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this paper critically examines the role of racialization in the political campaign to exclude unauthorized immigrants from inclusion in the national political community of the United States. The paper finds that racialization is pervasive in this political campaign, stemming from the framing of U.S. immigration policy enforcement as a project aimed at controlling the U.S.-Mexican border. From the foundational conceptualization and practices of border control, a series of examples of racializing practices - both discursive and material - are examined that operate to shore up and maintain a racial hierarchy that systematically subordinates Latinos as an ethno-racial group in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Metaphors have much analytical purchase in the policy sciences - none more so than that of the notions of policy stages and multiple streams. Yet there are difficulties, even allowing for necessary parsimony, in applying these individual metaphors to policy processes. This paper attempts to combine metaphors about policy cycles and policy streams in order to provide a more realistic synthesis that can capture diverse factors such as changing governance norms, detailed program interventions and the sheer complexity of policy drivers - ranging from coalition building to 'garbage can' solutions. In doing so it examines the difficulties of mixing these two metaphors and the special difficulty of ascertaining how many streams should be conceptualised. We argue that three-stream models such as Kingdon's may be well suited to understanding one specific stage of policy-making but require augmentation in order to effectively interpret the full set of variables affecting processes and outcomes occurring through multiple stages of policy making. The paper proposes a five stream 'confluence' model which highlights the interactions between and among streams as a more effective metaphorical construction retaining the essence of the Kingdon 'stream' image while also incorporating elements of the 'cycle' or 'stages' one. The confluence model, it is argued, retains the basic thrust and vocabulary developed by Kingdon while offering a more comprehensive and relevant metaphor for capturing the dynamics of public policy-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have long been interested in the development of trust in social institutions. It is thought that trust supports the development of social capital, fosters participation in government, and a variety of other positive behaviors. Most of this literature, though, stages trust in government at a general level: trust in the entire system of government and entire levels of government (local, state, federal). However, we propose that trust may be held in specific administrative organizations rather than (or in addition to) systemically and that this element of trust is related to the acceptance of messages about risk technology. This paper focuses on the contribution of trust in political institutions on the acceptance of policy information. With a nationally representative public opinion survey, we have conducted a survey experiment that randomized treatments of three levels of risk and three potential messengers of risk information (including the EPA) in relation to fracking. We have found that the randomized treatment for risk intensity is a significant predictor for support for fracking but that the identity of the messenger does not matter. The results suggest that the identity of the EPA is a weak signal at the level of a specific communication. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of this work for public managers who rely on public compliance or public communication to accomplish their organizations' missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses three issues troubling predominant models of paradigmatic policy change and proposes an alternative perspective on the subject. The first issue pertains to the conflation of very specific, but difficult to operationalize, types of policy change in Peter Hall's standard three-order typology for understanding policy development. The second has to do with the view that exogenous phenomena, namely shifts in the locus of decision-making authority, are necessary for 'paradigmatic' change to occur. The third issue stems from Hall's strict adaptation of Thomas Kuhn's ideas concerning the (in)commensurability of succeeding paradigms. All three problems are shown to be derivative of the fact that policy change is more complex than often assumed in existing paradigmatic models. Instead of conceiving of policy change in definite or 'ordered' terms, it is argued that analytical focus should be directed toward the hermeneutic contest that unfolds as agents patch together ideas in the attempt to identify and explain the sources of policy problems. This largely discursive conflict takes place as agents vie to influence the authoritative definitions of problem-solutions in a process of 'policy bricolage'. The paper advances a revised and more actor-centered formula for understanding types of paradigmatic and intra-paradigmatic policy change by developing a more precise understanding of different types or 'orders' of policy anomalies and the role anomaly definition plays in the construction of new paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can presidents use tools of political control to affect turnover at federal agencies? A large literature illustrates that presidents have a wide arsenal of tools to control the direction of policy outputs at federal agencies. Much of this research implies that presidents may influence the morale of bureaucrats with these tools of control, but it does not actually test this expectation. This paper extends the Administrative presidency literature by looking beyond policy outputs as the focus of presidential influence toward examining quit rates at federal agencies, a proxy for agency morale. I examine quarterly turnover data provided by the Office of Personnel Management from 1980 to 2000 for the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of Education. Even for the Reagan Administration, agency turnover is best explained by seasonal variation with most quits occurring in the final quarter of every fiscal year. Nevertheless, this paper produces evidence that agency turnover matters significantly to the level of agency outputs, suggesting that it is an important and practical consideration in examining the capacity of agencies to accomplish their policy objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the incentives of party activists to become involved in the party life. In the last decades, the research on party activism has developed several and relevant works that shed light to the topic. However, a strong division from the beginning between the American and European approaches has limited the scope of their results, eroding the potential of the comparative analysis between both partisan worlds. Our paper is an attempt to overcome this lack. Using data from party activists in two Spanish political parties, the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE) and the Popular Party (PP), and the California Democratic Party (CADEM), we propose two main hypothesis: a) the different types of party membership (more formal in Europe than in the US) affects the incentives of party activists to become involved; b) these incentives influences differently in US and Europe to the degree of internal activism. We considered two different typologies to measure incentives proposed by J.Q. Wilson and A. Panebianco. The empirical analysis employs data from people attending the recent party conventions and congresses in those parties. Our results are somewhat mixed overall. Although some significant differences in incentives and activism arises, the general comparison shows that party activists are not so different as the traditional American 'exceptionalism' and European 'regionalism' have assumed so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When does the prime minister call election? This paper attempts to solve the puzzle by utilizing financial option pricing model developed in the field of financial economics. We construct an actor-based theoretical model that designs early dissolution as solution for the prime minister's dynamic optimization problem. The prime minister seeks to exercise her right to dissolve her cabinet at the optimal timing, the timing that maximizes her chance of winning an election, until the end of her term. This is analogous to the choice that the owner of financial "call option" faces. The owner of call option seeks to exercise his call option at the optimal timing until the expiration date. In this paper, we first construct a modified financial option pricing model that fits to political situation, calculate values of the prime minister's right to dissolve, and solve the dynamic optimization problem of the prime minister. Second, we deduce a theory-driven empirical model that serves as an alternative to the hazard model, a long-time standard empirical framework for research on this and related topics. Finally, we run simulations and find several theoretical as well as methodological insights. For example, compared to past empirical research that assumed rising/constant "duration dependence" with little theoretical explanations, results of our simulations show that "duration dependence" of early election has strong and complex theoretical foundations. Our simulations also show the volatility of the popularity of cabinet, whose significance has been overlooked in past research, has strong impact on determining timing of early elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many papers use regression discontinuity (RD) designs that exploit "close" election outcomes in order to identify the effects of election results on various political and economic outcomes of interest. Several recent papers critique the use of RD designs based on close elections because of the potential for imbalance near the threshold that distinguishes winners from losers. In particular, for U.S. House elections during the post-war period, lagged variables such as incumbency status and previous vote share are significantly correlated with victory even in very close elections. This type of sorting naturally raises doubts about the key RD assumption that the assignment of treatment around the threshold is quasi-random. In this paper, we examine whether similar sorting occurs in other electoral settings, including the U.S. House in other time periods, statewide, state legislative, and mayoral races in the U.S., and national and/or local elections in a variety of other countries, including the U.K., Canada, Germany, France, Australia, India, and Brazil. No other case exhibits sorting. Evidently, the U.S. House during the post-war period is an anomaly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines landmark Supreme Court decisions over the past three decades, showing the major shifts and continuities between a paradigm that outlawed gay marriage and a new one that accords to (many, though not all) gay married couples the benefits enjoyed by their heterosexual counterparts. It shows that the Supreme Court's recent ruling allowing gay marriage represents not a wholesale overthrow of a paradigm but a reconfiguration of old and new themes governing jurisprudence on sexuality. Two key shifts stand at the center of this evolution: the conception of homosexuality as an identity, and the association of homosexuality and family life. This latter theme is significant; the comparison of cases shows that the court continues to accord the family a privileged position. The paper uses these findings to suggest areas of further research that will help show how slowly evolving discourses and networks effected these changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many of the comments surrounding partisan polarization in Congress indicate concerns about a government and elected officials that are highly partisan and not responsive to the public. While this may be true of members' voting records, which reflect an increasingly partisan agenda, this paper explores how members have pursued greater bipartisanship in other legislative behaviors. Building on previous work on the divergence of bipartisanship between voting and cosponsorship of House bills, this paper examines member responsiveness to district preferences, again using voting and bill cosponsorship coalitions. I find that although responsiveness to district preferences has declined since the 1970s in vote-based measures of partisan legislative behavior, responsiveness in cosponsorship-based measures has increased. I also explore whether members can benefit electorally from being in-step in cosponsorship patterns even if they are out-of-step in voting patterns. Ultimately, this project helps us better understand the tensions between district and party pressures and speaks to why members support partisan floor agendas despite the risk of being out-of-step with constituents. Moreover, it helps us understand the complex ways in which members can seek to be representative of their constituents. [T]he resulting polarization is worrisome. By reducing the space for bipartisanship, it can condemn Congress to gridlock. By driving elected officials to the fringe while citizens inhabit the center, it can alienate citizens from their government ("A Polarized Nation?" 2004). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a theoretical framework labeled the Politics-Media-Politics (PMP) principle. The aim of this principle is to provide a conceptual foundation upon which to create a more comprehensive approach to explaining the role of the news media in political processes. The PMP principle is based on two central claims. First, the role of the media in political processes can best be understood as a cycle in which variations in the political environment lead to variations in media conduct that, in turn, lead to further variations in the political environment. Second, the media can play an independent role in political processes due to their ability to transform political realities into news stories that can at times have a significant impact on political outcomes. The discussion is divided into three main sections. The first section reviews some of the major theories in political communication that serve as building blocks for the PMP principle. The second section uses findings from a diverse range of studies to demonstrate the PMP principle's usefulness. The third part of the paper presents some revealing exceptions to the PMP principle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do partisan media affect polarization and partisanship? The rise of Fox News, MSNBC, and hyper-partisan outlets online gives this question fresh salience, but in this paper, we argue that the question is actually not new: prior to the broadcast era, newspapers dominated American mass communication. Many of these were identified as supporting one party over the other in their news coverage. While scholars have studied the composition and impact of the partisan press during their 19th-century height, the political impact of the gradual decline of these partisan papers remains relatively under-examined. The unnoted vitality and endurance of partisan newspapers (which constituted a majority of American newspapers until the 1960s) represents a huge hole in our understanding of how parties communicate. As a consequence of this omission, scholars have ignored a potentially vital contributing factor to changing patterns of partisan voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the early 1960s, the Bretton Woods monetary order only in its teens was already trouble. The stability of the system's linchpin-the dollar-was seriously threatened by large and persistent U.S. balance of payments deficits, the attendant "gold drain" from the Treasury, and the possibility the greenback might face a speculative attack. In this paper, I conduct a detailed case study analysis to determine why the U.S. pushed for the creation of a system of central bank currency swaps among the "Paris Club" nations to protect the dollar rather than relying on an institutional solution already in place: namely, the international monetary fund (IMF) and its General Arrangements to Borrow (GAB). My historical analysis finds that as an option for external financing of its balance of payments deficit, the Paris Club swaps provided at least four distinct advantages relative to the IMF/GAB: liquidity via swaps was at once flexible, unconditional, discrete, and on-demand. This paper not only sheds light on the interests behind an incredibly important ad hoc agreement that helped preserve the Bretton Woods monetary order another decade until its inevitable dénouement in 1971, but also helps isolate state preferences for alternative external financing arrangements outside of the IMF that persist today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a detailed examination of a central regulatory mechanism and of the politics of regulation shaping food economies. Food safety regulations in the US rely on a science-based regulatory system known as HACCP, which bears central features of what Charles Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin have identified as experimentalist governance. Theoretically, the paper examines what the reliance on science means for the promise of an experimentalist policy regime to enable a new form of politics. Based on interviews with meat producers and USDA regulators, I found that HACCP's reliance on a particular scientific system acts as an effective divider between producers who can interpret and produce this kind of science, and others, for whom this is challenging. There is clear evidence that a significant number of small processors were unable to adapt to the regulatory system's requirements. In so far as the HACCP-based food safety regulations delineate the kind of producer that can viably exist in the system and contributed to the demise of another set of producers, the regulation has created an outcome. The politics of HACCP, then, revolve around these effects of the scientification of food safety regulations. I also show that some of the most salient political arguments surrounding food safety regulations are not addressed through the institutionalized channels of the regulatory system. This is the case, I argue, because they are not commensurable with the scientific system underlying HACCP - their merits cannot be evaluated with its units of measurement, nor with kind of data it produces. The combination of an experimentalist policy regime with a sciencebased regulatory system then, is something like a test case for experimentalism's ability to learn from difference, to realize its democratic promise and to overcome the enduring dilemmas that arise at the nexus of science, regulation and politics. I conclude with the argument that if experimentalist policy arrangements rely on science-based regulation, special caution is warranted to recognize experiences and arguments backed by multiple systems of reasoning. These are arguably timely observations, as the Obama administration has embraced science-based regulatory arrangements with as much enthusiasm as Reagan once did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few leaders worry about the status of their honor; they do worry, at times obsessively, about their credibility. The "credibility imperative" has occupied a central position in every major U.S. foreign policy debate in the last fifty years. It affects discourse and decisions in predictable - and deeply pathological - ways. This paper examines the continuing importance of honor in modern U.S. foreign policy. It first discusses the traditional importance of honor in international and interpersonal politics, and explains of the central role it plays in the construction of security in any system that lacks a central authority. Second, it describes the predictable, consistent effects that honor has on state behavior in general, and U.S. foreign policy in particular. Third, it argues that the lingering concern for honor is pathological, for a couple of reasons: There is no evidence that it helps states attain their goals, and it certainly has no relevance in those systems (like today's international) where no existential threats to member security exist. The paper then speculates about the genesis of the honor pathology, and why it continues to have such salience in the new century. Honor as a motivation for action seems as anachronistic today as horse-drawn carriages, alchemy and the duel. But it persists, if under different guises; and to the extent that it persists, it pathologizes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competition laws aim to prevent firms' anticompetitive behavior--such as forming cartels to fix prices or to share markets--in the marketplace. From the enactment of the Sherman Act (1890) in the United States until the 1970s, competition laws existed only in a handful of industrialized countries. In the last few decades, however, many countries around the world with varying degrees of economic development have adopted competition policies and established independent competition authorities. The number of countries with competition laws has grown from around twenty in 1980 to over a hundred in 2006. What explains this rapid international spread of competition laws? In this paper, I explore the mechanisms through which competition laws spread to countries around the world within a relatively circumscribed time period. Recent scholarship on international diffusion of liberal policies and politics suggests four mechanisms through which diffusion occurs: coercion, competition, learning, and emulation. This paper lays out the different theoretical arguments accounting for the international diffusion of policies, and tests these arguments empirically with newly-collected data on competition law adoption among countries in the international system in the period 1955-2009. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does a U.S. court of appeals deal with a Supreme Court intervention into its ongoing work? A law-changing ruling affects not only the immediate parties but also many factually similar or related cases, and the affected court must cope with the situation. Mandates in recently-decided cases may have to be recalled and outcomes altered or cases remanded for further proceedings, and these effects expand if the justices then GVR other cases. The affected court will also incorporate the ruling into its new decisions and may choose one or more of many cases as vehicles to decide open questions. With multiple panels facing the same or similar issues, the court may act en banc to avoid inconsistent results. During this time, the Supreme Court may decide other cases posing follow-on questions, with the lower court perhaps suspending action until the justices have ruled. All of this makes interaction between the court of appeals and the Supreme Court quite dynamic. Using documents from casefiles in the papers of a senior U.S. court of appeals judge, the paper examines such dynamic interaction in the aftermath of Almeida-Sanchez v. United States, 413 U.S. 266 (1973) (warrantless search by roving patrol away from the border not statutorilyauthorized border search and is Fourth Amendment violation), as that ruling affected many recently-decided or pending appeals from criminal convictions stemming from searches of varying degrees of intrusiveness, at or near the border, at fixed (permanent or temporary) checkpoints or by roving patrols. The Ninth Circuit not only had to cope with fast-developing Fourth Amendment law but it also faced how to apply the uncertain law of retroactivity to convictions on appeal when Almeida-Sanchez was decided. In addition to the story that is told here, various elements of interaction between the court of appeals and the Supreme Court are specified. Especially important is that the court of appeals, in anticipatory deference, held cases for Supreme Court decisions so the court of appeals could then attempt to fall in line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given its recent development of becoming a fully fledged legislature in EU politics, the European Parliament is increasingly compared to the USA House of Representatives. At the same time, a lot of scholars that have analyzed the evolution of party cohesion within the European Parliament (see, for instance, Hix et al. 2007) do not refer to the American example. This is surprising since there is a long tradition on research looking at party cohesion - socalled party votes - within the House of Representatives (see, for instance, Roberts and Smith 2003). This paper wants to bridge this gap by comparing and explaining figures of party cohesion between the USA House of Representatives and the EU European Parliament. The analysis of party or roll-call votes is part of a broader research agenda that deals with the question whether the European Parliament is developing towards a legislature such as the House of Representatives or, in other words, whether the European Parliament can be better understood by comparing it to the USA House of Representatives. Some comparative research on these two legislatures has already been done. Kreppel (2006), for instance, compared the European Parliament with the House of Representatives by looking at three emblematic features of the House: its legislative power, the role of committees and bipartisan voting. Despite the notion of 'American exceptionalism' that is often referred to when analyzing national legislatures of EU member states, her analysis demonstrated that the European Parliament shares these characteristics to a large degree. This paper will examine whether this also applies to party cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intensified globalization and the demands on government that are created by it make studying public administration comparatively - how the field is defined, how comparative issues are framed, what subjects are addressed, and what research designs and methods of data collection and analysis are employed - a timely and worthwhile endeavor. To assess the nature and scope of the field of Comparative Public Administration (CPA), this paper identifies and codes for content 69 articles published in refereed journals between 2005 and 2009 that are comparative in nature, that is, the article must concern two or more geographical regions. This could be across nations (at national or subnational level), groups of nations (OECD, G8) or across continents. To be included among the 69, the article must also be relevant for public administration. Four significant attributes of the articles that were coded are highlighted here. First, a majority of the articles referenced the context of institutions or administrative processes, and the major subjects that frequently organized an article were reform, including New Public Management, and budgeting and finance. Second, these comparative public administration articles were dominated by studies of the United States and Europe. Third, three of our every four articles in our sample either attempted to establish linkages between independent and dependent variables or described those variables. In slightly more than one of every four articles that we examined authors tested causal relationships among variables. Fourth, the vast majority of articles that we coded for content made use of existing or secondary data; interview and survey data were rarely used. Furthermore, we found that 15 percent of the authors in our sample used sophisticated statistical methods. In slightly more than half of the articles qualitative methods were used. Among other things, the uses of theory, method, and data in the 69 CPA articles published between 2005 and 2009 differ markedly from how they were used in the published journal articles that Van Wart and Cayer (1990) coded for content twenty years ago. The paper concludes with a set of seven recommendations for future comparative public administration research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Never waste a good crisis! This has become the mantra of politicians and civic leaders facing fallout of the recent financial crisis. It declares that crisis can prove fertile ground for positive change, opportunity can spring from ruin, and that infrastructure, processes and institutions can be rebuilt. Financial downturns affect municipalities and regional economies especially acutely. This paper investigates the responses of metropolitan regions to crisis and its effect on collective action to the "opportunities" of crisis. To what degree does a common challenge provoke or strengthen collective action and cooperation between governments in metropolitan regions? To what extent, and under what conditions, does it exacerbate tensions and increase fragmentation? To answer these questions this paper explores the experiences of three city regions - Toronto, Canada; Frankfurt, Germany; and Detroit, USA - in previous recessions as well as the current downturn. These cases exhibit different patterns of regional and local responses and an analysis of these experiences will inform a hypothesis about the effects of crisis on cooperation and metropolitan governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, scholars such as Glenn Fong, Linda Weiss and Fred Block have noted the increasingly commercial orientation in U.S. technology policy. This paper argues that the hard times of the late 1970s and early 1980s marked a break with post-war policy, under which the government's investment in basic research and research for government missions was assumed to lead automatically to commercial benefits. During the late 1970s and 1980s, the dominant view emerged that the government needed to do more to reform its policies to promote competitiveness, including technological competitiveness. At the same time, this paper argues that attempts to consider the U.S. as a competition state or even a type of development state neglect key non-economic factors. Policy was shaped by the controversies that arose over the most appropriate policies for promoting technological competitiveness and how these fit into the government's other roles. As a result of these controversies, the U.S. policies that developed in the 1980s focused on promoting technological innovation through the transfer of federally-funded technology to the private sector, preferential assistance to small companies, and the development of technology that could serve specific government roles, such as national defense, and health. Despite the reputation of the United States for having a vacillating approach to technology policies, policies in these areas have been fairly stable. Over the past two decades, policies to reduce dependence on oil may have achieved sufficient support. In contrast, policies with an overwhelmingly economic focus remained underfunded and vulnerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-Americanism, a general distrust of what the United States is and does, typically ebbs and flows in reaction to specific policy actions by the United States. However, in some countries, anti-Americanism peaks "out of sync" with the rest of the world and becomes an intense issue in the political debate even in the absence of any particularly egregious policy implemented by the US. Why? In that case, anti-Americanism is not so much organic as it is molded and manipulated by particular political groups to their advantage. This paper argues that this second kind of anti-Americanism can best be explained by the political functions that it serves and it analyzes the repertoire of functions performed by this "top-down" anti-Americanism in domestic political settings. After analyzing the conditions under which this political activation of anti-Americanism is most likely to occur, the paper explores in turn five political functions of anti-Americanism: creating and cementing an identity; rallying support around a leader by distracting from other issues; acting as a safety valve in authoritarian countries; scapegoating; and delegitimizing specific policies. The conclusion asks how the relative decline of American power and the "rise of the rest" will affect the use of anti-Americanism in domestic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While political science research on immigration attitudes among the American public has traditionally focused on such factors as economic threat, social context, socioeconomic status, and racial prejudice, relatively few studies have examined the psychological determinants of immigration- and immigrant-related policy preferences. Furthermore, the role of nativism, the attitude that a distinctly American way of life needs to be protected against foreigners and foreign influence, is largely understudied in this context. Thus, this paper examines a novel psychological method of measuring nativism and its relationship to immigration policy attitudes. A computer-administered "implicit association test" (IAT) procedure (Greenwald, et al., 1998; Greenwald, et al. 2002; Greenwald and Banaji 2005) is used to measure automatic preferences for American culture verses Latino-American culture among approximately 800 undergraduate and graduate students at the University of Iowa. These automatic nativist preference measures are then compared to explicit nativism measures and incorporated into a multivariate model to predict immigration policy attitudes. Finally, this paper also discusses the implications of these findings for the "social desirability" problem in measuring racial attitudes and also for the symbolic racism theory of racial policy preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A theory of economic justice addresses those ground rules of a self-sufficient social system that dictate how property is acquired and transferred. Appealing to a broad criterion or set of criteria, such a theory describes and justifies what the rules ought to be. In this paper, I consider how conceptual features of a theory of economic justice logically determine its approach to economic crises. First, the paper introduces a number of classificatory terms. It distinguishes between deontological and consequentialist theories of economic justice. Then it defines holism as a continuous dimension-theories of economic justice are said to be more or less holistic--and argues that consequentialist theories of economic justice are somewhat holistic. In the second part, the paper turns to two examples of consequentialist theories of economic justice, those of Hegel and John Rawls. It shows that economic crises are within the scope of Hegel's and Rawls's theories, and then considers what the theorists actually say about economic crises. In the third part, using Rawls and Hegel as examples, the paper argues that consequentialist theories are capable in principle of justifying extraordinary property transfers in crisis situations, such as the bailouts made to American banks by the American government during the financial crisis of 2008. So a consequentialist theory could reconcile us to those transfers. But such theories, more than deontological ones, could equally well lead us to call for widespread structural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For more than half a century, scholarly studies of the antievolution movement have been concerned almost exclusively with its influence on the teaching of the natural sciences, especially biology. Yet from its inception in the 1920s, antievolution agitation has been aimed not only at the natural sciences but also, and almost as often, at the social sciences. Moreover, although antievolution campaigns had only limited impact on the natural sciences in the United States, it can be shown that they played a significant part in the development of the early twentieth century social sciences. This paper tells this previously untold story. Using public writings and private papers of antievolution activists, academic social scientists, and university officials from the 1920s, it examines how antievolutionism contributed to the creation of a set of characteristics--secular, scientific, and professional--that came to define the emerging social sciences. In concluding, the paper describes how antievolutionists have carried out campaigns aimed at the social sciences since that time, and it suggests that their efforts continue to influence the disciplinary identity of social scientists even today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the issue of relevancy on the Constitution's division of war powers between the President and Congress to the 21st century realities of terrorism and war. It states the interpretation of the American Constitution and Federalist Papers written from the perspective of strong advocates of the Constitution. It also mentions that Federalist Papers are considered as the most authoritative account of the arguments and intentions of the Federalists.

Since the major policy shift from treatment to prevention in the 1970s, public health policy has attempted to counter the rise of lifestyle diseases by an active strategy of health promotion. Instead of only regulating health on a systemic or structural level, this type of strategy aims to get individual citizens to make healthy lifestyle choices, particularly on the four target areas smoking, alcohol, diet and physical exercise. Inspired by the so-called 'new perspective' of the 1974 Lalonde report, this shift has been a key focus of public health policy to this day. Seen across three decades, however, the shift from treatment to prevention does not appear to be a linear learning process, but rather a cyclical repetition of a similar experience of policy failure. Every generation of public health programs presents prevention as the answer to past failures, but the continuous experience of failure is strangely coexistent with sheer optimism about the potentials of new lifestyle policies. The paper tracks this circular learning pattern across both American and Danish public health programs since the 1970s and finds a systematic interpretation of prevention as being more successful and promising than medical treatment. The final part of the paper further discusses why prevention seems to produce these cycles of overly optimistic expectations. Is it simply a consequence of making health care policies dependent upon individual lifestyle choice that citizens will rarely use health knowledge in the right way? Or is it rather an indication that the ideals of preventive public health policy are themselves slippery and that a positive state of health will never be reached for this reason alone? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the harsh interrogation techniques, abuse, and torture carried out by U.S. personnel in the war on terror were not merely the actions of a few bad apples at the bottom of the barrel. They were, rather, the result of policy decisions made by the Bush administration. The article will document attempts by military and civilian professional public administrators to have the policies changed before they were issued, during their operation, and after the abuse and torture had become public. That the policies were intended was demonstrated by the refusal of political leaders to change policies once the abuse and torture were called to their attention. The paper will conclude that the doctrine of command responsibility applies to the administration of the policies of harsh interrogation and torture, but that criminal prosecutions would be counterproductive to moving beyond this unfortunate episode in U.S. history and ensuring that such policies will not be repeated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negotiations to reach a post-Kyoto settlement at Copenhagen in December 2009 provide the opportunity to reinvigorate climate protection. This paper considers the potential for a 'second wave' of climate politics by comparing the divergent approaches of the EU and the USA. The underlying question raised is whether environmental and climate policy practice has been as divergent as policy rhetoric. The paper firstly situates trans-Atlantic divergence in the context of political cultures, with the EU's institutional history making it relatively comfortable with the practice of aspirational objectives, in contrast to US reluctance arising from an environmental policy tradition of precise and legalistic norm setting. Secondly, it critically reviews the capacity of ecological modernisation theory to resolve the tensions between economic and environmental orientations. The third part looks for evidence that ecological modernisation is actually occurring by investigating policy measures in the arena of 'technological forcing'. This label is applied to US 'technology forcing' as such, and to implementation in the EU of feed-in tariffs and an emissions trading scheme. Key commonalities identified are a preference for incremental improvements in the environmental performance of target firms and extremely limited capacity for initiating structural change within industry. Resistance from vested interests is a key explanation. However, the 'second wave' of climate politics will arguably be characterised by an understanding of the need for structural change, and the development of political strategies to overcome resistance from 'modernisation losers'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes three specific laws considered by Congress: the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, and the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2006. This study finds that while region and party affiliation both mattered in the consideration of each of these bills, national discourse of the era and activism from constituents were the overriding factors in determining how a Senator or a Representative would vote. This paper is part of a larger project that will cover four additional landmark immigration laws in the same way, as well as pertinent ballot initiatives and international treaties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Having established the significance of young voters in the election of President Obama, this paper focuses on how they using micro-blogging social network site Twitter have affected the political discourse of the Obama administration centering on two of the most controversial political agendas of the Obama administration's first 100 days - the legislation battle on health care reform and the nomination and confirmation of the first Hispanic female Supreme Court Justice, Sonia Sotomayor. This paper attempts to measure how this Obama followers react to these two politically important agendas as evidenced by their tweeting, replying, re-tweeting, and searching for further information. Despite a big difference between the total number of tweets and the amount of followers on both health care and Sotomayor nomination issues, an average of more than 1.5 million followers of President Obama's account and around 450,000 followers of the White House account clearly shows a strong sign of engagement in the Twitter network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the spring of 2008 it became clear that Barack Obama would be the first African-American to receive the nomination of a major political party. For the first time ever, an African-American holding the nation's highest office became a real possibility. How did the media deal with this historic candidacy? What role, if any, did racial themes play in media coverage of the 2008 presidential election? In order to answer this question, this paper presents the results of a systematic content analysis of New York Times, Washington Post and USA Today campaign coverage during the fall campaign. We examined substantive campaign coverage, coding for a number of potential racial references or frames. We find, not surprisingly, that racial references were present in the general election coverage. Most often, we found references to Obama's own race or the race of groups within the electorate. References to racism or the potential for racial animosity to continue to play a role in the campaign were also present, though less common. Although we cannot test the effects of this coverage, we suggest that references to race which occur throughout the fall campaign have the potential to prime racial considerations. This paper represents the first part of a larger project in which we also examine print coverage in four battleground states as well as broadcast coverage on nightly network news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the coverage of major post-communist countries, particularly their politics, by main television networks in the United States. The question is whether there are significant qualitative and quantitative differences in the representation of East-Central European and post-Soviet countries on U.S. television programming. The related question is whether political factors, such as relations with the United States and national phobias, affect the television coverage of the post-communist countries. Although the question of political biases in coverage of post-communist nations by mass communications media in the United States has been raised by a growing number of politicians and journalists, there is a lack of academic studies on this issue. This paper uses quantitative and content analyses of transcripts of news programs from the most-watched U.S. TV networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC from 1998-2008. The following news programs are examined: World News, Nightline, and 20/20 on ABC, CBS Evening News, CBS Sunday Night News, 60 Minutes, 60 Minutes II, and 48 Hours on CBS, and NBC Nightly News, and Dateline on NBC. A keyword search of transcripts in the Lexis-Nexis database is employed to identify specific broadcasts and news stories that focused on major post-communist countries, such as Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Kazakhstan, Belarus, and Georgia. The analysis shows significant differences in quantity, the proportion of political content, and quality of American television coverage of the post-communist countries. Such political issues and events as U.S.-Russia relations, the war between Russia and Georgia over South Ossetia, major terrorist acts in Russia, the poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko (a former Russian secret service employee) in the United Kingdom, Chechen Islamic terrorism, the poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko (the future president of Ukraine), the "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine, and the deployment of the U.S. missile system in the Czech Republic and Poland, were among top stories dealing with post-communist countries in 2004-2008. Other leading topics included the following: Russian crime, Chernobyl (Chornobyl) disaster and its effects in Ukraine and Belarus, child pornography in Belarus, Borat movie about Kazakhstan, Polish Pope John Paul II, the Holocaust and World War Two in the Czech Republic, Bulgarian and Hungarian immigrants, and Dracula and sex slaves and sex slavery in Romania. The analysis produces evidence of systematic biases in representation of some post-communist countries, particularly, Russia, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and Georgia. The study presents results of the analysis regarding the role of such political factors as relations of post-communist states with the United States on their coverage by the U.S. TV networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of modern democracy's biggest challenges is the overseas voter. Current estimates indicate that there are 4 to 6 million Americans permanently or temporarily living abroad. Congress has passed several key pieces of federal legislation to facilitate overseas voting including the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA) in 1986 and the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) of 2002. This paper investigates the successfulness of these public policy initiatives in reaching overseas voters. Has overseas voting increased as a result of these legislative initiatives? What barriers still exist? What policy changes can be made to promote voting? This paper is divided into three sections. First, in order to capture the variance in state UOCAVA policy, I create an index operationalizing state legislation on overseas voting issues, such as electronic transmission of voting materials. Second, I adapt the variables used in traditional voter turnout studies to create hypotheses, and use data from the Overseas Vote Foundation (OVF) Post-Election Survey to test the hypotheses and identify variables that hinder successful voting. The results demonstrate that variable deadlines combined with postal problems often hamper voters. Furthermore, the impacts of policy are weak and outreach programs remain vitally important. Finally, I interpret these results in order to provide a better direction for future policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the effects of institutional variations in religion-state arrangements by reflecting on their relationship to national averages of religiosity. Drawing on an analytical narrative of the modern history of religiosity in Italy and France, I argue that states which promote a predominant, society-wide religion as a public good during moments of economic growth help that religion mediate the downward effects which modernization and religious monopoly are expected to have on national rates of religious participation. In other words, certain types of state subsidies to an official religion can have a positive impact on rates of religiosity. While the paper does not call into question the theoretical usefulness of either secularization or religious market explanations of religiosity, it argues that variations in religionstate arrangements offer an important conditioning element to either theory. In particular, these variations can help demystify what seem to be the abnormally high religious rates associated with the "Catholic effect," which both secularization and religious market theories have had difficulty affronting [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An obvious but grossly understated realization of urban policymaking is that global cities are mostly found in the coastal zone. This is true worldwide but it is especially characteristic of American global cities, where virtually all are found in coastal areas. According to NOAA, 53 percent of the U.S. population lives in the coastal zone and 40 percent of the coastal population live in global cities. This reality poses an uncomfortable truth about a basic conflict between managing global city growth and the sustainability of coastal resources. The former is often seen as the ultimate achievement of a "new political culture," while the latter refers to the most complex, delicate and interdependent sub-ecology on earth. As a result, American global cities exist today with a profound sense of discordant duality. As global cities, they are known for their inspiring built environments where art meets function and for their centrality in the world economy. Most are distinguished as world "gateways" harboring major airports and "load-center" seaports. They also serve as command centers for managing world commerce, as the nexus of multi-cultural immersion, as world research crucibles, and as world stages for art and entertainment. As coastal cities, they are associated with the beauty of a coastal habitat and their proximity and access to the open sea. The bays, wetlands and shorelines draw people to observe what happens when the sea meets the land. But a less conspicuous view is of the city overlaid on a "coastal zone" biologists see as a highly productive nursery of life for land and marine organisms but subject to intense and growing human population pressures. Although much of the American population chooses to live in coastal regions because of their rich biodiversity, and in global cities because of the robust employment and lifestyle opportunities, the duality does not always mix well in producing sustainable outcomes. The paper develops the metrics for this duality and identifies two principal contributors to it: the concentration of foreign trade through global-city seaports and the accelerated activity levels and mobility needs of a global professional managerial class. But the paper goes further by also focusing on the piecemeal public-policy process as the source of concern for sustainability, especially in managing transportation, economic development, migration, CO2 emissions, pollution and species extinction. Specifically, global-city outcomes have often appeared to be driven by a "silo effect" (the dysfunctional segregation of policy disciplines often caused by differences in ideology, scientific fragmentation, and professional misunderstanding that limit the ability of one discipline to sufficiently interact with another). The significant management challenge, therefore, is about how the policy process might be amended and restructured in light of the duality. This paper addresses a need to manage the duality by producing new intergovernmental instruments for spanning the policy silos. It specifically proposes a multiple-perspectives approach involving interdisciplinary team policymaking and other supporting institutional arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about women in politics is presented which is to be presented at the annual meetings of the American Political Science Association from September 3-6, 2009 in Toronto, Ontario. The paper discusses topics including the history of women in elected office in the U.S., women in policymaking positions, and the election of women to city councils in the 1970s and 1980s.

This paper compares two states to determine why Illinois has a law mandating insurance coverage for infertility treatment while Nebraska does not. Case studies employing legislative transcripts reveal the debates on mandate legislation differed on three points of comparison: the specifics of the legislation, the qualities of the sponsors, and the legislative outcomes. In Illinois, the mandate legislation included an IVF component, the sponsor was a Democrat, and the legislature passed the bill. In Nebraska, the mandate legislation did not include IVF, the sponsor was a Republican, and the legislature rejected the bill. What seems to have been an important difference was the nature of the proposed policy innovation. In Illinois, the mandate legislation included coverage for IVF, and that brought a morality theme to the debate. In Nebraska, IVF and other morally troublesome assisted reproductive technologies were left out of the legislation by the sponsor's design. Thus the debate had a decidedly more regulatory flavor. The paper places these results in an epidemiological framework and illustrates how qualitative investigation of the characteristics of policies, when conceived of as viruses, and of policy entrepreneurs and interest groups, when conceived of as vectors, can aid our understanding of policy diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular constitutionalism describes the process by which understandings of the Constitution are developed, and sometimes acted on, by non-judicial actors such as "the people" themselves. This paper examines a variant of popular constitutionalism that can be termed "newspaper constitutionalism:" the practice in early nineteenth century America of publishing commentaries and essays in politically-sponsored newspapers to advance partisan-based interpretations of the Constitution. The paper presents the results of research into the numerous essays and commentaries on constitutional themes that appeared in Thomas Jefferson's presidential newspaper, the National Intelligencer, from 1801 to 1805. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper surveys arguments that consider an institutional feature to explain the behavior of constitutional judges and maps their existence or absence in a sample of eighteen Latin American countries from 1945 until 2005. The first part shows that Latin American constitutional judges have experienced important institutional improvements regarding their independence from the and their power to influence in the making of policies and laws. The second part of the paper unpacks both dimensions -independence and power- and unveils a more complex combination of institutions for constitutional justice across Latin American countries. The paper provides an overview of the institutions for constitutional justice in the region. It also suggests testable hypotheses for future empirical research, by mapping the existence of institutional features that are thought to induce certain judicial behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mayhew's publication of Divided We Govern set off a spirited debate among Congress scholars about the influence of divided government on the legislative process and on relations between Congress and the president. In considering nonlegislative functions of Congress, what influence does divided government have on the public strategies that members of Congress use to influence the president's foreign policy during times of war? Through content analysis of the New York Times, for selected periods of unified and divided government during the Vietnam and Iraq wars, this paper examines who in Congress went public to try to influence the course and content of the president's war policies. The paper finds evidence that unified and divided government have different effects on majority and minority party behavior.The paper also finds, contrary to expectations, that the form of party government has no impact on the amount of press coverage devoted to criticism of the president's war policies by his own party in Congress. Finally, the paper finds that whereas the form of party government seems to have had an impact on the public strategies employed by members of Congress during the Vietnam war, no such impact is evident during the Iraq war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about the role of ideology in the origins and implementation of the containment doctrine during former U.S. President Harry S. Truman's administration is presented which is prepared for presentation at the American Political Science Association Conference, in Toronto, Ontario, on September 2-6, 2009. The paper discusses topics including the origins of containment and the Cold War.

A conference paper about the policy transformation of pension regimes is presented which is prepared for presentation at the American Political Science Association Conference, in Toronto, Ontario, on September 2-6, 2009. The paper discusses topics including the recent pension reforms in the U.S., Great Britain, Sweden and Japan, and the relationship between income inequality and pension regimes.

This paper addresses some difficulties arising from how liberal democracies address crises. It presents and compares two alternative methods for controlling executive discretion while permitting enough flexibility to preserve the public good. The first tightly constrains the executive with laws while acknowledging that some necessary actions will have to be performed extralegally. The second permits almost anything to be done within the ordinary powers of government, so long as it is done with the concurrence of an independent office. This paper argues that the second is preferable to the first but that there is no unobjectionable institutional solution to the problem of crisis government. It leaves for another place the application of its conclusions to the American constitution and the war on terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about political racism and prejudice against Arab-Americans is presented which is prepared for presentation at the Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, in Toronto, Ontario, from September 3-6, 2009. The paper discusses topics including the mistreatment of Arab-Americans in the contemporary political moment and Ranier Forst's work on justification and recognition.

A conference paper about the building physical barriers and fences on country borders is presented which is prepared for presentation at the Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, in Toronto, Ontario, from September 3-6, 2009. The paper discusses topics including fortified boundaries on borders to prevent the flow of people or goods into a territory, and U.S. President George W. Bush's bill authorizing the construction of a 700-mile fence along the U.S.-Mexico border.

This paper argues that dynamically developing border security policies of the European Union are influenced by transnational regulation originating from the United States. It shows that the process of transatlantic homeland security is increasingly taking place through network structures. The emergence of transatlantic networks and socialisation processes within them allowed for the US involvement in the EU policy-making. This is mostly due to growing personal relationships between policy makers, gradual substitution of formal legal instruments with psychological contracts, and informal understandings providing the contents for formal agreements. Consequently, the paper analyzes the implications of these developments, looks at still unresolved issues and proposes potential solutions. The empirical examples for this paper are derived in particular from the EU-U.S. cooperation on data protection in the context of homeland security. The networks under investigation include the High Level Political Dialogue on Border and Transportation Security and the High Level Dialogue on Data Protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about transatlantic visa politics is presented which is prepared for presentation at the Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, in Toronto, Ontario, from September 3-6, 2009. The paper discusses topics including the Visa Waiver Program (VWP), diplomacy between the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and its European counterparts, and the book "The New World Order," by Anne Marie Slaughter.

Is there any democratic building block more fundamental than accurate government information? Countries around the world have enacted more than 85 access to government information laws (FOIA or transparency) over the past decade. This paper provides an explanation for why some countries pass strong transparency laws while others come up short. It points to two necessary conditions for strong laws, the support of the news media and legislatively compromised leaders. Whereas structural reforms have been known to require strong executives in full possession of their legislative faculties, the evidence suggests that effective accountability and transparency measures may require just the opposite. A broad analysis of laws across Latin America, including case studies on Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, Mexico and Uruguay illustrate the paper's central argument. I employ interview and archival evidence, data from quantitative content analyses and an original evaluation of laws to illustrate the wide variation of strength in access to government information laws across the region. I find that laws are enacted earlier, stronger and news media coverage is more robust when leaders are legislatively compromised. The paper develops novel frameworks for understanding news media policy advocacy and the relationship between legislative balances of power and transparency legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many Latin American countries the military remains an influential economic actor despite the shift to democratic regimes and market-based economies. Yet while critics have targeted the region's military entrepreneurs - the military owners, managers or stakeholders of economic enterprises - as a challenge for the development of liberal democracies, they have not paid sufficient attention to distinguishing different types of military entrepreneurship that reflect distinct historical patterns and political implications. This paper identifies three major types of military entrepreneurs in Latin America: industrializers determined to build national defense capabilities and compete for international prestige, nation-builders seeking to promote economic development that can foster social development and cohesion, and rentier capitalists pursuing financial gain for members of the military through investment ventures. Through short narrative histories, it reviews important differences among the three types in terms of their origins, paths and political consequences. The conclusion considers how we should assess these patterns to better understand the implications of military entrepreneurship.In many Latin American countries the military remains an influential economic actor despite the shift to democratic regimes and market-based economies. Yet while critics have targeted the region's military entrepreneurs - the military owners, managers or stakeholders of economic enterprises - as a challenge for the development of liberal democracies, they have not paid sufficient attention to distinguishing different types of military entrepreneurship that reflect distinct historical patterns and political implications. This paper identifies three major types of military entrepreneurs in Latin America: industrializers determined to build national defense capabilities and compete for international prestige, nation-builders seeking to promote economic development that can foster social development and cohesion, and rentier capitalists pursuing financial gain for members of the military through investment ventures. Through short narrative histories, it reviews important differences among the three types in terms of their origins, paths and political consequences. The conclusion considers how we should assess these patterns to better understand the implications of military entrepreneurship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]