas. At least, overseas branching out (if any) is small in scale, geographically speaking and size-wise. What are the factors contributing to such situation? Is there any correlation with the structure of the Japanese legal system, Japanese lawyers' ideology, and socio-economic development in Japan? Now, Japan is having drastic reform/changes in relation to her legal system: drastic increase in legal profession's population, changes in the legal education system with introduction of law school system, further liberalization of the legal market for foreign lawyers, etc. In addition, among Japanese law firms, a trend of merger in recent years has resulted in firms with size substantially bigger than before. Japanese law firms are also found opening branch offices in China. At the same time, there are socio-economic changes in Japan. Will there be any impact on Japanese lawyers' practice/operation? This paper will explore these issues in the context of the possibility of: (1) Japanese law firms globalizing their practice, and (2) Emergence of Japanese transnational 'mega' law firms. Such development, if any, can have a significant impact on transnational mega lawyering since, for the time being, the key players are mainly firms from a common law background: American, British and a few Australian firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the current liberal consensus lies on the primacy of the Rule of Law and on the priority given to the reform of judicial systems worldwide, as the State intends to preserve social peace and render easy the economic development through the settlement of disputes. The processes and the types of judicial reforms varies according to different aspects such as the position occupied by the States within the world system (central, peripheral or semi-peripheral), the impact of a high-intensity globalisation of the judiciary system arising from the performance of international agencies, from the concerns of each State - converging parallely and partially - emerging in different countries as a response to national needs and expectations resulting from economic and social development, juridical and judicial culture and from litigation patterns present in distinct societies. In this paper we will discuss the new trends within the reform of the administration of justice, namely the processes of dejudicialization and the mechanisms of access to law and justice. Our focus will allow us to examine whether the reforms of justice contribute to a larger or lesser accessibility of citizens, through the simplification of the procedures and the new forms of relationship between law and justice and the citizens. These trends imply the evaluation of the impacts of the reforms on the judicial system as a whole, as well as the analysis of the transformations occurring in the professions involved in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will present research conducted recently in Thailand, consisting of an examination of tort litigation and, more importantly, a series of interviews with ordinary people who suffered serious injuries. In these interviews, injured people talked about their experiences and reflected on karma, ghosts, village remedies, Buddhism, law, and justice. From their accounts, it appears that village belief systems have become fragmented and separated from Buddhism as Thai society experiences globalization. As a result, there may be a turning to Buddhist explanatory frameworks at the expense of both the formal law and village-based animist beliefs and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions will citizens rise up and take action to resist the disabling mechanisms of economic globalization? If the material conditions resulting in bare survival for many of those marginalized by globalizations' processes were determinative, resistance would be more widespread than it is at present (though it certainly helps to explain present disenchantment). Understanding that alternative possibilities exist runs up against a powerful network of actors and institutions - operating in the realms of politics, economic, and culture and at various levels from the local to the global - touting globalization's benefits, insisting that global well-being has improved and that, if they only wait their turn, redemption waits just around the corner. In the meanwhile, political solutions to pressing social questions that face marginalized citizens effectively are ruled out of bounds. In this paper, I consider the subjective conditions under which people might consider alternative ways of governing themselves and others. I turn to Foucault's later work on 'care of the self' to help navigate through the predominant despair into realms where alternative futures exist. This is the dimension of Foucault admonishing us to explore the ground beneath our feet, exhorting us to interrogate the presuppositions of the commonplace associated with governmental techniques of power. I build on this notion of taking care of oneself and others as a path of resistance to contemporary practices of neo-liberal governmentality. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To meet the challenges of globalization, East Asian countries are currently undergoing a process of becoming law-governed societies. As the step, Japan, South Korea, China, and Taiwan are currently instituting American-style law schools with the aim of mass-producing qualified lawyers. In the 1960s, a similar attempt was made as a means of economic development and social change in Latin America but failed. Why are East Asian countries adopting the American law school system, although a similar attempt was unsuccessful in Latin America? This paper does comparative analyses of East Asian challenge with the law & development movement in Latin America. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Law is intensely local, and even globalization has not significantly deterritorialized legal practice. Despite the importance of local relationships and understanding in law and legal practice, however, law graduates increasingly seek a global experience in graduate legal education. This paper examines the ways in which graduates of non-US law schools use US graduate legal education as an element of transformation of their professional identities. The US LLM offers non-US law graduates a set of characteristics they can claim as distinctions and commonalities, to better navigate the competition for jobs and clients in an increasingly global economy. Drawing on survey responses and interviews with LLM graduates from 65 jurisdictions and 11 US law schools, the project reveals the LLM as an element in the transformation of national actors into mobile agents of law. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As globalization alters the way products and services are produced, distributed and sold, the administrative systems that regulate to protect the public and the environment must change as well. To date, regulatory systems are primarily domestic, while the challenges they face routinely cross international borders. The resulting disconnect has produced some high profile regulatory failures that undermine confidence in the administrative project as a whole. This paper explores some of the ways that regulatory systems will need to adapt to the transnational dimension of regulation in order to restore trust in a globalized society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advent of globalisation, the interface between multicultural and multi-religious communities has become increasingly complex when set against the background of liberal democratic regimes. The global village has led to increased interaction between and awareness of cultural and religious communities and their practices, some of which have strained community relations, often testing the limits of tolerance. These tensions have ignited acute tensions within the human rights movement, which champions equality of the sexes, freedom of expression and other liberties, whilst simultaneously guarding the freedom of religion and cultural rights. It has also underscored the challenge faced by modern liberal democracies, well illustrated by the growing number of instances in which majoritarian views trump minority rights. There is a grave need to strike a delicate balance between the various conflicting rights which vie for meaningful protection. This paper seeks to explore the difficulties and challenges inherent in effectively protecting minority rights in a liberal democracy, in light of the following: (a)Meaningful and practical protection of the rights of freedom of religion and cultural practice; (b)That human dignity and uninhibited practice of one's religion and culture are inseparable; (c)A community's right to live in a society defined according to practices and standards that are important and acceptable to them as a group; and (d)The liberal democratic system which often results in a face-off between minority groups and the majority, sometimes rendering meaningless the protections afforded by the international human rights regime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What types of legal discourse are American communities using in the local fight against Wal-Mart? Within the counter-hegemonic globalization movement, there are various types of discourses to use against Wal-Mart, some of which target its harsh working conditions and opposition to unionization. While many groups have used these arguments in the fight against this transnational corporation, a more successful discourse has focused on zoning laws and the increase in traffic. My concern in this paper is to analyze how this discourse is formed by labor organizations and why it appeals to city council members. I argue that Neo-Liberalism is the social framework that elevates property discourse over labor rights. However, land use law still competes against other hegemonic arguments such as the need for sales tax revenue, and so activists must continually search for new discursive strategies if they wish to block Wal-Mart's entrance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the influence of international actors on campesinos, the indigenous and mestizo rural inhabitants of Mexico. The research traces the impact of the North American Trade Agreement on communal (ejido) lands based on two household surveys conducted in 2000 and 2005. The findings corroborate the notion that traditionally disenfranchised populations in Mexico continue to be excluded from the process of economic integration promised by NAFTA. As a consequence of this phenomenon the migratory influx to the urban centers and to the United States persists, contributing to exacerbate the twin problems of immigration and terrorism as viewed both by the United States and Mexico. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The peculiar contours of the global city have come to pose unique problems of governance for Western legal authorities. As principal nodal points in the transnational network of migration, global cities are traversed by countless flows of capital, commodities, and peoples, the convergence of which engenders a spatial fabric marked by cleavages and fissures. Shielded from the disciplinary optic of the law, these shadowy interstitial spaces of the global city are imagined as sites of potential erasure for subjects of urban space, whose subsequent invisibility makes possible different forms of eroticized transgression. In this paper I show how this particular discursive formation of the global city positions the law as an agent of embattled Whiteness burdened with the task of bringing a visible order to the recesses of urban space. By illustrating how this configuration of the global city is mediated by knowledges of colonial London, I evidence how migrant bodies emplaced in global cities serve as sites for the elaboration of colonial phantasies about the perversion and transgression of Whiteness and its attendant civilities. Through attention to these continuities I demonstrate how the law functions as the central pivot of identification for a White public anxious about the proximate presence of unregulated raced bodies in Western urban spaces. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present piece aims, through the analysis of the judicial dimension of the European field of security, at interrogating, through detailed empirical work, the normative effects of the international arenas upon the European arenas. In other words, this contribution will specify the links between Europeanization in criminal matters and the broader phenomenon of the internationalisation of the criminal field. Although our focus will be mostly on the relations between Europe and the international, it will also be necessary to consider the interactions between the national and European arenas. These relations are essential to understand the modalities through which international processes are redefined in the specific configuration of the EU.Building on this problematique, the paper will apprehend the EU/International interactions by dealing specifically with the question of the formulation of criminal norms in the field of the fight against transnational criminal phenomena. Taking into account the discursive interactions will allow us to consider simultaneously the social and legal dynamics which structure the relations between the EU and the international. Finally, we will conclude by attempting to interpret the concrete results of this configuration, whether at the level of fundamental principles or of the judicial uses that are unravelling within the European and international arenas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary globalization undertaking is facilitated by multilateral trade liberalization, including an explosion of regional trade agreements. Trade liberalization is focused on lowering barriers to the movement of goods, capital and ideas. That liberalization of the movement of goods, capital and ideas, it is claimed, stimulates efficient, competitive and productive economic activity that will accrue to the benefit of all. Yet, the liberalization of labor (and the consequent movement of peoples) is a neglected (and feared) aspect of official trade liberalization policies. This paper examines the approaches to labor liberalization in the CARICOM, MERCOSUR, NAFTA and DR-CAFTA regional trade agreements, and asks whether the approaches adopted in those agreements betray the ideals and purposes of trade liberalization. Regional trade agreements create trade groupings of (usually) small numbers of (usually) neighboring member states with greater homogeneity of culture, economies and interests, providing opportunities for experimentation in various aspects of trade liberalization. However, the attempts at labor liberalization within regional trading agreements have, to date, been timid in conceptualization and half-hearted in execution. As a result, are the interests of the human beings whose wellbeing is purportedly at the center of the regional and worldwide liberalization and economic integration undertaking betrayed? The article will identify the economic, social and political reasons for and consequences of the failure to address this key aspect of trade liberalization within the context of regional trading agreements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stasiulis and Bakan describe present-day citizenship as being possessed by a paradoxical universality/exclusivity dichotomy. As Western democracies mouth the wonders of a globalizing world that is becoming ever more 'open,' the fact is that, for many individuals, movement around the globe for migration or travel has become increasingly difficult. While citizenship has become more flexible for one privileged group, it has at the same time become more restrictive and, frankly, dangerous for others seeking to move around the globe.Maher Arar, a Canadian dual citizen, was arrested on suspicion of involvement in terrorism en route to Canada, taken into custody and eventually sent to Syria, his birthplace, where he was imprisoned and tortured. Mr. Arar was eventually able to mobilize the forces of the media, civil society, and eventually more benevolent aspects of the Canadian government to achieve his release and rehabilitation to Canadian society, complete with multimillion dollar compensation package and formal apology. This paper analyzes the components of identity involved in this case, with special attention to citizenship. Using theory drawn from the fields of feminist theory, critical race theory and theory of oppression, I seek to apply a multifaceted lens to the case of Maher Arar. The resulting analysis will provide a view of 21st century citizenship that will make clear the vulnerabilities and inequality experienced by many so-called citizens of Western democracies, as it reveals in citizenship a new locus of oppression. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent news involving contaminated pet food and unsafe toys imported from China makes us question the legal frameworks that facilitated such incidences and stirs anti-globalization sentiment. While consumers wonder about the role of their governments in this context and look for judicial remedies, deeper questions emerge regarding the international forces at play beneath the surface of the legal remedial work of our domestic courts. This paper explores the international trade paradigm in place that facilitates the inner workings of private investors and has trickling effects on domestic law. It attempts to demonstrate the relationship between the WTO and domestic legal regimes and to reveal where the two overlap. Deconstructing the overlaps reveals a "private" regime that not only influences the decisions of domestic law makers and at times, international institutions, but also links the international trade regime with the domestic one. This relationship shifts traditional paradigms of international law, where the state is the central actor, to a "mobile paradigm" where transnational actors and special interest groups help shape the law by influencing the state and international institutions, but also respond to the decisions of state and international institutions by creating other useful paradigms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intellectual property is becoming one of the most valuable and powerful assets in the increasingly privatized global economy. Globalization, technological advances, the Internet and e-commerce have made intellectual property (IP) infringements an escalating and pervasive issue in both developed countries such as the US and developing countries/regions such as Taiwan and mainland China. However, due to local interests, agency priorities, different levels of economic development and different enforcement structures, the US, Taiwan and mainland China enforce the similar IP laws on the books very differently in action. First, this paper intends to portrait a general picture of IPR enforcement mechanisms in the US, Taiwan and mainland China, and to estimate the proportions of IPR infringements handled by three major enforcement systems: the criminal judicial system, the civil judicial system and the administrative system. Then it focuses the attention on criminal judicial systems specifically. It analyzes the different roles criminal courts play in handling IPR infringements in the three regions. The different roles of criminal courts include: to facilitate governmental policies, to enforce the criminal law, to protect the fairness of the system, to punish or to deter serious infringers, and to bring compensation to victims. The study implicates that apart from conventional jurisprudential wisdom, criminal courts could serve vastly different functions in handling economic crimes in countries/regions with different political regimes, legal structures and cultures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geographical indications (GIs) are by definition products that are collectively managed by a group of local actors, and as such, are tied to a code of practices designed to protect local environmental resources, farmer knowledge, and cultural practices. In theory, then, GIs can be seen as a way in which local actors are taking advantage of globalization to protect and preserve social, cultural, and environmental resources. However, as I show in this paper, GI policies and production norms in practice can be manipulated in ways that benefit certain actors and hurt others. I analyze the long history (1949-present) of the GI legislation for tequila, examining the ways in which quality and certification policies have evolved with changing power dynamics. I pay particular attention to the ways in which quality standards are framed and used strategically by different actors, and the ways in which those power dynamics affect the quality of the GI. Finally, I situate this case within the larger framework of the international legislation on GIs in the WTO, arguing that higher standards are necessary. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]