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Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Ciencias Sociais is the property of Revista Brasileira de Ciencias Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politiikka is the property of Finnish Political Science Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Religião e Sociedade is the property of Instituto de Estudos da Religiao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Legislation on new municipal elections varies significantly across Europe. In some countries, the situation is solved in such a way that if there is no alternate for the vacant mandate, the mandate remains vacant and new elections for the whole council are held only in a situation where it is no longer possible to manage the municipality due to a decrease in council members. There are also states in which only vacant seats are filled in new elections. The absence of legislative regulation of the institute of new elections in electoral laws is no exception. Legislative rules for holding new elections in the Czech Republic are different from those in other European countries, and perhaps because of them the number of municipalities where new elections are held repeatedly is constantly growing. The aim of this article is to provide comprehensive information on the legislative regulation of new elections in selected European countries and simultaneously bring the contrast between selected European countries legislative settings closer regarding other factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Practises of rebel governance can predate insurgency onset. • Territorial control is not a precondition for rebel governance. • The conceptual scope of rebel governance should be extended. • Consideration should be afforded to contingencies in movement trajectories. • The PKK engaged in municipal electoral politics in the late 1970s. Insurgent movements rely on popular support using varying strategies to build supportive constituencies, including forms of rebel governance. The rebel governance literature explicitly limits its scope to insurgent cases with territorial control, excluding all groups that did not obtain territorial control, areas of weaker insurgent presence and early phases of mobilisation. This article focuses on Kurdistan Workers Party's (PKK) use of rebel governance (1977–1980) through municipal politics prior to the launch of its insurgency. The article makes two important contributions: firstly, it demonstrates the need to broaden the scope of the rebel governance literature to include phases where insurgent movements do not control territory. Secondly, it critiques the linearity of retrospective readings of insurgent trajectories that downplay the role of interactions and contingency in early mobilizational phases. It is based on original data including primary source documents and qualitative interviews with people involved in the PKK's municipal politics between 1977 and 1980. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions is the property of Editions EHESS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politix is the property of De Boeck Universite and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The recent 2016 local government elections once again proved that the only safe prediction that can be made about modern times is that change is certain to occur. South African municipalities are continuously vulnerable to potential regime changes, leaving them susceptible to instituting new political leadership with its ideologies and strategies. The municipality that was used as a case study in this article experienced radical administrative changes after the 2011 municipal elections. The implementation of mechanisms to respond to structural and system-based changes has been slow in the public sector, and municipalities in particular have found it difficult to effectively manage such changes. This article proposes an effective implementation plan based on change management principles to ensure that the process is managed effectively and efficiently. In developing the plan, use was made of theoretical models and of empirical data that were acquired through interviews with and surveys involving key role players in the relevant local government organisation. The recommended Change Management Procedure Framework could serve as an intervention for use by municipal management during periods of change and by swung municipalities so as to minimise possible disruptions caused by change and to ensure more effective and efficient service delivery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Contemporanea is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This review article compares four edited monographs that represent a core of municipal election studies in the Czech Republic. Most Czech political scientists didn't pay attention to elections in the local political arena before 2002 when the fourth elections after the renewal of local government in 1990 were held. Earlier monographs were largely indebted to data gathered by the Czech Statistical Office. Their authors usually commented on data on an aggregated level and prepared case studies of chosen municipalities that included: a description of election campaigns, an analysis of programmatic statements and the role of coalition bargaining. Recently political scientists have been able to gather more comprehensive datasets which have in turn allowed them to apply more sophisticated analytical techniques. Moreover, political scientists can now include data from almost every municipality in the Czech Republic which has, in turn, allowed them to identify the size of the municipality (both geographically and in terms of voters) as a key independent variable. In this way a highly fragmented territorial structure is better represented than in older works. Finally, the political, personal and career profiles of mayors have begun to appear as a new topic in recent publications. The challenge for the future is how to address not only domestic but foreign audiences too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates to what extent national and /or local factors influence the performance of national parties in the most recent Flemish and Dutch municipal elections of, respectively, 2012 and 2014. Our analyses underscore the impact of local factors on the municipal election results, both in Flanders and in the Netherlands. The number of parties and previous election results have a negative effect on the vote share of national political parties. Contrary to the expectations, participation in local government does not have any influence on the national lists' elections results. Although local factors have to be taken into account to get a better estimation of the performance of national lists in municipal elections, national factors have significant effects as well. Parties doing well at the national elections, are less successful at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política is the property of Instituto de Ciencia Politica (Universidad de la Republica de Uruguay) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociology & Space / Sociologija i Prostor is the property of Institut za drustvena istrazivanja u Zagrebu (Institute for Social Research of Zagreb) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies of second-order elections using aggregate data have predominantly focused on examining the extent to which European parliament elections and regional elections are dominated by the national, first-order arena, and paid scarce attention to the analysis of municipal elections. In addition the study of second-order elections is dominated by looking at the impact of first-order factors whilst ignoring the impact of arena-specific factors. This article addresses these shortcomings by analyzing the impact of national and local factors on the performance of national parties in the Dutch municipal elections of 2010. Our analysis shows that there are significant effects of local factors. Most parties lose votes when having been in local government and in some cases as well when having in addition lost an alderman as a result of a political crisis. Parties also lose vote share as a result of the entrance of new national and local parties in a local election, with the effect of new national entrants being larger than that of new local entrants. Our analysis corroborates earlier findings that point to a dominanceof national factors, while at the same time showing that it is vital to include local, arena specific factors in order to get to a better estimation of the second-orderness of non-national elections. We discuss our results with respect to the recurring debate about the nationalisation of the Dutch municipal elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the role of the personal characteristics of candidates in municipal elections as important factors influencing the candidates' election success. Voters lacking sufficient or relevant information about the candidates and their political preferences can use knowledge of the candidates' personal characteristics as specific cues or shortcuts in their choice. On the other hand, the candidates' personal characteristics are the private resources they can use to influence the chance to getting elected. The article uses a logistic regression to analyse the impact of candidates' personal characteristics on their electoral success in Czech municipal elections. A list of all candidates in the elections was used, including information about their sociodemographic and political characteristics and their election results. First examined is how a candidate's ranking on the list of candidates can depend on his or her personal characteristics. Second, how a candidate's election success can depend on his or her position on the list of candidates and on his or her personal characteristics is analysed. The list of candidates for the 2010 elections was combined with lists of candidates for several previous elections in order to investigate the influence of incumbency. The results suggest that incumbency is the dominant independent factor explaining the election success of individual candidates, yet other characteristics, such as sex, education, age or membership in political parties are important as well. In small municipalities, the situation differs in some aspects from that in cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article uses a micro-historical and comparative approach in order to evaluate the local electoral process in an indigenous Philippine community in the late 19th century. Facets of political representation, the local power given to the elected chiefs, or caciques, and the administrative structure of the indigenous population during Spanish colonial rule are analyzed with respect to the formation of an indigenous group of political elite. The dynamics of elected figures of power and those appointed by Spanish colonial authorities are discussed with respect to the resistance or allegiance built to the metropolitan government.

Copyright of VertigO is the property of La Revue Electronique en Sciences de l'Environnement VertigO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This contribution is interested in the most suitable segmentation criteria for use in voter classification. The theoretical background section discusses some approaches to voter segmentation (e.g., age, income, attitudes to elections). Practically speaking, voters are often segmented based on political party preference or demographic variables such as gender, age, education and social status. This paper classifies voters in municipal elections according to their perceptions of problems in their neighborhoods and towns. This represents an example of behavioral segmentation criteria. Through hierarchical cluster analysis the typology of voters was constructed. Knowledge of problems and voters' desires is necessary for setting election programs and crafting persuasive messages. Statistical testing has confirmed the relationship between this typology and demographic and geographic variables, which helps politicians to identify the voter base and adjust their use of media tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arhivi is the property of Arhivsko Drustvo Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Perspectivas is the property of Universidade Estadual Paulista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pôle Sud is the property of Centre Comparatif d'Etudes sur les Politiques Publiques et les Espaces Locaux and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

!is article examines voter turnout of Russian, Estonian, Somalian and Swedish-origin immigrants in the 2017 Finnish municipal elections by employing register data. !e focus is on how various social background factors, including gender, age, occupational status, personal income, marital status and citizenship in"uenced voter turnout in these groups. !e main #nding is that the more secure one’s social status was, the more likely s/he voted. However, Somalian origin voters constituted an exception, for they had a high voter turnout despite of their low socioeconomic status. !is article sheds light to voter behaviour of foreign-origin groups and, thus, contributes to research on immigrants’ political inclusion in Finland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thesis investigates the municipal elections in Lisbon during the First Republic (1910- 1926). It is intended to capture continuity and change in this political microcosm, for a thorough knowledge of the electoral History of this time and place. It studies, one by one, the municipal elections in Lisbon (1913, 1917, 1919, 1922 and 1925). It searches partisan forces, candidates for councilors, political campaigning, the electoral body and the voting results for each ballot. In the final chapter there is an analysis of all the suffrages, looking into the issue of municipal power legitimacy in Lisbon in the First Republic. We conclude that the "elections made" dictated the Portuguese Republican Party hegemony in all municipal elections in the capital city. Nevertheless, the republican regime endeavored in political participation, civic culture and the democratization and modernization of Portuguese society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Mexico, political changes emerge principally in cities, where socio-economic flows converge at the junctions of the intercity federal highway network. Many of these poles of regional development and urban/industrial corridors were the triggers for transfers of political power in their respective areas of influence, which followed the urban hierarchy marked out by the intercity highway network. The country was broken up into a mosaic of sub-national pluralist competitive units that co-existed with authoritarian enclaves, where marginalization with regard to the socio-economic flows of the urban hierarchy made them resistant to the effects of democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]