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This report reviews the proceedings of the scientific symposium held by the Middle East Studies Center on Tuesday and Wednesday, 21-22/11/2023, entitled "The International Status and Role of the Arab World, Reality and Future." It presents the most essential conclusions in the opening speeches and scientific papers presented by academics, politicians, and experts from the Arab world in the different symposium sessions. The first session was titled The International Status and Role, political and Civilizational Elements and Tools in the Arab World, the second session was on the Repercussions of the Economic and Social Reality and Arab-Arab Relations, and the third session discussed the regional and international Transformations and their implications for the global status and role of the Arab world. The fourth session forecasted the potential of a renaissance in international status and role: opportunities, capabilities, and challenges, while the fifth session sought to present the Arab vision for achieving international status and role and its strategies. In the end, the report presents the most important conclusions and recommendations of the symposium and its discussions, including essential transformations at the Arab national levels in the political and economic structures to achieve geopolitical power capable of supporting international standing for Arabs. It also includes the necessity of adopting a new and advanced Arab vision in dealing with the ongoing regional and global transformations with depth and investment. The Arab world should have a role in influencing the outcomes of these transformations in a way that serves the highest interests of the Arab people. It calls for the crystallization of an Arab renaissance, a humanitarian and civilized vision that communicates with the countries and peoples of the region. And reconsidering the Palestinian issue as a central issue for the Arabs, as it is an element of consensus between peoples and official regimes. It called for reconsidering Israel as the primary source of threat to the security and stability of the region, especially after the battle of the "Al-Aqsa Flood." It called for adopting a new approach to support the Palestinian people in confronting the Israeli occupation, liberating their land and establishing their independent state on their land, achieving the return of refugees, and exercising their right to selfdetermination. It is to recall the need to formulate a comprehensive, global civilizational vision to achieve international status and role during 2024-2050. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the growing tension in Sino-American relations and its repercussions on Arab-Chinese relations. The paper assumes that the Arab countries have resisted the pressures exerted against their relations with China. As a result, they have achieved a reasonable balance in their relations with the United States and other major powers. The paper indicated that the Chinese-American tension would continue. Therefore, American pressure will continue on the Middle Eastern and other developing countries to curtail their relations with China. Moreover, the United States partners in the Middle East have realized the significant changes in the international political scene and the shifts in the policies of the United States. As a result, they adopted new diversifying foreign policy options, especially the Arab Gulf states. The paper showed that Chinese-Arab relations had reached an advanced stage of strength, linking economic, commercial, political, cultural, and popular interests and transferring relations to the stage of strategic cooperation partnership. Moreover, the level of these relations may soon be upgraded to the stage of comprehensive strategic partnership after the mutual summit in Riyadh on 9/12/2022. The paper concluded that Chinese-Arab relations had reached an advanced level of overlap. However, such overlapping does not prejudice these essential and mutually beneficial relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report results from the discussions of papers submitted by many researchers and experts from seven Arab countries. The discussions of participants also were inserted in this paper. The symposium was held by the Middle East Studies Center (MESC) in Jordan at its annual symposium in 2021. Twenty-three researchers, academics, and strategic experts from Jordan, Palestine, Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Iraq, and Lebanon submitted their papers in front of distinguished participants and guests from different fields to discuss the Arab strategy in dealing with the Arab-Israeli conflict. The report aims to study the opportunities, tools, and strategies to achieve the Arab and Palestinians' struggle goals. The symposium also aims to develop a strategic vision with specific features for the current decade (2021-2030) in confronting Israel and its expansion project, ending the occupation, and implementing refugees' return in the short and medium term. The outcomes would serve the Arab and Palestinian decision-making process regarding the conflict, which suffers from a vision absence. The symposium discussion for the last decade of the conflict provided an accurate and deeper understanding of the obstacles hider strategic conclusions of the conflict. It also highlighted the needed strategic components in managing the conflict with Israel. The symposium found out that the Palestinian resistance in Gaza Strip created an advanced situation in thwarting and defeating the Israeli army in four battles since 2008. Furthermore, the "Sword of Jerusalem" battle in May 2021 has significantly impacted the direction of many politicians and experts to reconsider the course of the conflict, the halted peace process, and the current controversial relationship with Israel. The symposium was organized in eight sessions. Each session discussed one ax, including Arab strategies and tools in conflict management and its consequences during the period 2011-2021, Palestinian strategies and tools, the opportunities and transformations imposed by the Palestinian-Israeli confrontations 2008-2021, the role of thought and ideology in conflict management, the vision and potential prospects for conflict trends and tools at the Palestinian, Arab and international levels during the period 2021-2030, and the features of a new Arab strategic vision to deal with the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Israeli expansion project in the region. The report concluded with the main findings of the symposium and proposed a project for the new Arab strategy. The most important is the vision, objectives, means, and potential until 2030. Finally, 15 Arab researchers and experts reviewed the resulting vision draft from the participants. The strategic vision was to confront, contain and limit the Israeli aggression and its expansion project. The new strategy aims to reduce Israeli risks to the Palestinian cause, Arab national security, and the nation's higher interests in the short and medium-term by developing a new workable Arab strategy governed by precise objectives. It also concluded that the Arabs officially hold their responsibilities towards supporting the resilience of the Palestinian people and creating the necessary environment for an advanced situation to form a unified Palestinian National Front. The ground gains should support such a front during the recent battle named the "Jerusalem Sword" 2021. Therefore, it is essential to revive and redefine the Palestinian national project based on the national program and Palestinian priorities. Moreover, Arab countries, political forces, Palestinian factions, Arab research centers, and Arab civil society institutions were encouraged to adopt the symposium strategy. Research and studies centers also have to take on their duty to bridge the gap between the cultural and intellectual dialogue of the elite and the decision-makers choices to make any proposed strategy a reality and public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of Arab-Arab alliances at present, and with the circumstances that Arab countries are going through, including economic crises and a state of political instability, not to mention security risks and threats, has become an urgent necessity. Hence, the idea of the "new Levant alliance" between the three countries (Iraq, Jordan, and Egypt), which is important regionally and Arabian, to promote partnership relations and concepts of joint defense, economic integration, and structural stability in the light of balanced cooperative/reciprocal relations among them. And by an approach that is supposed to serve the present and benefit in developing the future to achieve the goals and objectives of these strategic countries . This paper focused on five axes, looking at the features of this alliance and the challenges it will face, in addition to the role of the external factor (international and regional), which varied between supportive or afraid of it. depending on the chronology of the formation of the blocs between the three countries, and the nature of the relations that governed them, leading to the "New Levant Alliance", which can reorganize the relationship between its parties to be able to modify the rules of international and regional relations and policies in the Arab region in particular, and the Middle East in general, in a manner that serves its higher interests and major issues. The paper concluded that Arab-Arab alliances remain a vital issue that has its positives for the Arab people. They are established on correct, logical, and studied foundations to ensure their sustainability. There should be a study and evaluation of these alliances to alert them to the potential risks that they may face. The paper also stressed the need for the three countries to alert the alliance's expansion to include other Arab countries that would strengthen it to achieve continuity. These projects should be linked to the Arab interest and stay away from attaining foreign agendas. Most importantly, the coalition countries should reduce their ties to the United States as the main supporter and ensure independence in making decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its establishment in the Jordanian capital in 1991, the "Middle East Studies Center"(MESC) has been keen to achieve its political, cultural, scientific, and media goals. The center's Journal, the "Middle Eastern Studies journal"(MESJ), is essential to achieving these goals. It was published for the first time in 1996. MESJ is the first Journal in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan as a specialized refereed publication. The Journal is concerned with studies, analyses, and reviews related to the dynamic transformations in the Middle East and its future. In addition, the global changes related to the Middle East are under publication interest. This report overviewed the academic materials issued in the Journal and analyzed its content in the series of issues of the Journal; the 100th was published at the beginning of July 2022. The report concluded that the topics of the hundred numbers are divided into seven main axes: Jordanian issues and affairs by 11%, the Palestinian cause by 26%, Arab matters, experiences, and relations by 25%, international issues, positions, and concerns by 10%, regional issues, events and concerns by 6%, Israeli and Zionist events and affairs by 5%, and books and university theses and dissertations for review and bibliography files by 17%. The report recommends that the Journal is in the libraries of Jordanian and Arab official and private universities because it contains research papers, scientific studies, and political, economic, social, and cultural analyses that teachers, students, researchers, and readers have to know. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Middle East Studies Center held a seminar entitled "Israeli- Palestinian Confrontation 2021: Strategic Dimensions," which aims to monitor the strategic dimensions of the results of the confrontation politically, militarily, socially, intellectually, and at multiple levels: Israeli, Palestinian, Arab, and international. The seminar highlighted the postconfrontation opportunities for Palestinians and Arabs, as well as to find out the emerging paths and tools necessary for Palestinians and Arabs to manage the conflict, to change its equations in favor of achieving the goals of the Palestinians through ending the Israeli occupation and the return of Palestinian refugees. Fifteen researchers, academics, and strategic experts from Algeria, Jordan, Palestine, Sudan, and the United Kingdom participated. The seminar was divided into two sessions. The first session addressed the strategic dimensions of confrontation. The second has studied strategic opportunities to the post-confrontation. This report projects the outcome of the papers of researchers and experts and the participants' discussions, and it is divided into six main parts. At the Israeli level, the seminar concluded that the recent confrontation had reflected a significant and central strategic challenge to Israel. Participants noted that the current fight had affected the political weight and overall national value of Hamas behavior and thinking at the Palestinian level. It demonstrated the unity of the Palestinian people and restored their compass to the Palestinians in Israel and their suffering of discrimination. The confrontation contributed to the vision, based on the suspicion that real Israeli power revived the spirit of resistance for the Arab peoples, especially for the new Arab generation. Moreover, it strengthened the Palestinian-Muslim Arab voice in Western Israeli-aligned capitals. Concerning strategic opportunities for the Palestinian people beyond confrontation; participants noted that adopting the strategy as a demonstration instead of a negotiation approach, and ending the division, in addition to deepening the building of a global solidarity movement with the Palestinians, will be the most critical political opportunities offered by this confrontation. In discussing the strategic opportunities for the Arab world to manage the conflict with Israel, participants summarized the most prominent. It included leaving the box of peace agreements, not necessarily by formally abolishing them, but by effectively eliminating their effects, supporting the unity of the Palestinian people and their struggle, and establishing a fund to support Palestine in every Arab State. Concerning the paths and tools necessary to counteract the Israeli occupation at the Palestinian level, the participants stressed the need to create a new Palestinian strategic vision for managing the conflict and confrontation. Furthermore, at the Arab and international levels, the fight results must be invested to enhance the status of the Palestinian cause and develop relations with Arab and Islamic States, particularly Jordan. The aim is to agree on a shared vision in defense of Jerusalem and counter Israeli policy of transfer and any other alternative homeland projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On Tuesday 13 October 2020, the MESC organized its annual scholarly symposium titled Impacts of Shifts in Arab-Israeli Relations on Arab Security and Palestinian Cause. The event was joined by about 30 experts, academics and politicians from 5 Arab states. Seven papers were presented on the current developments in the Arab-Israeli ties, especially in the period 2015-2020, and their impacts on the Arab security and the Palestinian cause. The gathering highlighted supporting the Arab countries against the US pressure to normalize relations with the Hebrew State and adopting a stronger Arab position in regional and international forums. On the other hand, it is warned that the normalization steps pave the way for Arab political, economic and security segments which go in line with Israel. That would cause threats to the Arab states in terms of further internal problems and divides. The final statement contained a set of conclusions and recommendations made by the participants, mainly: 1. Working hard on refuting the sayings some attempt to consolidate that normalizing relations with Israel is the way to solve the Arab countries’ internal issues 2. Highlighting the Palestinian internal reform and ending the divide, which would prevent any relevant justifications 3. Asserting support to resistance as a legal right for the Palestinian people under occupation 4. Calling for the institutionalization of the scattered Arab efforts to back the Palestinian cause and counter the Deal of the Century in all its forms 5. The MESC’s call to extract the main thoughts of the symposium to set a new pan-Arab strategy in handling the conflict with Israel and deliver it to Arab public and official decision makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper explores the US stance on the developments in Egypt since the 2011 January revolution until after the General Sisi's coup, briefly along with the determinants of such policy. In other words, will Trump's takeover in 2017 lead to the deterioration of Cairo's democratic shift? It is to be borne in mind that there is accord between the two officials since Trump was announced candidate as well as when he received the first congratulation phone call from Sisi upon assuming power. The hypothesis of the study is that the better the US-Egypt ties, the worse Cairo's democracy, especially when Republicans come to power. Several methodologies are adopted, such as those descriptive, historical and the case study. The paper consists of 4 sections: Determinants of the US Policy towards Egypt, US Stance on Egypt's Political Developments from the 2011's Uprising to the 2013' Coup by Sisi, Trump's Administration's Perspective of the Situation in Egypt and the Impact of Trump's Policies on Egypt's Political Situation. It is concluded that Washington's standpoint in this regard is basically linked to its national and Israeli interests. On the other hand, there are 2 future scenarios for Cairo's political order. The first is a tyrannical regime which internally resorts to force, while boosting foreign relations mainly with the US and Israel. Such practices are likely to continue at least during Trump's "first term" - that is until 2021. The second is a hybrid tyrannical system offering some democracy. That would depend on a number of factors, such as the decline of the internal situation without being dealt with properly, the real opposition's power and the foreign powers' pressure if their interests are threatened. So far, the first scenario - continued tyranny for a while - is more likely. However, the opposition abroad - the Muslim Brotherhood and Others - needs to play a significant role in bringing down the coup based on their several statements or, at least, pressure the regime to establish a true democracy. Thus, it should found a broader body which would unite, as well as carefully assess, the current entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decision by the British House of Commons taken on 13th October 2014, recognizing the establishment of a Palestinian state is an important development. Observers saw this move is of utmost importance because of the geopolitical dimension of Britain for it is a major ally of Israel and is considered as the founder and thereby an effective sponsor of the Zionist movement and Israel. Britain has done more to supporting the Jewish people than any other friendly country in the first half of the last 20th century. So when Britain through its parliament makes this decision as it was the initiator of the Balfour Declaration, it carries much weight and implications. Britain made this decision despite Zionist efforts to persuade them not to. Previously calls accusing Israel of sabotaging efforts to reach a political peace settlement in the Middle East were limited to trade unions and popular movements. Now the calls are made by politicians in Britain's highest decision-making body. This study discusses the background behind this symbolic move, analyzes its details and implications, focusing on the statements of the 43 MP's who spoke on the decision to recognize a Palestinian state. These statements serve as a “historical document” thoroughly researched for this paper. The study analyzed what British MPs said and the debate that took place between those in favour a Palestinian state and those against. The paper adheres to a strict methodology and analytical content to examine the MP's stands through looking at what was said and classify them, reaching a “group of conclusions” that Israel is “obsessed” with security concerns, and it is losing its image on the popular and official level in Britain. British politicians are angry and dismayed at the stands of Israel and hence supported recognition. The study called for a constructive follow up on this positive development to push politicians to stop using double standards by exerting more pressure on Israel through imposing sanctions, and convince the same politicians of the Palestinian people’s right for determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a study of the water resources in the Middle East. It seeks to answer the most important question raised in this problematic field- namely locating and measuring the water resources in the Middle East. The paper further seeks to assess the total amount of the water demand in this area. A comparative study of the water supply and demand is conducted so as to discover the level of water shortage in the Middle East. It also seeks to assess the secure level of water supplies needed in the area. The Arab world, the estimated data shows, has substantial water resources varying between (231.3) to (274.7) billion cubic meters. Between (195) and (202) billion cubic meters are in actual use, and the share of the eastern part of the Arab world from this amount varies between (76.2) and (97.4) billion cubic meters. With the rapid population increase and the systematic development of the sociopolitical, economic and cultural life, the present water situation is under severe pressures, which creates further demand for water. The total water demand in the Arab world in the year 2000, this paper estimated, is put at (202) billion cubic meters, including (64.4) billion cubic meters allocated specifically to the eastern part of the Arab world. The study has also shown that all Arab countries in particular, and other Middle Eastern countries in general, are now under the water poverty line, internationally estimated below (1000) cubic meters per capita per year. Most of these countries are even below the (500) cubic meters per capita per year, which is considered normal for dry and semi-dry areas. The major findings of this paper are briefly listed, along with the recommendations suggested to improve the level of Water Security in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject deals with Zionist-Nazi relations during 1933-1942 era of Hitler’s power in Germany. Such relations underwent many contradictory phases witnessing ideological identification, enmity and close cooperation according to signed official agreements and to programmed implicit accords. Some of which were proclaimed while others were kept secret after the Nazi defeat and unconditional surrender. Tons of restricted papers, therefore, were denied for researchers, for two main reasons: 1- Concern by the victorious parties to write their own story of history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development in Russian foreign policy since President Putin assumed the power in March 2000 raised very important questions with regard to the scope of the Russian role in the Middle East and whether it represents the evolution of a new active Russian role in the region? The paper shall address these questions as well as many others, through discussing the trends and the main features of Russian foreign policy in the Middle East, which are represented as follows: 1- The Middle East’s Position in the priorities of Russian foreign policy is still receded as Putin gives the high priority to the West and Asia. 2- Russia has limited interests in the Middle East represented in activating arms trade and increasing Russian exports to the region, and attracting investments and capital to Russia. 3- Retaining a limited role in the peace process of the Arab- Israeli conflict as well as its inconsistency in practicing that role. Although the efforts to reactivate its role, and that the Soviet Union, and later Russia, formally, played the role of the second sponsor of the peace process, Russia’s role remained limited. That due to many considerations, among which is American hegemony over the Middle East peace process, Russia’s lack of the factors that could allow it to influence or practice pressure on the process. 4- Maintaining strong relations with Iraq. While Russia demands Iraq’s full compliance to Security Council resolutions, it supports lifting sanctions on Iraq and refuses any use of force against it. This position is based on Russia’s economic interests in Iraq. 5- Fostering unprecedented Russian-Iranian relations. Although the intensive American pressure, Putin shows great interest in activating relations with Iran and fostering closer and stronger cooperation particularly in technical and military fields. 6- Developing Russian relations with its classical allies in the region. Since Putin assumed the power in Russia, its relations with a number of its traditional allies such as Syria, Libya, Algeria, Egypt have developed considerably. Informed and acknowledgeable circles are afraid of aggressive Israeli attitudes under extreme rightists headed by Areil Sharon, who may commit mass massacres and forced transfer against Palestinians mounts to hundreds of thousands to Jordan. Those dangerous variables under anew divided or destroyed Iraq, would lead to US controlled regime, where Israel would achieve great influence and the Palestinian issue might pay a heavy price. The Iraqi other six neighboring countries may fall under American control and respond to its demands in decades to come. This might lead to regional instability, which its components and consequences are not yet clarified according to different scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On December 2-3 2017, the MESC held a specialized symposium called Arab-Regional Relations: Reality and Prospects, joined by about a hundred experts, academics and politicians from 6 Arab countries. The Opening and First sessions took place in the Regency Palace and the other proceedings in the MESC's Conference Hall. The idea springs from the need to deeply explore effective Arab-regional ties, aimed at achieving several objectives. Among these are: assessing the position and role of the Arab World in the regional relations map; studying their approaches in light of the accelerated, complicated shifts witnessed by the region and the world; setting their future scenarios; and proposing a common Arab vision to formulate a foreign policy towards major issue. To this end, 13 papers and worksheets discussed the development of such relations since 2010. The reality and future were essentially investigated at political, economic and military-security levels. To take a more comprehensive picture of the subject, social and cultural aspects were also considered. In this regard, the main recommendations were as follows: · Joint Arab effort should be focused and united to counter the major challenges to the Arab-regional relations, on top of which is Israel, which threatens pan-Arab security · Improving the Arab's image in South Sahara, Ethiopia, Iran and Turkey, especially by founding official and non-official dialogue forums · Sharing think tanks and research centers in national and pan-Arab decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the foregoing review of US strategies for the Middle East indicates, the US record in delivering peace and stability to the region cannot be judged a success. Perhaps the problem has been the presumption of successive US governments that what is good for the United States is also good for the world. Until Trump came to power, for the past several decades it has been the norm for Americans to define themselves as a benign global force, using hard power to confront first the Soviets and then so-called ‘rogue regimes' and countering the spread of weapons of mass destruction. They have also laid great store by their use of ‘soft power' to promote American values of human rights and democracy. According to former US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, the United States departed from its own values in so far as it supported autocratic regimes in the Arab world. Yet the attempts by both George W. Bush and Barack Obama to promote political reform and democracy, whether in the context of the occupation of Iraq or the ‘Arab Spring', have either failed, as in Egypt and Palestine, or contributed to sectarian conflict, as in Iraq and Syria. Prosecution of the ‘War on Terror' may well mean the end of ISIS, but it only emerged out of the chaos in Syria and Iraq that the United States had a role in fomenting, and it may yet morph into a new incarnation in these countries, as well as in Yemen and Libya. In so far as Donald Trump has abandoned the concept of ‘American exceptionalism' and is determined to put ‘America First' in all his foreign dealings, he may seem like a welcome change—an unashamed nationalist who will not dress up the pursuit of US interests as a benign influence in the world. Certainly, many Arab leaders thought so when Trump was elected. However, as argued in this paper, Trump's idiosyncratic views, lack of knowledge and unpredictability might not make him a reliable ally for Arab countries. At least his predecessors showed some awareness of international law, even when they flouted it, as in the invasion of Iraq. International law has been the ultimate protection for small states in the face of belligerent neighbours. It was the basis for the liberation of Kuwait from Iraq's landgrab, and remains the last best hope for the Palestinians under Israeli occupation. International humanitarian law offers some sort of protection for oppressed minorities and refugees wherever they are, provided that is, that the major powers continue to prefer some semblance of a rule-based global order, be that in relation to trade, global finance or human rights. Without the notion of ‘the rule of law' and equal protection under international law for member states of the United Nations, there can only be a reversion to a pre-First World War ‘Hobbesian state of nature’ where imperialism reigns and might makes right. This prospect may suit those currently in power across the Middle East, but only so long as they have the power of America on their side. Yet with Trump in charge, there is no guarantee that he will choose the course of action that they desire and provides scant protection against the consequences of his hubris and miscalculations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]