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Securing the Palestinian territories has become the objective of the EU police mission, EUPOL COPPS, and the US Dayton mission, in particular after the victory of Hamas at the January 2006 Palestinian elections. At stake with the security governance of the territories is the legitimacy of the Palestinian Authority created by the Oslo agreements, despite its electoral defeat. This paper aims at questioning the link between norms and security, in other words, how to ensure security while rejecting the output of the democratic and the self determination norms? It adopts a realist theoretical framework and a constructivist ontology (Jervis 1998, Barkin 2003, Farrell 2002) which insists on the concepts of perceptions and norms when defining reality. It seeks to acknowledge the interdependence between norms and security, by assessing the extent to which norms can potentially enhance or worsen the security of a territory. Thus, norms do not just codify power relations that originate in material conditions (Flynn and Farrell 1999). As a matter of fact, the non respect of the issue of the elections led to the take over the Gaza strip by Hamas in June 2007, eventually endangering the stability of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effect does the amount of money a middle power spend on professional lobbyists impact its likelihood of achieving its goals in congressional foreign policy legislation? While most studies of foreign lobbying focus on great powers or states that have strong domestic ethnic lobbies in the United States, this paper focuses on middle powers who lack strong domestic ethnic lobbies. Using an original large-n database, this paper examines a number of theoretical variables in an attempt to develop a generalizable framework that would explain the conditions necessary for middle powers to be successful and whether high spending on professional lobbyists is a wise strategy. The results show that middle power states are most likely to succeed when they support legislation that begins in the House of Representatives which is not security related. Furthermore, these states should be relatively powerful and are more likely to be successful if they have low levels of political and civil freedoms at home. High levels of spending on professional lobbyists are more likely to hinder their efforts rather than help them. Future research will focus on an expansion of this original database and case studies which will focus on individual middle powers and specific issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores foreign involvement in Africa as part of energy security. As the international players seek to secure the flow of oil at reasonable prices using sometimes approaches of stark contrast between the West and the East, we look at what is left from this game for Africa. The paper seeks to find out how international energy-related involvements impact the African states where internal institutions are too weak to manage abrupt changes that associate with the large oil sector such as political and fiscal reforms and the economic shocks. Africa is tremendously abundant in oil. Although Africa is just waking up as the new energy powerhouse, it has experienced intensive foreign engagement in other resources including slavery and raw materials long before the colonial era began. This paper argues that history of foreign exploitation for resources is accountable for Africa's failure to perform well despite its promising resource endowment but will remain so as long as Africa supplies resources for the world as crucial as oil. Liberal economists argue that resource industries bring foreign investments needed for states' economic development. Oil companies and foreign government resonate this argument as they claim to build infrastructure projects, provide aid and assist transparency and democratic progress in the places they operate. While external investors reap large commercial benefits, Africa has continued to suffer with wars, abject poverty and bad governance. This paper looks closely whether the approaches they use contribute to Africa's resource curse. It begins with brief discussion of the definition and causes of the resource curse existing in the literature. It then moves onto foreign involvements in Africa for oil security, the focus of this study, provided as part of the cause to the resource curse in the region. In this sector, it explains how Africa has stepped up as a strategic location for international energy, who involves in the African oil game and what approaches they employ by economic, political and military means. By this, the paper sheds light on the unaddressed relations between foreign resource extractions and the resource curse discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While NATO enlargement has been praised by many as a key component to the future of European security and the maintenance of the organization, the hidden costs of enlargement remain unclear. This paper will examine the costs associated with enlargement from the viewpoint of the institution and candidate states. The political costs associated with enlargement are considered by examining whether new states meet minimal membership criteria with respect to democratization and civil liberties using a baseline of the initial members in 1949 and the members in the organization before the end of the cold war. Further analyses, using a structured focused comparison technique, will examine how candidate states pay for enlargement by focusing on the process between action recommendation and action implementation. In addition, enlargement also effects the organization's institutional and operational efficiency. In particular, as the organization increases membership size it will become increasingly difficult to continue to function effectively using the consensus rule using collective action and principal-agent approaches, this paper will suggest that if the organization maintains the current decision-making system the effect will be to create superficial mandates which will be unenforceable suggesting that the mission of the organization itself as well as its zone of action may need to be reconsidered. As the organization considers future, more risky, rounds of enlargement, it is clear that those hidden costs may become more consequential and could put the health of the organization itself at risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of rapid global changes and challenges, nation-states are no longer the sole important international actors; international security institutions are of growing importance. Yet, the interaction of these institutions is far from easy. Only specific aspects of policy problems are ascribed to different actors resulting in an overlap of issue areas. The successive cooperation to tackle security problems causes interlocking institutions. As a consequence, functional divisions of labor seem to be developing in the field of conflict management, one example being the EU and NATO which will be in the focus of this analysis. This paper looks at the relationship of the EU and NATO in conflict management. According to rational institutionalism, institutional functions are the outcome of member state positions and their ascription of specific functions and tasks. But the institutions and institutional actors themselves also have an influence on their agenda and performance. The paper examines the relationship between EU and NATO in conflict management, including which tasks and functions they perform. Then it analyzes whether cooperation and a possible functional division of labor is based on this functional ascription by member states or more on the activities of the institutions themselves. This comparative study will thereby contribute to a theory based analysis of the relationship of these major two international security institutions and it will show that principals (member states) and agents (international security institutions) are of importance in shaping these institutions and their agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis linking population age structure types with political indicators has found that vulnerability to outbreaks of civil conflict is highest among countries with very young and youthful age structures. However, most previous research in the field of demographic security has relied on aggregated national estimates and projections of population. Until recently, there were few reliable time-series data on the age distribution of populations at the sub-national level. The recent release of estimates of the distribution of populations by age at the urban and rural level by the United Nations Population Division allows for a new application of time-series research on sub-national age structure for nearly all countries. This paper builds on the author's earlier assessment of how urban or rural age structures change at a different pace and vary within a single country based on the country's national age structure type. The paper assesses the differentials in urban and rural fertility rates and compares countries' levels of urbanization with national age structure types. As conflicts become increasingly localized, demographic disparities between urban and rural areas can be an indicator of varying vulnerability to instability within a single nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the pattern of U.S. compliance with the Geneva Conventions in the current global war on terror (GWOT). U.S. compliance with the laws of war appears to vary with the particular subject matter and battlespace. Legal specialists assessed the legality of virtually every proposed target to monitor adherence to norms governing aerial bombardment. Treatment of detainees, by contrast, was less straightforward, owing in part to the ambiguous status of combatants who do not clearly fit the Geneva requirements for prisoners of war (POWs), but also to the belief that conventional restraints should not apply to the exceptional circumstances that obtain in the GWOT. Although the treatment of non-state actors in warfare is an important component of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the conditions there bear some similarity to situations U.S. forces have faced in the past, especially in dealing with armed insurgencies in asymmetric conflict. This paper explores the differences between the situation facing U.S. forces in Vietnam, for example, and in Afghanistan and Iraq. This paper argues that norms both constrain and liberate state activity, allowing for wider latitude in decision-making when the norms are ambiguous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces the Uppsala Coup Events Dataset (UCED), covering almost 600 coup events globally from 1950 to 2010. The paper presents the data and its conceptual underpinnings, comparing and contrasting it to existing coup datasets. While there are some conceptual differences and numerous differences in the list of coup events, what really sets UCED apart from the rest is the amount of information contained on each event. In addition to the usual information on date and outcome of coup events, UCED contains information on among other things identity of the actors, the use of force, battle deaths, one-sided violence, foreign involvement, and the fate of incumbents and coup makers. The data, furthermore, is integrated with the various conflict datasets from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, allowing users to distinguish between categories of violence without double counting or loosing information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to think through video/digital games as practices in the study of images and visuality in critical security studies. As visuality expresses how the vision is always culturally mediated (Hughes 2007), vision is indeed never innocent, and our sight is also always a site, because the things that appear visible to us are so because of visual technologies and perspectives that shape how we see and what we see. A video/digital game offers certain visualities that may remediate real visual practices and geographies (the city, a war theater, the city of Bagdad during the US military "surge" after the main combat operations of 2003, etc.), but one that will also differ significantly due to its own mediated space. How should one study the visuality of videogames, their space design, their geographies? Can we conceive of gaming without thinking about war, about militarization? What does the digital allow and preclude? Informed by games studies, critical geopolitics, critical security studies, and visual media studies, this paper inquires how one can study the peculiarities of video/digital gaming visuality that render war both mediatized as entertainment and visually spatialized as display screens (echoing surveillance practices and other targetting, policing and tracing technologies). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper addresses the issue of "multilateral talks" or "forum" and tries to explain "why states often decide to create the talks for dealing with a security problem instead of resolving it through bilateral diplomacy or international regime?" Built upon the most recent experience of the Six-Party talks, the paper explores the effect of multilateralizing the dispute within a border context of regime theory in IR. My central claim is that the members of the talks decided to commit themselves to the talks since they have an unambiguous preference, i.e., the denuclearization in the Korea peninsular by coordinating their behaviors. Having realized that the second Korean War is a common aversion that they have to avoid, the members of the talks coordinated a variety of conflicting interests through the multilateral forum. The 2005 Joint Statement is the product of such coordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Different ways of conceptualizing and assessing the European Union's (EU) actorness have been at the centre of discussions on EU foreign policy. This paper, instead of offering a new conception of EU's actorness, aims to offer a new way of analyzing its effectiveness as a foreign policy actor by focusing on enlargement policy, which is considered to be a part of EU's foreign policy. It will be argued that the EU is a foreign policy actor/subject but the effectiveness of its policies depends mainly on the stability of the discourse it employs in the international arena. In line with this, the paper offers a three dimensional framework for analyzing and assessing the effectiveness of EU enlargement policy. The effectiveness of the policy is assessed on the basis of how the EU defines itself as an actor and formulates a specific policy path in line with this, how it performs this policy, and how it is received by potential member states and candidate countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses effective multilateralism in the light of the cooperation of the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) in crisis management and in the United Nations Security Council Reform. In the first part of the paper, I will focus on effective multilateralism and in which terms the EU puts into practice the recognition of the UN as the core of the multilateral order. In the second part, I will focus on crisis management and the United Nations Security Council Reform as tools for effective multilateralism. In the third part I will draw some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As global security concerns in which technology plays ambivalent roles are proliferating, it is timely to revisit the post-war decades when liberals and realists alike sought to grasp the impact of technology on international politics. Combining intellectual history, science and technology studies, political theory, and International Relations (IR) theory, this paper examines visions of technology in liberal and realist thought with a particular view to their role in bolstering arguments for global (security) governance. While liberals are often seen to emphasize the role of nonmilitary technological innovation in growing interdependence, which they interpret as both a motivation for and a harbinger of wider spatial security architectures, realism's engagement with (military) technology is often reduced to a weapons-astools approach. Recent scholarship has complicated these beliefs. Exploring the fertile but often disregarded overlap between the liberal and realist traditions, this paper analyses the conceptions and roles of technology in the political thought of Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) and John H. Herz (1908-2005). Particularly in the wake of the nuclear revolution, both scholars developed a distinct global orientation in which the interrelations between technology, modernity, democracy, freedom, and individuality were critical. It is argued that Russell and Herz's visions of technology and (global) politics are (i) insightful and of considerable contemporary relevance, (ii) that their resemblance and common liberal ancestry call for a less rigid attitude to the "isms" of IR theory, and (iii) that in important ways they anticipated contemporary critical and reflexive approaches to technology and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's nuclear weapons program generates intense concern in Washington and among its allies for a variety of reasons. To name only a few, there are concerns about the potential of nuclear war with India, about proliferation, about Pakistan's impact on the global arms control regime (most recently illustrated by its stance on the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty), about an arms race in SW Asia, about state failure, about military control over its nuclear weapons, and about acquisition of the weapons (or fissile material) by Islamist militants. These concerns are legitimate to be sure. But a closer examination of the program itself and the environment in which that program nests raises a larger concern: the likelihood of synergistic interactions among these variables leading to even greater danger to US security. This manifestation of unintended outcomes cannot be predicted, but the way in which these dangers arise can be better understood. To this end, this paper examines the environment in which Pakistan's program nests, what sorts of dangers may arise in this environment, and how these dangers might interact synergistically, leading to even greater peril. The resulting hazards are more difficult to understand, less predictable, and thus pose an even greater threat to US security than generally acknowledged. Because the threats generated are more likely to have unintended consequences, it is more important than ever to plan for coherent, interconnected responses. This paper examines the environment in which Pakistan's nuclear weapons program exists, key elements of the program itself, and then discusses several forecasting tools that are available to help understand the interaction of the various variables, synergistic outcomes, and the implications of these outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes as its starting point the observation that bordering practices in global politics are less and less straightforwardly related to territorial sites. That is to say, bordering practices, understood as controls on the movement of subjects, are not only found at territorially identifiable locations such as ports, airports and traditional crossings between states. Rather, they are increasingly ephemeral and impalpable: electronic, non-visible and located in zones that defy a conventional territorial logic. Examples include biometric identification to control movement and technologies to track movement such as social security data, financial transaction data and similar GPS based records of activity. Furthermore, the rise of international border management agencies, such as BORTAC in the US and FRONTEX in the EU context, has led to the proliferation of border simulation exercises. These innovations in the international politics of border management challenge conventional assumptions about the relation between territory, bordering practices and 'reality', which often underpin theoretical starting points in the study of global security. With this in mind, the paper investigates the analytical purchase of the concept of the virtual for understanding these practices. It marries insights on the concept of the virtual offered by Jean Baudrillard with Michel Foucault's understanding of 'security' and Giorgio Agamben's treatment of the sovereign ban and bare life. I argue that a global regime of virtual border security relies upon the simulation of the ban in order to attempt to produce the effect of maximum security in the West. However, this attempt is shown to constantly backfire, leading to the vary forms of insecurity systems of resilience strive to eradicate. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical overview on the growing subfield of research on religion and international relations (IR). In adressing the definitional challenges related to integrating different dimensions of religion into the field, the present paper draws on metadebates on the definition and boundaries of religion within the established diciplines of religion studies. This leads to the identification of three security-relevant conceptualizations of religion, covering different methodological approaches and analytical interests: namely, religion as belief and community, religion as a power, and religion as a claim. The advantages, methodological shortcoming and promises of each trend is discussed in order to upgrade the field's abilities to deal with the sui generis aspects of religion in a causative but non-deterministic way. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about conceptions of truth in the field of Critical Security Studies. In particular, it aims at exploring two themes: 1) how different assumptions about knowledge have underpinned recent attempts to embed security within a political context, and what is the impact of these assumptions upon ideas about truth; and 2) whether existing accounts of truth in critical security studies can help us to devise normative criteria with which to make judgments about the desirability of security discourses and other claims to security. The paper makes the case for a reconsideration of the notion of truth in Critical Security Studies, and argues that a promising way to begin such an endeavor is the work of the Welsh School. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between threat perception and collective defense in contemporary international security. The paper examines the relationship between external threat perception of weapons of mass destruction proliferation and the rela ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are many ways to approach the topic of security and security agenda-setting in the Arctic. Drawing on the Copenhagen School concept of 'securitization', this paper investigates Russian perceptions of, and responses to, Norway's Svalbard policies in the 1990s and 2000s. The analysis centers on three issues which have figured prominently on Russia's arctic security agenda in recent years: (1) the establishment and use of Norwegian space installations on the demilitarized archipelago, (2) the 2001 Environmental Protection Act and its implications for the Svalbard Russians, and (3) the Norwegian Coast Guard's enforcement measures in the Svalbard Fisheries Protection Zone. Drawing on a variety of Russian and Norwegian sources from different time periods, the paper sheds light on differences and similarities between the old and the new security paradigm on NATO's northern flank, and the extent to which Russia's current threat perceptions are shaped by developments in the past. The paper concludes that, despite the many positive changes that have taken place in the Euro-Arctic region after the end of the Cold War, the archipelago of Svalbard is likely to remain a security concern for Russia well into the 21st century. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'National Vision' of the Bush Administration with regard to homeland security aimed to 'prevent the entry of terrorists and the instruments of terror while facilitating the legal flow of people, goods, and services'. International implications of homeland security measures have resulted in the emergence of new class of foreign policy makers: Customs and Border Protection, Transportation Security Administration, and other units in the Department of Homeland Security whose exposure to international partners increased considerably. This paper challenges a reader to make a certain conceptual shift and look at homeland security as a foreign policy issue as well as the internal security one. The analysis of transatlantic homeland security progresses in two steps. First, it explores the post-September 11th development of homeland security cooperation between the US and the EU in order to identify challenges to the transatlantic governance of homeland security. Then, the attention is paid to internal challenges stemming from domestic politics on each side but also to external ones posed by the international environment and third parties. Issues under discussion in this paper include aviation security and customs cooperation which represent most impressive but at the same time most problematic dimension of the contemporary transatlantic homeland security cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of security in the Asia-Pacific region has changed since the end of the Cold War. Not only is the nature of threats much more multi-faceted (terrorism, spread of weapons of mass destruction, territorial disputes, energy security, etc.), but there have been shifts in the balance of power, and one sees a clear increase in nationalism in the region. Scrutinizing the ASEAN Regional Forum, this paper assesses the effectiveness of this multilateral organization as a security actor by employing the conceptual framework of security governance discussed by Kirchner and Sperling in EU Security Governance. More specifically, the paper investigates four security functions--prevention, assurance, protection and compellence--and indicates where security developments in the region are likely to be headed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's relations with Asia enjoyed a renaissance in the early to mid-1990s. After the renewed focus on the Asian region by leading EU member states and the publication of the European Commission's Asia Strategy in 1994, the idea of a "partnership in a spirit of equality" crystallized, resulting in the launch of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in 1996. In addition to bilateral and multilateral interaction, EU-Asia relations are marked by "new interregionalism", which emerged as a post-Cold War product and entails the encounter of two regions as distinct and equal actors in a dialogue going beyond trade and economy and including political, security-related, and cultural issues. This approach to relations with Asia is partly driven by the EU's predilection to deal with regions as dialogue partners and urge to promote regionalism elsewhere. Taking the Asia-Europe Meeting as a case study, is the aim of my paper to reflect on over a decade of EU-Asia interregional relations and assess the boundaries of region-to-region interaction. The absence of a coherent and institutionalized Asian grouping and the heterogeneity of the Asian partner countries have certainly posed limitations to EU-Asia interregionalism, but the EU's internal disposition, its international "actorness" and capability to speak with one voice are also topics for scrutiny. My paper will focus on the EU's stance and policy towards some of the key elements of Europe-Asia interregionalism, namely the promotion of regional integration, the friction between group-to-group interaction and intergovernmental cooperation, and the informal, uninstitutionalized approach. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major turning points for Turkish politics is the opening of its accession negotiations for European Union membership in 2005. The EU has significant leverage on countries aspiring for membership due to its political conditionality and through the applicant country's adaptation of its rules and laws to those of the EU. Thus, the process of membership negotiations impacts the applicant country's political process in a significant fashion. This paper proposes that as Turkey moves towards meeting the EU's standards in democracy as part and parcel of its accession requirements, the underlying anti-democratic tendencies and tensions in Turkish politics come to the fore front with the unexpected result that the process of democratization carries the danger of threatening the basis of individual rights and liberties in Turkey. This is because the democratization process that gained momentum in 2002 has led to a high degree of polarization in Turkish politics with the Islamists and secularists located at the opposite ends. This paper analyzes the main cleavages in Turkish politics; the Islamists versus the secularists and nationalists versus the globalists with respect to the issues of gender equality, the Kurdish problem and the role of the military in politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On one level, this paper seeks to highlight how feminists within the Žene u Crnom (ŽuC, Women in Black) network in Serbia are pushing for implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. However, this paper seeks to dig a little deeper ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to conventional wisdom, force can be divested from the state not only towards the market but also towards society. It is useful to imagine three ideal types where force is concentrated in the hands of political, economic, or societal actors. The ideal types are, in addition to Max Weber's monopoly of force, the commodification of force and community self-help. Constellations and transformations in the real world can then be understood in relation to these ideal types. My paper shows that the privatization of force, whether to the market or to society, drastically transforms the fabric of political, social, and economic relations. This includes some deeply ironic effects. States allowing the privatization of force unwittingly erode their most fundamental /raison d'être/, which is the public task of providing security. Firms producing and consuming security as a commodity undermine the institutional foundations of the markets on which they ultimately rest. And communal groups relying for their security on self-help contribute to an anarchic situation where the quest for existential security is bound to remain elusive. The paper contains a number of thumbnail sketches of concrete cases: private military contracting, private policing, prison privatization, gated communities, urban gangs, and Sharia enforcement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict, particularly, violent conflict, is both a security issue and a phenomenon whose deep complexity deserves to be analysed in itself. Conflict Studies and Security Studies are, in this sense, fields of research with very close topics of enquiry. Nevertheless, contacts between the two fields have been more sporadic than consistent. How and why this has been the case and where we currently stand in this relationship are the main questions this paper will try to answer. In order to do so, it is necessary to see, first, how both fields evolved within their own problematic spheres: Conflict Studies embedded in a complex dialogue with both Conflict Resolution and Peace Studies; Security Studies in a difficult relationship with Strategic Studies. Then, it is important to analyse the move from Strategic Studies to the affirmation of Security Studies and how Conflict Studies coped with this. Finally, the last part of this paper will argue that a rapprochement between the two fields could be beneficial for the understanding of contemporary conflicts. Namely, on how Conflict Studies could attempt to replicate the 'critical move' in Security Studies and thus develop a sounder theoretical basis for its research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a questionnaire that was administered to 75 defence policy actors in France, Germany, the UK and in Brussels, this paper explores the beliefs system of European defence actors with a view to identifying the main points of convergence and the main fault lines that structure the European security and defence policy (ESDP). This paper's focus on social representations addresses two research questions. First, what do ESDP actors think about ESDP? Second, can we classify their preferences in terms of sociological factors that structure the ESDP domain? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As most prominently demonstrated by Security Council Resolution (SCR) 1325 (2001), activists for women's rights have increasingly framed women's concerns and gender inequality as securityissues in an attempt to gain access to the international security agenda, particularly in the context of the United Nations (UN). While SCR 1325 has had some notable successes, member states of the Security Council continue to lack political will and a genuine commitment to its implementation. One does not have to go far to find instances where the rhetoric falls short of reality, where procedures have not produced desired outcomes. While such inconsistencies and shortcomings are not surprising given recent Council efforts in Sudan for example, they are puzzling when one considers the relative success that those advocating for children in armed conflict have had with the Security Council. With six successive resolutions, the Council has gone quite far in articulating and defining children's rights during and after conflict, and more importantly the Council's obligations in protecting and promoting such rights in the context of international security, including a number of accountability mechanisms pushing state andnonstate actors to compliance. This trajectory of progress on children in armed conflict within the Security Council raises important questions about SRC 1325 and the place of women's concerns and gender equality within the Council more broadly. Given that women and children are often perceived as vulnerable (and thus interchangeable) groups in armed conflict, comparing the processes and outcomes of the two (as separate groups) in the context of the UN security arena presents a logical and insightful analysis of the security framework. This paper explores the ways that framework, strategies, and activism surrounding children in armed conflict has differed from that for women. Does the security framework used by women activists challenge the way the SC 'does security' in unique ways? In other words, do women face different structural and institutional barriers in gaining access to the Security Council when compared to other marginalized or vulnerable groups? By tracing the evolutionary process that has led to six Security Council resolutions on children in armed conflict, this case study provides unique insight into the different institutional obstacles that women face in the UN. In answering these questions, this paper not only sheds light on the meaning and practice of security within the UN, but also points to important strategies and mechanisms for the marginalized to find entry points into the mainstream. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Methodologically) building on socio-cultural/systemic approach to globalisation, the paper presents security - its development, changes and current state - in the process of globalisation. First, it focuses on determinants, stimuli, and consequences of the processes of globalisation in security field: historical transformations in security field (within the Westphalian system of int. relations); the end of the Cold War and birth of "new" security (change in security paradigm); long-term trends in security field (deepening, broadening, and growing comprehensiveness of security). Second, it shows the actual level of the processes of globalisation in the field (the organising, i.e. institutional-normative structure); nation-states as current centres of power (?) in the world (traditional "bearers" of security); global, international, and regional security institutions (different concepts), non-state security actors (non-governmental organisations, global terrorism, global civil society, human security). The paper should be regarded as a sketch of possible application of the socio-cultural/systemic approach to globalisation of security to the issue of relevance of neutrality in contemporary international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Ungoverned spaces" are increasingly cited as a key threat to the U.S. government and itsinterests throughout the world. Often these spaces are seen as synonymous with failed states, orstates that are unable to effectively exercise sovereignty. A primary goal of U.S. defense strategynow is to improve "effective sovereignty" in such areas, in order to deny sanctuary to terrorists,WMD proliferators, narco-traffickers, and gangsters. According to the World Bank, in 2006 thenumber of states lacking effective sovereignty rose to twenty-six, from eleven in 1996. Thelarger project that this paper is part of proposes to analyze the concept of ungoverned spaces anddetermine whether they really are ungoverned and constitute threats to states. The essential issue,we find, is not lack of governance, but rather who governs these spaces. This paper aims todevelop a more accurate framework for understanding contemporary security threats in a worldof softened sovereignty. An improved understanding of when and how alternative forms ofgovernance shelter or encourage hostile non-state actors has important policy implications forhow states, particularly the United States, prioritize their responses to emerging threats. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Architecture' has become the latest buzzword in Asia-Pacific security politics. The staggering growth in regional multilateralism which began during the 1990s has given rise to a burgeoning scholarship employing this terminology. Policymakers too have embraced the architectural metaphor. Yet despite this ubiquitous usage, little effort seems to have been expended to define explicitly what 'security architecture' actually means. As a consequence, various scholars and practitioners of Asia-Pacific security have ended up employing one and the same descriptor, but often with reference to quite different forms, dimensions and configurations of cooperative activity. This paper seeks to redress that shortcoming. It begins by reviewing the ways in which various scholars have employed 'security architecture' and by highlighting the contradictions that their often imprecise applications have created. It also examines the differing manner in which the region's incumbent 'security architects' - the United States and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) - have constructed and utilized the term. The paper then proposes a definition of 'security architecture' that is sufficiently ecumenical to appeal to scholars and practitioners alike, while at the same time rigorous and nuanced enough to exhibit genuine conceptual substance and regional specificity. A concluding section discusses the benefits of employing this new definition. It is proposed that this new definition will contribute to the advancement of knowledge by allowing scholars to communicate more effectively with one another; that it will help to bridge the gap between the so-called academic and policy worlds by facilitating meaningful dialogue between them; and, most importantly, that it will assist in establishing clear criteria for ascertaining what 'security architecture' actually exists in the Asia-Pacific region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the EU-China strategic partnership, signed in 2003, closer security cooperation is envisaged, but progress in this field has been little in this field. If the two security strategies - the ESS and the Chinese Paper on the New Security Concept, as well as the papers of the three major Member States of the EU, are compared, a lot of common terminology can be found.However, the connotation of these terms differ due to the differences in paradigms regarding the nature of governance of their national entities and of the international system, including the role for the US. Cooperation will therefore be most likely in the new fields of security cooperation such as pandemics, environmental threats and disaster relief. Based on this analysis, the paper will outline the opportunities and limits for EU-China security cooperation, in particular in an US-China-EU triangle ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do states forswear the nuclear option even as some covet the bomb? Past quantitative and case studies offer interesting insights on nuclear behavior, but there is need for more systematic theoretical and empirical knowledge of nuclear forbearance. This paper argues that states' nuclear choices are strongly affected by status and prestige aspirations in international politics. However, whether a state will abandon (or embrace) the bomb depends on preferences as to how status and prestige are best obtained. The paper develops a classification scheme for status and prestige objectives. Using statistical and case analysis the paper shows that, when assessed in conjunction with more commonly advocated security factors, status priorities offer a convincing explanation for nuclear forbearance. A number of distinct nuclear reversal pathways are identified—constellations of status and security variables that encourage states to relinquish their nuclear ambitions. This research provides evidence that status and prestige determinants of nuclear reversal have been underexamined, suggests reasons for the mixed nonproliferation results of norms and international diplomacy, and points to the need for better characterizations of nuclear decisions than are permitted by the "rogue" taxonomy in American policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Where is the consistency in allied cooperation in American-led 'Coalitions of the willing'? Why does it vary, not only which allies who have participated, but also, when they have done what? In sum, this questions how bound to follow U.S. allies are in the unipolar post-Cold War international system? The central argument posed in this paper is that the U.S. allies' decision to participate or not in American-led international ad hoc coalitions in the post-Cold War era are determined by the severity of a unipolar alliance security dilemma. The variation in participation is explained by that the severity of this dilemma varies across states and coalitions even though the relative distribution of capabilities in the international system is held constant - unipolar. The severity of the unipolar alliance security dilemma is determined primarily by the interests of the unipole in relation to the allies and the specific coalition. Secondary is the interest of the ally and extend of comparability between the two and the degree of mutual dependence. The point is that there is a pattern of participation and that allied states are bound to follow. They are, however, not bound to follow the unipole as such, but they are bound to follow the maneuver room determined by the unipole. This is based on structural realist alliance theory, which argues that the polarity is the most obvious determinacy of alliance partners. The aim of this paper is to provide a model that can be used to analyse when and under which conditions intra-alliance cooperation in ad hoc coalitions led by the unipole takes place in a unipolar international system. The novelty of the paper is threefold. First, neorealist alliance theory is further developed on unipolar international systems and which alliance dynamics is inherent in such a system. Second, knowledge of the logic behind formation of coalitions used to manage military interventions and led by a unipole is extended. Third, understanding of allied cooperation during a unipolar international system is elaborated. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US-Turkish relationship post-World War II has been based on mutual strategic interest and common security policies vis-à-vis Turkey’s environment. During the Cold War, the US looked to Turkey as a steadfast barrier against Soviet Communist influence in the Middle East. In recent times, particularly since 9/11, the US has increasingly begun to look at Turkey as more than simply a geographic barrier, affecting a shift in the nature of this relationship. Laying out the trends and patterns that have led to the current state of the US-Turkish alliance, this paper argues that the most formative years of the alliance and the parameters of the relationship were established within the context of the Cold War.Taken from a historical vantage point and largely based upon archival research in Turkey, this paper seeks to demonstrate how a periphery state such as Turkey and an external power like the US constructed and then oriented their foreign policies in relation to the Middle East. By exploring the competing interests and identities that shape the Middle East policies of Turkey during the Cold War, the direct impact of Turkey’s ‘strategic alliance’ with the US can be seen.There is still no consensus among historians on the relative weight of external and regional forces in shaping the modern Middle East during the period of the Cold War. Within this context, Turkey role, as both a European and Middle Eastern ally of the United States is central. The close strategic partnership of the Cold War between the US and Turkey has been too often portrayed through overly optimistic and simplistic lenses with little attention paid to some of the underlying tensions in the relationship. As a result, recent rifts over US foreign policy initiatives in Turkey’s neighbourhood have not been understood in their proper historical context. The ‘crisis’ in US-Turkish relations that popular media sources sensationalized in the aftermath of US-led military actions in Iraq seemed to ignore the changing factors in the US-Turkish relationship. In analyzing the diplomatic and military relations between the US and Turkey during the Cold War this paper highlights the foundation on which the current relationship is built, as well as Turkey’s foreign policy toward the Middle East. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To address and shape power by norms and institutions: A critical review of the European Security StrategyThe European Security Strategy (ESS, 2003), outlining the grand strategy of the European Union as a global actor, based on its recognized position as an institutional power, has served the construction of common identity as the basis for, and verified the promotion of norms as the strength, of the EU's external role. While advocating and pursuing effective multilateralism as an ideal model for global governance, and for framing its use of soft and integrated tools as a civilian power, the EU has struggled to address the policies of unilateralism and restrictiveness by other major actors on mandating and undertaking common actions and security interventions. The EU has striven to cope with unipolarity by engaging the US in renewed transatlantic partnership, and to adapt to emerging multipolarity sought and pursued by China, India, Brazil, Russia and other rising powers by developing strategic partnerships with them and expanding its geopolitical presence in critical regions. Against consecutive changes in the global order, the paper aims to review the rationale and functioning of the European Security Strategy. Two challenges in its pending revision are analysed: the combination of the roles of the EU in change of international order at EU, European and global levels; and the prospects of effective multilateralism through the management of effects of multipolarity in global governance. Finally, implications of the institutional reform contained in the Lisbon Treaty for actor capability is assessed. The need to complement the ideational and institutional dimensions of the ESS by stronger engagement in the politics of power, depicted by hardening of EU integration as a result of deepening and widening as well as adjustment to order change, as initially evident in its dominant position in wider Europe, emerges as the key outcome. By emulating the position of the great powers, the EU will affect the structuring of the global order, where exceptionalism and multipolar behaviour by other powers interlock as conditions for multilateralism.Generically, the analysis of the ESS contributes to defining the juxtaposition and confluence of hard and soft power in a complex environment, where great powers pursue not only, or primarily, politico-military but also economic and cultural interests, aim at regional dominance, and strive to influence the rules of global governance. Accordingly, the paper looks to test and modify the character of the EU as a trading state and a civilian power with enhanced capabilities of structural power in security.+++ ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will assess the manifold efforts to securitize global environmental change (GEC) as security dangers and concerns for national and human security that poses a new survival dilemma for those who are highly socially vulnerable due to the impact of natural hydrome¬teo¬¬rological hazards whose number and intensity has increased and is predicted to grow further due to the anthropogenic climate change. In the U.S. nearly as many people died due to the impact of Hurricane Katrina in August 2006 as of the terrorist attack of 11 September 2001. But the perception of these two cases as security concerns has differed not only between many governments within NATO but also among the people in Europe and in North America. The securitization of GEC has fundamentally differed and prevented so far effective global counter measures to adapt to and mitigate against the consequences of this new security threat where the enemy is us: our production and consumption patters as well as ways of life. Climate change as a new human and national security danger and concern poses new global equity problems between those countries and people that have contributed most to GEC and the survival of those poor people â€" especially in the South â€" whose livelihood and survival is directly threatened and who lack the resources for counter measures. The key thesis of this paper is that the turn towards the anthropocene requires a fundamental reconcep¬tua¬lizing of security as a result of a multi-, inter- and transdiciplinary process where natural and social scientists cooperate contributing to an anticipatory learning to prevent that the business as usual scenarios on climate change become reality with all its impact on global security policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will analyse some of the attempts made by the League to implement a general disarmament agreement in accordance with Articles VIII and IX, and comment on the reasons for their failure. Some of these reasons were specific to the various proposals themselves, but the paper will also examine the underlying misunderstandings of the nature of disarmament per se and the reluctance of the major powers to accept the fundamental concept of collective security as embodied in the League Covenant. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shall outline the UN's collective security system (i.e. measures listed under Chapter VII of the Charter) and the Responsiblity to Protect (R2P) doctrine in order to provide context for the panel, etntitled: "Stranger, Save Yourself". This paper is divided into three parts. Part 1 will outline the UN's collective security system especially its measures and ideals.Part 2 will explore the R2P doctrine as outlined in the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty's (ICISS) report entitled: Responsibility to Protect. Given that both the UN's collective security system and the R2P doctrine are about more than armed force, Part 3 widens the discussion by providing examples of the ways and means the Security Council has been able to endorse and further its responsibility to protect - to include also the responsibility to prevent, react and rebuild. Despite the overwhelming negative press regarding the Security Council's failure to apply R2P (read force), this paper suggests there are other measures of protection that the Security Council can and does apply that are within both the collective security and R2P framework. The hope is that this paper will widen the debate beyond the confines of missions involving armed force to reveal the myriad of ways and means the Security Council can and has applied the collective security system and the tenants of the R2P doctrine to save lives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a perspective on the application of theoretical and empirical methods to the study of domestic and transnational terrorism. The use of such methods can lead to informed policymaking. On the theoretical side, both choice-theoretic and game-theoretic methods are examined. For empirical applications, the paper focuses on the study of trend, cycles, and forecasting. Additionally, the use of intervention analysis in various forms is reviewed in regards to evaluating policy effectiveness and quantifying the economic impact of terrorism. Although this paper is not intended as a literature review, some key studies are highlighted for readers to pursue in greater depth. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper inquires into possibilities and limitations of arms control agreements between equal powers. The arms control literature argues that equal states can negotiate arms control agreements to mutually restrain themselves and increase security of both parties at the same time. Differentiating between confidence building measures and constraining arms control agreements, this paper argues that without offense-defense distinguishability, state parties are unwilling to undertake constraining arms control obligations. Strong arms control agreements between equal powers are unlikely to be built because the circumstances in which both states can simultaneously increase their security through cooperation are limited to building confidence-building measures. Further, this paper contends that most of the arguments for arms control are derived from and applicable to conditions contributing to building confidence-building measures, and are wrongly applied to claim that they can support constraining agreements between states. While arms control measures can be useful in avoiding purely accidental wars they cannot lead to stronger agreements restraining actors' behavior. I also critique two other arguments for arms control: that it is useful to maintain balance of power and can act as a signaling mechanism mitigating the severity of security dilemma. The discussion is complemented by an analysis of the arms control agreements between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War an inquiry into evolution and working of the ABM Treaty, claimed to be one of the 'strongest' arms control agreement negotiated by Great Powers to regulate each other. I posit that the treaty was weak because at that time neither party to the Treaty - the United States and Soviet Union - had the technology to deploy missile defense (and thus did not 'constrain' them), and to the extent that they wanted to continue their research into missile defense, both states violated provisions of the treaty. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines US-Mexico security relations in North America's changing security context. Empirically, it focuses on the transition from the Cold War logic of containment to the post 9-11 "geopolitics of engagement". This involves an analysis of threat perceptions and regional institutional security responses. The study will show how the tacit understandings that regulated US-Mexico security relations during the Cold War era have been severely undermined by the rise of amorphous and non-traditional threats. The study is thus designed to investigate whether this security understanding has been replaced by a security arrangement with the capacity to meet the new security challenges. To what extent have the security agendas of regional states been re-shaped by the geo-politics of engagement? The principal aim of this paper is to contribute to a better understanding of regional security politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to test a theory of collective security alliances against evidence of Asia-Pacific states' alliance formation behaviors in the early Cold War period. Specifically, I attempt to study why a multilateral alliance in the Asia-Pacific, namely a Pacific Pact did not materialize despite the fact many of Asia-Pacific states including the United States considered seriously and took initiative in developing such a pact. This puzzle is particularly interesting given the Western European states successfully developed a multilateral alliance, namely the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Why did a Pacific Pact failed, while NATO succeeded?The paper analyzes a case of decision-making and behaviors of potential allies and major stakeholders for forming a multilateral alliance in the Asia-Pacific region, particularly those of the United States, Japan, the Philippines, Australia, the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea) and the Republic of China (ROC or Taiwan) of the period from March 1949 to September 1951. This timeframe was chosen, because some of Asia-Pacific states developed their interest in building a multilateral alliance in their region after the North Atlantic Treat was signed in April 1949, and a possibility of building multilateral security alliance was abandoned but instead, two bilateral and one trilateral alliances were signed in August and September 1951.Before going into further discussion, note that this paper is interested not in a multilateral alliance with three or more member sates, but a multilateral alliance that possesses the feature of indivisible security. From now on, this paper merely calls the former type of alliance a multilateral alliance but names the latter type as a collective security alliance. Specifically, NATO is a multilateral alliance as well as a collective security alliance, while ANZUS or SEATO is a multilateral alliance but not a collective security alliance according to this paper's definition. In fact, this conception of a multilateral and collective security alliance is not new. For instance, Hemmer and Katzenstein does not treat the SEATO as a multilateral alliance, although more than five states constituted the alliance, because they consider that SEATO is more like a series of bilateral alliances . For the same reason, this paper regards ANZUS as a multilateral alliance but not as a collective security alliance.In general, the existence of a threat or hostile power is a necessary condition for developing a collective security alliance, since a collective security is one type of alliances. However, the balance of threat theory does not predict what type of alliances such as bilateral, multilateral or collective security alliances will be formed. A collective security alliance would be likely to develop if two or more great powers are willing to bear an extra burden of providing security to other states and regions as well as to its own territory, and also if they are willing to restrain their freedom of action in order to balance against external threats. Empirical Evidence shows that the Department of States and Defense started drafting a Pacific Pact with features of a collective security alliance at the end of 1950 when the U.S. government found the Communist expansion most threatening at the end of 1950. Also, the United States started discussing this Pacific Pact proposal with relevant Asia-Pacific states at the beginning of 1951. The heightened perception of threat surely drove a state to form an alliance. However, historical evidence shows that perceived threat is necessary, but not sufficient for forming a collective security alliance as a conclusion... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses United Nations (UN), an international organization (IO) and its performance in the fields of Security and Development from its conception in 1945 to its current situation. The focus of this research is a set of practices within UN that brings to surface a normative ambiguity in what comes to the social agents with which UN deals. Sovereign states are the prominent social agents within UN and outside UN as well in the modern international system. UN, a statist artifact, becomes embroiled in a series of complex, changing relationships with non-sovereign social agents. The paper makes use of some current trends in International Relations (IR) and Sociology literature, especially in what comes to sociology of organizations. As working hypothesis this paper proposes, firstly, that Security and Development crossed their respective bureaucratic borders within UN as a matter of problem-solving in the constrained context of Cold War superpower rivalry. Strands of emerging practices emerged within UN and were "consecrated" when Cold War drew to a close. The "vehicles" for such collaboration were peacekeeping operations (PKOs) and a set of renewed concepts of Development ("Human Development"). Secondly, the resulting "organizational synergy" implies a broadening of Security (detaching from traditional, state-centric approaches to re-focus on human beings) and Development (idem) conceptions within UN that the notion of "Human Security" (HS) currently tries to embody. HS becomes the framework for UN-non sovereigns partnerships; it brings to surface a set of ambiguities in what comes to the relationship between UN and its member-states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the evolving security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region in an effort toward constructing a conceptually based taxonomy of alignment systems. The paper identifies three primary systems of alignment: alliances, security communities and strategic partnerships. First, it considers how alliances, traditionally analyzed in reference to the Cold War models of NATO and the Warsaw Pact, need re-conceptualizing to reflect the state of the current twenty first century security environment. Second, it critically considers security communities to determine the continued tenability of this concept. Thirdly, it aims to promote some conceptual clarity with respect to the widely employed but poorly understood notion of ‘strategic partnerships’ as a form of alignment. In order to empirically test and reinforce the conceptual base of the paper, the following Asia-Pacific alignments are examined as representative archetypes of these three alignment systems: the US hub/spoke ‘alliance’ network, the ASEAN ‘security community’ and the Sino-Russian ‘strategic partnership’. Through this composite conceptual-empirical process the paper seeks to advance a better conceptual understanding of the dynamic security architecture of the Asia Pacific region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the 15 year long deployment (1985-2000) of Israeli forces in the self declared security zone in southern Lebanon . The paper focuses on two interrelated questions. First, has Israel lost against a Palestinian (and later Hezbollah) insurgency in the security zone? Second, why did fail to address the military challenge posed by Hezbollah? I conclude that that while the Israeli government reached its original goal of providing security to Israel ’s northern sector, it was ineffective in adapting its goals to the changing nature of the threat it faced. The paper then analyzes the reasons for Israel ’s inability to offer a military solution to the challenge posed by Hezbollah. Here I look at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels, and explore a number of variables that operated in some, or all, levels. The paper is based, in part, on interviews I conducted with some of the Israeli military commanders in south Lebanon . ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper critically analyzes the role that risk has played in the recent securitiza-tion of health issues evident in contemporary world politics. It explores the nexus between health, risk and security specifically in relation to the securitization of HIV/AIDS. The paper identifies three different ways in which this relationship can be conceptualized based on three competing conceptions of risk: (i) risk as a ‘danger of modernization’ (Beck), (ii) risk as a ‘neologism of insurance’ (Ewald), and (iii) risk as a ‘biopolitical technology’ (Foucault) â€" all of which are shown to be at play in recent attempts to frame HIV/AIDS as a threat to security. All three concepts of risk are subsequently shown to make important theoretical contributions to security studies and international relations by highlighting previously overlooked dimensions of the securitization of AIDS. Moreover, they also draw attention to policy-problems that can emerge when international institution such as UNAIDS seek to formulate international health policy on the basis of risk categories. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nuclear armament of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) seems to be the most pressing issue within current Northeast Asian (NEA) security politics. Ever since 2002, when the so called second nuclear crisis began, the denuclearization of the DPRK dominated the regional security agenda. For achieving this goal, a security regime, known as the Six-Party Talks, was initiated in 2003, which is composed of the People's Republic of China, Japan, the Russian Federation, the United States of America, the DPRK, and the Republic of Korea. Starting point of this paper is the consideration that practices within NEA security politics indicate a particular shared understanding or interpretation regarding the actions, policies or statements of the DPRK. Although the nuclear arsenals of China, Russia and the United States by far exceed that of North Korea and despite the knowledge that they - plus South Korea and Japan - belong to the world's biggest producers, sellers and buyers of all kinds of weapons, only the missiles or nuclear ownership of the DPRK seem to be a problem within regional security politics. How is this possible? For the rationale behind North Korea's pursuit of nuclear weapons could also be interpreted as a defensive measure, particularly if one considers the pre-emption policy of the United States. It is argued that practices of problematization hegemonized a specific meaning regarding North Korea's behaviour. This hegemonic discourse determines the ways of knowing and making sense of the reality in regional security affairs. By relying on post-structural discourse theory, this paper's goal is to examine the discursive practices of how North Korea is signified as a problem, how this kind of meaning becomes fixed and how challenge of discursive hegemony is possible. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the paper is a twofold contribution to the debate on ‘new modes of governance in European security’: firstly, we will â€" at a conceptual level â€" critically question one of the most widespread ‘wisdoms’ of contemporary scholarship, that is the alleged fusion of formerly distinct domains into one new ‘security sphere’; secondly, we will thus demonstrate â€" at an empirical level â€" that the governance processes of rule-setting and implementation in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) do still function according to distinct logics from Justice and Home Affairs (JHA). In other words, we will argue that the distinction of internal and external security is still a helpful heuristic for the explanation of these processes at the European level. Most contemporary debates of both academics and practitioners on European security policy build on the premise that we have witnessed significant changes in this domain during the two previous decades. The Cold War threats are gone and have been replaced by less visible, more complex and increasingly fragmented security problems â€" reaching from terrorism to failed states and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). In some way or the other, everything is related to everything. These real-world trends are reflected in the literature’s debates on ‘security governance’ with an emphasis on new actors, new issues and, consequently, changed policy-making processes. However, this new trend to incorporate essentially everything into the study of security policy comes at the expense of conceptual clarity and eventually explanatory leverage. In contrast, the paper will argue that â€" despite countervailing forces â€" it is still highly appropriate to distinguish between internal and external security affairs. In other words, neither the pure broadening of the ‘security’ notion nor the conceptual overstretching of ‘governance’ contributes to a better understanding of contemporary security practices. Despite some intuitive plausibility, the heuristic value-added is fairly limited. This will be empirically demonstrated by a comparative analysis of two prototypical governance processes, where allegedly distinct domains merge. Firstly, rule-setting is characterised by one distinguishing feature: while decisions are taken among equals in JHA, ESDP is still subordinated to the UN-Security Council, and partly NATO. Secondly, the implementation of rules is similarly organised into distinct logics: JHA clearly functions according to a (binding) legal logic, whereas every government remains its own judge in ESDP. Adopting the terminology of the governance literature, we may speak of hierarchical modes vs. soft modes of governance. Although all of these distinct forms of governance deal with the problem of security, they do function according to distinct logics. This, in turn, implies not to give up prematurely conceptual tools â€" even though they might be under continuous stress. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]