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Recent military operations, particularly those in Afghanistan and Iraq, have brought to the fore a number of outstanding questions concerning helicopters in the U.S. armed forces, including deployability, safety, survivability, affordability, and operational effectiveness. These concerns are especially relevant, and made more complicated, in an age of "military transformation," the "global war on terrorism," and increasing pressure to rein in funding for the military, all of which provide contradictory pressures with regard to DOD's large, and often complicated, military helicopter modernization efforts. Despite these questions, the military use of helicopters is likely to hold even, if not grow. This report includes a discussion of the evolving role of helicopters in military transformation. The Department of Defense (DOD) fields 10 different types of helicopters, which are largely of 1960s and 1970s design. This inventory numbers approximately 5,500 rotary-wing aircraft, not including an additional 144 belonging to the Coast Guard, and ranges from simple "utility" platforms such as the ubiquitous UH-1 "Huey" to highly-advanced, "multi-mission" platforms such as the Air Force's MH53J "Pave Low" special operations helicopter and the still-developmental MV-22B "Osprey" tilt-rotor aircraft. Three general approaches can be taken to modernize DOD's helicopter forces: upgrading current platforms, rebuilding current helicopter models (often called recapitalization), or procuring new models. These approaches can be pursued alone, or concurrently, and the attractiveness or feasibility of any approach or combination of approaches depends largely on budgetary constraints and operational needs. In some cases, observers argue that upgrades to helicopter sub-systems, especially radar, communications, and targeting systems, are the most cost effective way to satisfy current helicopter requirements. Others argue that while upgrades are cost effective in some cases, today's helicopters are sufficiently aged to require re-building, a more involved modernization approach. The modernization programs outlined in this paper suggest a number of issues that may compete for congressional attention. These issues include 1) budgetary concerns (Helicopter modernization plans and programs described in this paper would account for approximately $34.6 billion in spending between FY2005 and FY2009), 2) impact on overall force structure, 3) whether there is adequate coordination among the Services, 4) how modernization may effect the helicopter industrial base, and 5) a number of operational considerations such as whether the envisioned programs will adequately improve operational shortcomings identified in recent conflicts such as deployability, reliability, and survivability. This report will be updated as events warrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Al-Jazeera, the Arab world's first all-news network was started by the Persian Gulf monarchy of Qatar. It has come to be recognized as a key player in covering issues of central importance to U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East: the conflict in Iraq, the war on terrorism, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Al-Jazeera has become so publicly influential that U.S. officials now regularly appear on the network. Although Al-Jazeera has received praise for its uncensored format and for airing interviews with U.S. and Israeli officials, as well as Arab critics of the policies of Arab governments, it has drawn criticism from many observers in the United States and elsewhere for a perceived lack of objectivity in covering these conflicts, including the activities of Al Qaeda. For their part, officials from Al-Jazeera have claimed that they merely reflect Arab popular resentment of U.S. policy in the Middle East. This paper provides an overview of Al-Jazeera and explores the debate surrounding its objectivity. This report also analyzes Al-Jazeera's coverage of events in the Middle East, specifically, its coverage of events in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Israel and the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The final section of this report discusses policy options regarding U.S. public diplomacy efforts in the Middle East region. This paper will be updated periodically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the potential U.S.-Saudi agreements and the normalization of Saudi Arabia's relations with Israel. Topics include the Biden Administration's stance on Saudi-Israeli normalization as a national security interest, the conditions Saudi Arabia seeks for formal agreements, and the implications for U.S. foreign policy and congressional oversight.

The article reports that the U.S. has built or expanded partner militaries with the goal of curtailing its involvement in wars. In those instances in which the U.S. forces were engaged in a conflict, the U.S. has dedicated resources to training and equipping host nation forces. This enabled a host nation and transitioning security responsibility from the U.S. to whereby American forces are able to withdraw.

The United States is relying heavily in Iraq on private firms to supply a wide variety of services, including security. From the information available in published sources, this apparently is the first time that the United States has depended on contractors to provide such extensive security in a hostile environment, although it has previously contracted for more limited security services in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and elsewhere. In Iraq, private companies are currently providing security services such as the protection of individuals, non-military transport convoys, buildings and other economic infrastructure, as well as the training of Iraqi police and military personnel. U.S. contracts for these services are issued by, or on behalf of, the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), the U.S.-led entity that is currently exercising sovereign authority in Iraq. In a discussion paper issued recently, the CPA stated that it has direct contracts with eight companies for personal security, non-military site security, and non-military convoy security services that are "defensive in nature" and with a total value of $147 million, but it did not name the firms. Some eight firms have been identified in recent news accounts of firms providing protective services to or on behalf of the CPA, although these may not entirely overlap with the CPA list. These firms are Armor Group, Blackwater Security Consulting, Custer Battles, Erinys Iraq, Diligence LLC, Global Risk Strategies, Special Operations Consulting-Security Management Group, and the Steele Foundation. In addition, a State Department list cites another firm, ISI Iraq, as providing security to coalition facilities. Also, two companies have contracts to train the Iraqi security forces: DynCorp for the police and Vinnell Corporation for the military (although the work reportedly is being done by MPRI under a subcontract). The use of armed contractors raises several concerns for many Members, including transparency and accountability. Transparency issues include the lack of public information on the terms of their contracts, including their costs and the standards governing their performance, as well as the background and training of those hired under contract. The apparent lack of a practical means to hold contractors accountable under U.S. law for abuses and other transgressions, and the possibility that they could be prosecuted by foreign courts, is also a source of concern. Contractors working with the U.S. military (or with any of the coalition forces) in Iraq are non-combatants who have no combat immunity under international law if they engage in hostilities, and whose conduct may be attributable to the United States. Contractors are not likely to be subject to military law, but may be prosecuted under criminal statutes that apply extraterritorially or within the special maritime and territorial jurisdiction of the United States, or by means of the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act (MEJA). However, there is little precedent for trying contractor employees for crimes committed overseas. At least until June 30, 2004, when the CPA is scheduled to transfer sovereignty to Iraq and dissolve, Iraqi courts do not have jurisdiction to prosecute contractors without the permission of the CPA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 10 to 15 years, the South China Sea (SCS) has emerged as an arena of U.S.-China strategic competition. China's actions in the SCS-including extensive island-building and baseconstruction activities at sites that it occupies in the Spratly Islands, as well as actions by its maritime forces to assert China's claims against competing claims by regional neighbors such as the Philippines and Vietnam-have heightened concerns among U.S. observers that China is gaining effective control of the SCS, an area of strategic, political, and economic importance to the United States and its allies and partners. Actions by China's maritime forces at the Japanadministered Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea (ECS) are another concern for U.S. observers. Chinese domination of China's near-seas region-meaning the SCS and ECS, along with the Yellow Sea-could substantially affect U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere. Potential broader U.S. goals for U.S.-China strategic competition in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following: fulfilling U.S. security commitments in the Western Pacific, including treaty commitments to Japan and the Philippines; maintaining and enhancing the U.S.-led security architecture in the Western Pacific, including U.S. security relationships with treaty allies and partner states; maintaining a regional balance of power favorable to the United States and its allies and partners; defending the principle of peaceful resolution of disputes and resisting the emergence of an alternative "might-makes-right" approach to international affairs; defending the principle of freedom of the seas, also sometimes called freedom of navigation; preventing China from becoming a regional hegemon in East Asia; and pursing these goals as part of a larger U.S. strategy for competing strategically and managing relations with China. Potential specific U.S. goals for U.S.-China strategic competition in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following: dissuading China from carrying out additional baseconstruction activities in the SCS, moving additional military personnel, equipment, and supplies to bases at sites that it occupies in the SCS, initiating island-building or base-construction activities at Scarborough Shoal in the SCS, declaring straight baselines around land features it claims in the SCS, or declaring an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) over the SCS; and encouraging China to reduce or end operations by its maritime forces at the Senkaku Islands in the ECS, halt actions intended to put pressure against Philippine-occupied sites in the Spratly Islands, provide greater access by Philippine fisherman to waters surrounding Scarborough Shoal or in the Spratly Islands, adopt the U.S./Western definition regarding freedom of the seas, and accept and abide by the July 2016 tribunal award in the SCS arbitration case involving the Philippines and China. The issue for Congress is whether the Administration's strategy for competing strategically with China in the SCS and ECS is appropriate and correctly resourced, and whether Congress should approve, reject, or modify the strategy, the level of resources for implementing it, or both. Decisions that Congress makes on these issues could substantially affect U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the potential implications of COVID-19 on the international security environment, with debates on its transformative impact. Topics discussed include shifts in world order, U.S. global leadership, China's role, great power competition, democratic vs. authoritarian governance, societal stability, economic effects, alliances, defense strategy, non-state actors, and Congress's role in policy oversight.

The article focuses on the evolution of U.S. foreign policy regarding democracy and human rights, tracing congressional involvement since the 1970s. Topics discussed include the historical context, contemporary challenges, and various policy tools Congress employs to promote democracy and human rights globally.

The article offers information on the U.S.-China Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement (STA). Topics include the historical context and evolution of the STA, its provisions, and the broad functions of STAs. The STA, signed in 1979, was part of a strategy to counter Soviet influence and later aimed to integrate China into the global system.

The article focuses on Uzbekistan's background and issues for Congress, covering topics such as the country's geopolitical significance, its leadership transition from President Islam Karimov to President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, ongoing reform efforts, and areas of potential collaboration with the U.S. It highlights Uzbekistan's engagement with the international community and improved relations with the U.S.

The article presents a report from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on potential implications of COVID-19 for the international security environment. It discusses various areas of potential change, including shifts in world order, global governance, U.S. leadership, relations with China and Russia, government forms, economic dynamics, and more, with a focus on how these changes could impact U.S. foreign and defense policy.

The article focuses on issues related to the coordination of international export controls and its importance for national security, foreign policy, and economic objectives. It outlines the history of U.S. involvement in export control regimes since World War II, emphasizing the shift towards more economic considerations in national security policy since the 2010s. The report discusses the challenges and potential areas of congressional interest and engagement in this context.

The article presents a report from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on arms control and nonproliferation efforts as tools used by the United States for national security strategy. Topics discussed include information on varying perspectives on their effectiveness, their historical context, and their role in shaping U.S. relations with countries like Russia.

The article focuses on Jordan's significance as a key U.S. partner in the Middle East, particularly in regional stability and counterterrorism efforts. It also highlights the substantial U.S. aid provided to Jordan over the years, reinforcing their diplomatic cooperation and support for Israeli-Palestinian peace.

The article focuses on China has been expanding and strengthening its diplomatic, security, commercial, and cultural ties with countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region since the late 1990s. It mentions China brokered an agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia to reestablish diplomatic relations. It also mentions President Joe Biden referred to the China as the U.S. most serious competitor.

The Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (P.L. 87-195; 22 U.S.C. 2151 et seq.) serves as the cornerstone for the United States' foreign assistance policies and programs. Written, passed, and signed into law at what some consider the height of the Cold War, the act is seen by some today as anachronistic. Ironically, when President Kennedy urged the 87th Congress to enact foreign aid legislation that would exemplify and advance the national interests and security strategies of the United States post-World War II, he described the existing foreign aid mechanisms as bureaucratic, fragmented, awkward, and slow. Some have used the same language today, more than 60 years later, to characterize the legislation he promoted. On several occasions over the past several decades, Congress has set out to assess the current body of law that comprises foreign aid policy, starting with the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. The Foreign Affairs/International Relations and Foreign Relations Committees, in recent past Congresses, have considered legislation to rebuild the United States' capacity to deliver effective foreign aid, and make aid more transparent and responsive to today's quick-changing international challenges. Proposals have ranged from setting up advisory committees to a complete overhaul of foreign aid objectives and programs. This report presents the authorities of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, and correlates those authorities with Foreign Operations Appropriations (division K of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2023; P.L. 117-328; 136 Stat. 4459) that fund those authorities. It replaces an earlier issue of the same report, dated April 18, 2012, to incorporate the most recent appropriations act and other enactments of authorities. For many years, foreign aid appropriations measures have waived the requirement that funds must be authorized before they are appropriated and expended. Understanding the relation between the authorities in the cornerstone act and appropriations is key to foreign aid reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses constitutional issues surrounding the publication of information regarding national defense or foreign policy. While the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution provides that Congress should not make laws abridging the freedom of speech, the Supreme Court held that the Government may regulate the content of constitutionally protected speech to promote a compelling interest. The government however has to show its interest is sufficiently compelling to justify enforcement.

The article presents the conclusion of a paper on the foreign and security policy of the European Union (EU). It indicates that some analysts predict a multipolar world order where countries such as Brazil, Russia, India and China are moving alongside the U.S. and Europe as centers of power. The article also analyzes the U.S.- EU relations and the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) relations, which arose during discussions about the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP).

The article presents a paper on foreign and security policy of the European Union (EU) prepared by the U.S. Congressional Research Service. It offers an understanding of the complexities of EU policy making, assesses the compatibility and effectiveness of U.S. and EU policy approaches, and explores the long-term implications of changing transatlantic dynamics. The article also elaborates on the institutions and actors as well as instruments of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CDSP).

The September 11, 2001 attacks fueled criticisms within the United States of alleged Saudi involvement in terrorism or of Saudi laxity in acting against terrorist groups. Of particular concern have been reports that funds may be flowing from Saudi Arabia and other Middle East countries to terrorist groups, largely under the guise of charitable contributions. Critics of Saudi policies have cited a number of reports that the Saudi government has permitted or encouraged fund raising in Saudi Arabia by charitable Islamic groups and foundations linked to Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda organization or like-minded entities. The final report released by the bipartisan National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (the 9/11 Commission) indicates that the Commission "found no evidence that the Saudi government as an institution or senior Saudi officials individually funded [Al Qaeda]." The report also states, however, that Saudi Arabia "was a place where Al Qaeda raised money directly from individuals and through charities," and indicates that "charities with significant Saudi government sponsorship" may have diverted funding to Al Qaeda. In numerous official statements and position papers, Saudi leaders have said they are committed to cooperating with the United States in fighting terrorist financing, pointing out that Saudi Arabia itself is a victim of terrorism and shares the U.S. interest in combating it. Saudi leaders acknowledge providing financial support for Islamic and Palestinian causes, but maintain that no Saudi support goes to any terrorist organizations, such as the Hamas organization. The U.S. State Department in its most recent annual report on international terrorism states that Hamas receives some funds from individuals in the Persian Gulf states but does not specifically mention Saudi Arabia. Since the September 11 attacks, Saudi Arabia has issued numerous decrees and created new institutions designed to tighten controls over the flow of funds in or through the kingdom, with particular emphasis on increasing the effectiveness of governmental supervision over charitable donations and collections. A rash of terrorist attacks on residential and office compounds in Saudi Arabia in 2003-2004 appears to have given added impetus to the Saudi leadership in expanding counterterrorist efforts. Since mid-2003, the Saudi government has: set up a joint task force with the United States to investigate terrorist financing in Saudi Arabia; shuttered charitable organizations suspected of terrorist ties; passed anti-money laundering legislation; banned cash collections at mosques; centralized control over charitable collections; closed unlicenced money exchanges; and scrutinized clerics involved in charitable collections. The Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (P.L. 108-458) requires the President to submit to a strategy for U.S.-Saudi collaboration to Congress, with special reference to combating terrorist financing. For more information about Saudi Arabia, see CRS Issue Brief IB93113, Saudi Arabia: Current Issues and U.S. Relations, by Alfred Prados. Audrey Kurth Cronin and Febe Armanios contributed to this report. This report will be updated periodically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Congress is concerned with preventing economic recessions and mitigating the effects of recessions. Eight of the nine post-war recessions were accompanied by sharp increases in the price of oil. The last four recessions followed this pattern: the 1973-1975 recession followed the oil embargo; the double dip recession of 1980- 1982 followed the second oil shock, which was caused by the Iranian revolution and Iran-Iraq War; the 1990-1991 recession followed the oil price spike induced by the Gulf War; and the 2001 recession followed a sharp rise in oil prices from 1999-2000. Policymakers are concerned that the recent rise in oil prices could again spillover into the wider macroeconomy. The coincidence of recessions and oil shocks does not prove that oil price changes have any effect on the economy. To make that case, one must use statistical methods to hold other economic factors constant. This report surveys the econometric literature on oil shocks to provide quantitative estimates of how large an effect oil price changes have on economic activity. It also reviews the statistical robustness of these findings and discusses some of the limitations of these types of statistical analyses. Economic theory suggests that oil shocks lead to higher inflation, a contraction in output, and higher unemployment in the short run. It is the rise in energy prices, rather than RhighS energy prices, that causes these macroeconomic problems. Effective policy responses are difficult because expansionary policy would exacerbate the inflationary pressures while contractionary policy would exacerbate the contraction in output. There is a fair degree of consensus surrounding the range of estimates: for comparable studies, the cumulative effect of a 10% increase in oil prices during a one-quarter (3 month) period would be to reduce economic growth by 0.7-1.4 percentage points over the next year. The magnitude of these estimates suggests that normal fluctuations in the price of oil would cause only minor fluctuations in economic growth. However, the estimates suggest that major oil shocks, in which oil prices rise for several consecutive quarters, often by more than 10% per quarter, would lead to recessions, all else equal. Some of the findings are not statistically robust. A few studies dissent from these findings. Many studies find that the effects of oil on economic activity are waning. Surprisingly, many studies found oil to have had stronger economic effects before the mid-1970s, although the major post-war oil shocks occurred since the mid-1970s. The studies suggest that the relationship between oil prices and economic activity is not a simple linear one (e.g., episodic oil price declines have negligible economic effects), but there is no straightforward way to identify a more accurate relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the U.S. Congressional Research Service. It reports on New Zealand, relationship with the U.S., political system. It discuses that the U.S. and New Zealand have been working together to address common concerns in defense, foreign affairs, and trade. It describes New Zealand's parliamentary democracy and current government, and mentions the country's commitment to reducing carbon emissions and becoming carbon neutral by 2025.

The article focuses on the political and security issues related to Taiwan and its strained relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the U.S. Topics include the modern history and current events of Taiwan, U.S. policy towards Taiwan, and the challenges faced in U.S.-Taiwan relations.

The article focuses on Congress shaped U.S. national security policy toward several critical crises and during the decade from 2011 through 2020 towards Middle East. It mentions U.S. Constitution, legislative and executive branches of government use a range of tools in exercising their respective foreign policy powers. It also mentions Congress also provided for extensive U.S. sanctions targeting Iran for its nuclear program, weapons proliferation, restrictions on human rights and democracy.

The article presents a report of the U.S. Congressional Research Service, that examines how Lebanon has struggled to define its national identity since having its boundaries drawn by France after the First World War. It mentions that the U.S. has sought to bolster forces that could serve as a counterweight to Syrian and Iranian influence in Lebanon, providing military assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) since 2006.

The article introduces a paper on foreign and security policy of the European Union (EU). It argues that the EU's institutional complexities present a challenge for U.S. policy makers in understanding the context and significance of its external policies. The article also comments that possible avenues for the U.S. include examining the EU's global role in the context of evolving U.S. foreign policy thrusts and the relationship between the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

On March 6, 2001, Congressman Don Young introduced H.R. 883, the American Land Sovereignty Act. H.R. 883 requires congressional approval to add any lands owned by the United States to the World Heritage List, a UNESCO-administered list established by the 1972 World Heritage Convention. Two years ago, on May 20, 1999, the House passed (by voice vote) an identical bill also numbered H.R. 883, but the legislation did not pass in the Senate. Sponsors of that bill expressed concern that adding a U.S. site to the U.N. list, which is currently done under executive authority, might not protect the rights of private property owners or the states. The Clinton Administration and opponents of the bill argued that the designation has no effect on property rights and does not provide the United Nations with any legal authority over U.S. territory. In related legislation, P.L. 106-429, in which H.R. 5526, the Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs appropriations act for 2001 was referenced, contained language prohibiting funding from this bill for the United Nations World Heritage Fund. The FY2000 contribution to the Fund was $450,000. The World Heritage Fund provides technical assistance to countries requesting help in protecting World Heritage sites. This paper describes the operation of the UNESCO Convention and will be updated periodically. This legislation would also affect U.S. participation in the UNESCO Man and the Biosphere Program, which includes some of the same sites. For information on that program, see CRS Report RS20220, Biosphere Reserves and the U.S. MAB Program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that the U.S. Congress is examining whether and how to address climate change, including the role of humans and natural factors in influencing observed global climate change. It notes that the measurements established a quantitative benchmark for the linkage between increasing carbon dioxide concentrations and rising global temperatures.

Critical infrastructure is defined in the USA PATRIOT Act (P.L. 107-56, §1016(e)) as "systems and assets, physical or virtual, so vital to the United States that the incapacity or destruction of such systems and assets would have a debilitating impact on security, national economic security, national public health and safety, or any combination of those matters." Presidential Decision Directive 63, or PDD-63, identified activities whose critical infrastructures should be protected: information and communications; banking and finance; water supply; aviation, highways, mass transit, pipelines, rail, and waterborne commerce; emergency and law enforcement services; emergency, fire, and continuity of government services; public health services; electric power, oil and gas production; and storage. In addition, the PDD identified four activities in which the federal government controls the critical infrastructure: (1) internal security and federal law enforcement; (2) foreign intelligence; (3) foreign affairs; and (4) national defense. In February 2013, the Obama Administration issued PPD-21, Critical Infrastructure Security and Resilience, which superseded HSPD-7 issued during the George W. Bush Administration. PPD-21 made no major changes in policy, roles and responsibilities, or programs, but did order an evaluation of the existing public-private partnership model, the identification of baseline data and system requirements for efficient information exchange, and the development of a situational awareness capability. PPD-21 also called for an update of the National Infrastructure Protection Plan, and a new Research and Development Plan for Critical Infrastructure, to be updated every four years. This report serves as a starting point for congressional staff assigned to cover cybersecurity issues as they relate to critical infrastructure. Much is written about protecting U.S. critical infrastructure, and this CRS report directs the reader to authoritative sources that address many of the most prominent issues. The annotated descriptions of these sources are listed in reverse chronological order with an emphasis on material published in the past several years. The report includes resources and studies from government agencies (federal, state, local, and international), think tanks, academic institutions, news organizations, and other sources. • Table 1 contains overview reports and resources • Table 2 lists energy resources, including electrical grid, Smart Grid, SCADA, and Industrial Control Systems • Table 3 presents financial industry resources, including banks, insurance, SEC guidance, FFIEC, FDIC, FSOC, and IRS • Table 4 contains health, including Healthcare.gov, health insurance, Medicaid, and medical devices • Table 5 contains telecommunications and communications, including wired, wireless, Internet service providers, GPS, undersea cables, and public safety broadband networks • Table 6 features transportation, including Coast Guard, air traffic control, ports and maritime, and automobiles The following CRS reports comprise a series that compiles authoritative reports and resources on these cybersecurity topics: • CRS Report R44405, Cybersecurity: Overview Reports and Links to Government, News, and Related Resources, by Rita Tehan • CRS Report R44406, Cybersecurity: Education, Training, and R&D Authoritative Reports and Resources, by Rita Tehan • CRS Report R44408, Cybersecurity: Cybercrime and National Security Authoritative Reports and Resources, by Rita Tehan • CRS Report R43317, Cybersecurity: Legislation, Hearings, and Executive Branch Documents, by Rita Tehan • CRS Report R43310, Cybersecurity: Data, Statistics, and Glossaries, by Rita Tehan • CRS Report R44417, Cybersecurity: State, Local, and International Authoritative Reports and Resources, by Rita Tehan [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report details legislation and policies that restrict or place requirements on U.S. funding of abortion or family planning activities abroad. The level and extent of federal funding for these activities is an ongoing and controversial issue in U.S. foreign assistance and will likely continue to be a point of contention during the 115th Congress. These issues have been debated for over four decades in the context of a broader domestic abortion controversy that began with the Supreme Court's 1973 ruling in Roe v. Wade, which holds that the Constitution protects a woman's decision to terminate her pregnancy. Since Roe, Congress has enacted foreign assistance legislation placing restrictions or requirements on the federal funding of abortions and on family planning activities abroad. Many of these provisions, often referred to by the name of the lawmakers that introduced them, have been included in foreign aid authorizations, appropriations, or both, and affect different types of foreign assistance. Examples include • the "Helms amendment," which prohibits the use of U.S. funds to perform abortions or to coerce individuals to practice abortions; • the "Biden amendment," which states that U.S. funds may not be used for biomedical research related to abortion or involuntary sterilization; • the "Siljander amendment," which prohibits U.S. funds from being used to lobby for or against abortion; • the "Kemp-Kasten amendment," which prohibits funding for any organization or program that, as determined by the President, supports or participates in the management of a program of coercive abortion or involuntary sterilization; and • the "Tiahrt amendment," which places requirements on voluntary family planning projects receiving assistance from USAID. The executive branch has also engaged in the debate over international abortion and family planning. In 1984, President Ronald Reagan issued what has become known as the "Mexico City policy," which required foreign non-governmental organizations receiving USAID family planning assistance to certify that they would not perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning, even if such activities were conducted with non-U.S. funds. The policy was rescinded by President Bill Clinton and reinstituted and expanded by President George W. Bush to include State Department activities. In January 2009, President Barack Obama rescinded the policy. It was reinstated by President Trump on January 23, 2017. This report focuses primarily on legislative restrictions and executive branch policies related to international abortion and family planning. For information on domestic abortion laws and international population assistance, including funding levels and U.S. programs, see • CRS Report RL33467, Abortion: Judicial History and Legislative Response, by Jon O. Shimabukuro, and • CRS Report RL33250, U.S. International Family Planning Programs: Issues for Congress, by Luisa Blanchfield. This report is updated as events warrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on concerns of the U.S. Congress regarding political and economic developments in Cuba as of August 2016. Topics discussed include the role of the U.S. Congress in enacting policy toward Cuba and isolating Cuba through economic sanctions, the poor record of the Cuban government on human rights, and rescission of Cuba's designation as a state sponsor of international terrorism.

The article focuses on political structure, human rights and the U.S. policy in Bahrain. It states that Bahrain's political reform include referendum on adopted National Action Charter including constitution which made elected Council of Representatives (COR) and Consultative Council equal and constitute the National Assembly. It mentions that criticisms of its human rights relate to government's response to unrest and the U.S.-Bahrain defense relations is U.S. access to its naval facilities.

The article discusses the shift in international security environment to a feature which includes power competition with Russia and China and other entities that challenge U.S.-led international order. The Cold War Era and the Post-Cold War Era of the previous international security environment are also discussed. Topics include the emerging features of the new international security environment, and the participation of U.S. Congress and the Department of Defense (DOD) in defense reassessment.

The Sultanate of Oman has been a strategic ally of the United States since 1980, when it became the first of the Persian Gulf monarchies to formally allow the U.S. military to uses bases there. The facilities access accord represented a long-term Omani shift from reliance on Britain for its security, although Oman continues to maintain close military ties to Britain. Oman has hosted U.S. forces during every U.S. military operation in and around the Gulf since then, and it is a partner in U.S. efforts to counter the transit of terrorists through regional waterways. Oman has consistently supported U.S. Middle East peacemaking efforts by publicly endorsing peace agreements reached and meeting with Israeli leaders, even when doing so ran counter to the policies of Oman's Gulf state allies. It was partly in appreciation for Oman's support that the United States entered into a free trade agreement (FTA) with Oman, which is also intended to help Oman diversify its economy and compensate for its lack of large reserves of crude oil. Oman's ties to the United States are unlikely to loosen if its ailing leader, Sultan Qaboos bin Sa'id Al Said, leaves the scene in the near term. He returned to Oman in March 2015 after nearly a year of treatment in Germany, but his public appearances are rare. Within the region, Oman has tended not to join its Gulf allies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) in direct intervention in regional conflicts such as in Syria and Yemen, instead developing ties to regional leaders and factions. Oman has historically asserted that engaging Iran is the optimal strategy to reduce the potential threat from that country, and Sultan Qaboos and his aides have consistently maintained ties to Iran's leaders. Oman was the only GCC state not to downgrade its relations with Iran in connection with the Saudi-Iran dispute over the Saudi execution of a Shiite cleric in January 2016. Oman has publicly joined the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State organization but it is apparently not participating militarily in those efforts and did not join a Saudi-led broad counterterrorism coalition announced by Riyadh in December 2015. Oman also has been a broker for the United States and Iran, in the absence of formal diplomatic U.S.-Iran relations, to resolve some bilateral and multilateral issues, such as Iran's holding of U.S. citizens. Oman's diplomacy helped pave the way for the November 24, 2013, interim nuclear agreement between Iran and the international community that ultimately became the July 14, 2015, "Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action" (JCPOA). Prior to the wave of Middle East unrest that began in 2011, the United States repeatedly praised Sultan Qaboos for gradually opening the political process even in the absence of evident public pressure to do so. The liberalization allowed Omanis a measure of representation, but did not significantly limit Qaboos's role as paramount decisionmaker. Modest reform--as well as the country's economic performance--apparently did not satisfy some Omanis because unprecedented protests took place in several Omani cities for much of 2011. However, the apparent domestic popularity of Qaboos, coupled with additional economic and political reforms as well as repression of protest actions, caused the unrest to subside by early 2012. As are the other GCC states, Oman is attempting to cope with the dramatic fall in the price of crude oil since mid-2014. However, Oman's economy and workforce has always been somewhat more diversified than some of the other GCC states that apparently rely almost entirely on oil exports to generate government revenue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Oman's reform, security and its relationship with the U.S. government. It discusses Oman's foreign policy with Great Britain and with the U.S. for its security. Omani government has partnered with the U.S. government to counter the transit of terrorists through regional waterways, and teamed up with the British government to strengthen military ties. The U.S. government has also entered a free trade agreement (FTA) with Omani government.

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The article presents the contact information of Kenneth Katzman who is the author of the paper titled "The United Arab Emirates (UAE): Issues for U.S. Policy."

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