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In the early twentieth century M.K. Gandhi articulated Satyagraha as a decentering quest for truth through everyday politics. Satyagraha privileged the "minor" or the marginalized over the dominant and everydayness and dwelling over history. In light of the contemporary criticisms of Gandhi, this paper examines Gandhian Satyagraha as a minor force that may hold him accountable for his entrenchment within dominant race and caste relations. The paper is divided into three sections devoted to "minor" matters of dwelling and ordinariness. I begin with an examination of Gandhi's politics through race and labor in South Africa, between 1896 and 1905. To understand Gandhi's racism in South Africa it is necessary to pay attention to his marginalization of social and legal narratives related to labor, agriculture, rent and places of habitation such as the hut. I then foreground Gandhi's marginalization of architecture in his discourses around Akash (the sky) and his body in 1932 and in 1942 during his incarcerations in Pune. Finally, I focus on the architecture of the huts built for him in Wardha in 1936–37 and the conflict that emerges between his conception of the social reproduction of labor as a minor voice within the self and his embrace of caste through varnashramadharma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 2022, the death of Christopher Clunis was made public. He had actually died in February 2021. Christopher Clunis was convicted of the manslaughter of a stranger, Jonathan Zito. He attacked Mr Zito at a train station. This paper will argue that this terrible event became a totemic symbol of the wider failings of the policy of community care. The image of Clunis being driven away from Court was repeatedly used in newspaper and other media reports as a reference point. The image reflects a number of long-standing traits in the representation of the "mentally ill." These are combined with a racial stereotype of Black men. The paper examines historical representations of the mentally ill as a context for a discussion of the Clunis case. The paper uses the work of Stuart Hall as an analytical tool to examine the questions of race and representation, and the moral panic following failings of community care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apartheid had been enduring before the United Nations (UN), since its adoption as a state policy in South Africa. But in the early years of the global organisation, the UN's members responded to apartheid in very different ways from one another. The UN anti-Apartheid regimes arose and then evolved with particulars that had an impact on South Africa's race relations. The impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations is obscured and creates a gap that has yet to be scrutinised in the country's relations with the world. To learn about this impact, it is proper that the paper examine UN resolutions with a special focus on adopted decisions of the General Assembly (GA) about racial conflict in South Africa during the period between 1952 and 1974. An analysis of GA decisions is critical because it reveals the persistence and intensifying international unacceptability of racial discrimination and the desirability of applying sanctions to South Africa, and it makes the UN a focus for anti-apartheid lobbying. It is also critical because they provided a conduit for the UN to disseminate information about apartheid, monitor member state actions related to the matter, and address South Africa's denial of the UN's authority to address the issue. The period under study is important because it exposed the contradiction with which white South Africans lived and had lived over the centuries, that their sense of right and justice had driven them to give with one hand; and that their fears had made them take away with the other, and it marked the beginning of increased international opposition to South Africa's apartheid policy action, which led to an eventual suspension of the country from participating in the work of the GA. This paper concerns the impact of the UN's anti-apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. It reveals that the UN body has, over the years, sought solutions rather than merely engaging in rhetoric in a setting in which South Africa's policy of apartheid provided a concrete precedent. The paper used qualitative research methods to analyse the impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. Sources used for analysis included published books, journals, and internet sources. The article sheds light on international policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When White people are predominantly in power and the discipline has yet to grapple with its own involvement in oppressive and racist ideologies, the concept of empowerment has the potential of being misused, or worse, abused. This is my experience and observation within Community Psychology (CP). In this paper, I interrogate the history of CP, especially the interplay of colonized knowledge production practices and the concept of empowerment, and uncover the use and abuse of well-meaning community psychological principles by scholars and leaders without the critical racial awareness to apply them to communities to which they do not belong. Lastly, I offer a "slash and burn" approach to starting over., (© 2023 The Authors. American Journal of Community Psychology published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of Society for Community Research and Action.)

Lambeth Palace Library's primary function is to preserve the records of the Church of England, but there are ample opportunities for researchers to use these archives to better understand Britain's histories of citizenship, race relations, and migration in the twentieth century. Lambeth Palace Library (LPL) houses documents on projects on race relations undertaken by the British Council of Churches and the Church of England's Board of Social Responsibility's Race and Community Relations Committee, as well as Archbishop Michael Ramsey's correspondence from his tenure as Chair of the National Committee of Commonwealth Immigrants. These papers attest to the Church of England's significant role in urgent national debates on migrant rights and race equality, and the work of organisations representing the interests of Commonwealth migrants as they actively sought the support of church leaders in their campaigns. LPL collections reveal the important place British churches had in building networks, providing funding and supplying resources to support anti‐racist organisations, and the ways ideas of Britishness were contested in the 1960s and 1970s around the passage of the Commonwealth Immigrants Acts and Race Relations Acts. Papers in LPL collections can also be used to critically examine post‐imperial formations of Whiteness, xenophobia and the racialisation of British citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens after border externalization? States and regional organizations of the Global North increasingly engage in transnational migration management that seeks to prevent potential irregular migration beyond their territory. Despite the impressive financial and political resources the involved actors mobilize to reach this goal, little is known about the effects of this strategy on their target states and populations. This paper conceptualizes border externalization as a spatial intervention that absorbs contingent migrant flows into an interplay of capital and race. It argues that the immobilization and differential integration produced through externalization can serve as a spatial fix for labor shortages in transit "migration" states. This differential integration disempowers the targeted migrant population and aggravates racial antagonisms. Hence, border externalization is not just a (by-)product of racist ideology and policy, but also intensifies racial hierarchies in the space it intervenes into. The paper studies this through the case of the "EU-Turkey Deal" and Turkey's Syrian refugee population, building on document analysis and primary interview data with industry representatives, farmers, NGO workers, and government officials. On a theoretical level, the paper thereby contributes to the recent trend that reinserts the border into global processes of racialized capital accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The NHL has a long-standing, problematic relationship with race. The North American sporting and racial climate have brought even more attention to this reality. A notable tactic to counter the accusation of reinforcing racism within sports corporations, including the NHL, is publicly associating themselves with minoritized organizations. This often occurs through formal partnerships or the acquisition of minoritized-founded entities, initiatives, and organizations. This paper considers how salient discourses of race and Blackness are articulated by the hosts and contributors of NHL Studio's Soul on Ice: The Podcast (SOIP) as an acquired NHL entity. The NHL aims to reposition itself on issues of race and the portrayal of Black members within hockey through SOIP. The podcast gives a platform to empower Black voices within White hockey culture but also problematically enmeshes the NHL within the commodification of Black culture and hardship. The acquisition of Soul on Ice: The Podcast by the NHL is used to sanitize and shield the league while reinforcing the normative Whiteness of hockey. Further, the consequences of the leagues' commodification of Blackness and the nuanced experiences of Black NHL players and community members shared via the podcast are unpacked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines school leaders' evasive attitudes towards race in Salt Lake City (SLC), Utah, between 1969 and 1975. Salt Lake's unique demographic status as predominantly white and Mormon underscored elements of white anti-Black racism under the guise of innocence. Utilizing critical whiteness theory and historical inquiry to analyze archival documents and interviews, I highlight one white superintendent, Arthur Wiscombe, and his failed attempts to confront anti-Blackness in schools as he navigated his conflicting values of racial justice, good intentions, and white Niceness. Framing the past as prologue, I uncover the historical legacy of white supremacy's influence on local school policies and leaders' actions, and make explicit connections to the repetition of these patterns today. Contemporary iterations of white supremacy rely on the same tools of whiteness used during intense periods of integration and racial awareness in Salt Lake City in the 1960s and 1970s. I conclude that white educational leaders must look more closely at the 'nice', color-evasive discourse that enables them to maintain power and privilege in their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits Fleeming Jenkin's anonymous review of Charles Darwin's Origin of Species, published in the North British Review in June 1867. This review is usually revered for its impact on Darwin's theory of descent with modification. Its classical interpretation states that Jenkin, a Professor of Engineering at the University of Edinburgh, made a compelling case against natural selection based on the fact of "blending inheritance" and the "swamping" of advantageous variations. Those themes, however, are strikingly absent from Jenkin's text. They were later read into Jenkin's text by scholars trying to explain how Darwinian selection was reconciled with Mendelian genes and the birth of the Modern Synthesis. While many scholars have tried to measure Jenkin's effect on Darwin, the value of the 1867 review remains unclear. This paper re-examines its content and concludes that Jenkin's "able review" was in fact written by an engineer whose competencies in biology were very low. Focusing on the figure of the shipwrecked white sailor isolated on an island inhabited by Black people, this paper also underlines the racial assumptions behind Jenkin's review. "Blending inheritance" is thus a theme linked to theoretical reworkings on the question of race and skin colors, taking its root in Galton's typology of heredity. Darwin was probably mostly unimpressed by Jenkin's review. The problems raised by the review were not so much "blending inheritance" and "swamping" but a conundrum of problems related to the effects of intercrossing on variation and reversion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The way racial disparities get re/produced or challenged by homeless systems is an underexplored subject in housing studies. This paper advances scholarship on that topic by examining how homeless system managers in the USA are responding to demands for colour-conscious vulnerability screenings. The VI-SPDAT is a popular tool for measuring the vulnerability of homeless service recipients and making resource allocation decisions. Recent studies suggest the VI-SPDAT is racially biased and thwarts Black Indigenous People of Colour (BIPOC) from getting rehoused. This paper presents interview-based research conducted with 35 participants from 28 homeless systems that answers questions about how managerial staff perceive the VI-SPDAT and steps they are (not) taking to address racial disparities associated with the tool. Our findings delineate various ways system managers indirectly support service recipients by resisting institutional practices that marginalize BIPOCs. This extends homeless scholarship by showing how race relations shape supportive interventions in the USA and the way system managers try to allay racial disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore relations between race, capital and wildlife conservation in the town of Hoedspruit and its surroundings, which has developed into one of the main centres of the lucrative and rapidly growing 'wildlife economy' in South Africa. Behind its image as a shining 'green' example of wildlife-based development is a highly unequal and racialised state of affairs that is deeply unsustainable. At the core of these dynamics are private wildlife reserves, high-end nature-based tourism and gated 'wildlife estates', which have further consolidated land into private, mostly white, ownership. In addition to contestations about the building of a shopping mall and land claims, Hoedspruit's wildlife economy is dependent upon black labourers who commute daily from former homeland areas. Municipal efforts to mediate this situation by building affordable housing, have been thwarted by several wealthy inhabitants and property developers. We build on Mbembe's 'logic of enclosure' to argue that the wildlife economy and its 'green' image perpetuate and reinvent older forms of colonial and apartheid geographies of segregation, in effect creating a form of 'new green apartheid'. While physical-geographical enclosures are at the centre of the wildlife economy, we show that they are reinforced by class and racial enclosures and ideological enclosures, the latter consisting of both the belief in the market as a natural solution for social and environmental causes and apartheid as an historical era that has now ended. We conclude that Hoedspruit serves as an important example of the regressive and unsustainable forms of development that the wildlife economy in South Africa can create. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical quantitative methods provide opportunities for Queer Theory to challenge, re-define, and re-claim the historically privileged research tradition. In this paper, I begin by summarizing the various binaries that oppress research and individuality. I then engage with Queer Theory and my own intersectional positionality to propose a nonbinary quantitative methodology. Next, I draw on various examples to demonstrate the possibilities for how quantitative research can be nonbinary when it challenges objectivity, acknowledges intersectionality, combines multiple theories, redefines quantitative measures, blurs methodological boundaries, and/or re-appropriates research for action. The paper concludes with a summary of how a nonbinary quantitative method intentionally acknowledges positionality and is deeply grounded in intersectionality to challenge deficit and majoritarian narratives and research practices implied by more traditional quantitative approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an urgent and compelling need for systemic change to achieve diversity and inclusion goals in the biomedical sciences. Because faculty hold great influence in shaping research training environments, faculty development is a key aspect in building institutional capacity to create climates in which persons excluded because of their ethnicity or race (PEERs) can succeed. We present a mixed methods case study of one institution's efforts to improve mentorship of PEER doctoral students through mentorship education workshops for faculty. These workshops were one strategy among others intended to improve graduate trainees' experiences, and positively affect institutional climate with respect to racial and ethnic diversity. Surveys of 108 faculty mentors revealed that about 80% overall agreed or strongly agreed with the value of culturally responsive mentoring behaviors but about 63% overall agreed or strongly agreed that they were confident in their ability to enact those behaviors. Through a series of three focus groups, PEER doctoral students reported that they noticed mentors' efforts to address cultural diversity matters and identified some guidance for how to approach such topics. We discuss future directions and implications for using mentorship education to activate systemic change toward inclusive research training environments and promoting the value of mentorship within institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1950s, many Ghanaians identified with African Americans as they read about events involving American racial violence in Ghanaian newspapers. Yet the transnational connections appearing in those periodicals varied in depth, intensity, and sincerity depending on their political or commercial connections. This study analyzes the reactions in key Ghanaian newspapers, such as those affiliated with Kwame Nkrumah's Convention People's Party, the British-owned Daily Graphic, and the Ashanti Pioneer, to key moments in 1950s American race relations, including the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the events in Little Rock, and the infamous 'Orange Juice' incident involving discrimination against the Ghanaian minister of finance. By demonstrating that the Pioneer more often covered the personal angles of such events, while the tones of CPP-affiliated papers and even the Daily Graphic vacillated based on changing political needs, this study both shows the complicated nature of transnational racial identifications as they flowed west across the Atlantic and reveals the promises and limits of Ghanaian connections to members of the African diaspora during the decolonizing period in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Racial Inequality and Publication in Economics" examines the lack of representation of racial and ethnic minorities in the field of economics and the disparities in publication outcomes among different racial groups. The authors analyze data from numerous economic journals and discover that non-White authors make up only 28% of the total authors, despite comprising over 80% of the global population. They also find that non-White authors publish fewer papers in top journals compared to White authors, even after considering various factors. The article contributes to the existing research on racial inequalities in economics and emphasizes the importance of greater diversity and inclusion in the field. [Extracted from the article]

This paper is a narrative of my personal (physical and spiritual) encounter with Dambudzo Marechera during my research visit at Oxford. Marechera was a prolific Zimbabwean writer, poet and playwright whose memory is entrenched in the Zimbabwean imagination because of his artistic prowess and personal-political exploits. He was expelled from the University of Oxford in 1976 and died in Zimbabwe on 18 August 1987. My encounter with Dambudzo is punctuated by my quest to understand what it was like for him as a black Zimbabwean in exile studying at the prestigious institution and having to maneuver his racial and cultural difference. The narrative weaves my personal experiences at Oxford, of British museums and meeting with his biographer into perceptions of Dambudzo Marechera's archive at Oxford to bring a new understanding—including a psychological and/or clinical review—of Marechera's memory from a black Zimbabwean perspective and hopefully perpetuate his archive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to unsettle assumptions of generalizability and representativeness in quantitative research using queer framings and positionalities. We argue that generalizability and representativeness are tools of supremacist dominance that reinforce harmful and essentialist categories of identities for the false purpose of statistical 'rigor' and create more harm than benefit for queer and trans students. For many scholars, quantitative methods are antithetical to justice-centered scholarship given their historical entrenchment and current complicity in oppression and maintaining racial superiority and social dominance. With these problems firmly in mind, we draw on queer, critical, and poststructural frameworks to resist generalizability within quantitative methods. Building on these frameworks, we then present recommendations for how quantitative methods can be both queer and rigorous, thinking beyond generalizability to imagine liberatory practices for education research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical strand of studies in Knowledge Organization (KO) and Library and Information Science (LIS) have been focused on gender bias and power inherent in the classification of knowledge artefacts. From the mid-2000s, attention turned to other types of biases notably racial biases. These studies have exposed and rightly critiqued how the supposedly "universal" classification and knowledge artefacts designed by LIS and KO pioneers were designed mostly by white men. Wiegand (1996) demonstrated that Melvil Dewey, the creator of DCC, was a notorious racist and antisemite. This paper raises the issue of how the LIS and KO communities have dealt with the legacy of one its most celebrated pioneers, Paul Otlet, whose writings had imprints of white supremacist ideologies at least in two of his texts 'Afrique aux Noirs' and 'Monde. Essai d'universalisme'. In particular, we speculate about the quasi-omerta that had surrounded Otlet's writings on race and racial relations considering the amount of exegesis done on his works. The one-sided narrative portraying Otlet mostly in a positive light and magnifying his works has led to epistemicide and "documentary injustice". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We focus on the use of flourishing as a new measure in studies of pathways in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematical) fields. While the concept of flourishing is promising, the concept may need careful interrogation to ensure it takes structural and personal (cultural, religious, socioeconomic, and racial) differences into account. Our longitudinal study explores emerging adult's educational and career pathways with careful attention to structural inequities, enabling us to productively explore the concept of flourishing in a larger systemic context. Drawing from a set of qualitative interviews with our participants, we explore the ways that our sample of emerging adults (N = 30), predominantly people of color, define and discuss flourishing. The concept resonated with our diverse participants, and a substantial number did report flourishing. But despite the regularity with which the participants described experiencing racism and microaggressions, they did not often mention those harmful experiences when discussing flourishing. We caution that flourishing data on its own may provide an overly rosy image of the pathways and development, especially of young people of color. Our data suggest that it may be especially important to examine flourishing in context with other measures that can flesh out a fuller picture of well-being, especially in relation to race, racism, sexism, or any other experiences related to personal identities. In particular, instruments should be carefully designed to ensure--especially for emerging adults--that all aspects of their lives and identities can be fully understood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With interracial and interethnic marriages on the rise, social workers will be increasingly working with families at the crucible of race relations. Hate crimes are also on the rise and, as a result, these families may be subject to greater scrutiny and negativity. Twenty-two participants in long-term interracial and interethnic marriages were asked what they found successful in dealing with negativity they experienced. Five strategies were employed: 1. Not responding; 2. Not attending to it as negativity; 3. Avoiding negative situations; 4. Showing we are great; and 5. Preparing the next generation. Implications for social work practice are included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Herbert Adolphus Miller (1875–1951) is a neglected figure within North American sociology, yet he made a distinctive contribution to the sociology and politics of race relations. He was one of the first sociological critics of eugenics and developed a distinctive approach to race relations and the position of subject minorities derived from a critical analysis of European empires. His approach was complementary to that of Du Bois with whom he had a close relationship. In this article, we trace Miller's critique of eugenics and the idea of 'Americanisation' as a policy of immigrant assimilation, showing the distinctiveness of his approach within North American sociology, including the milieu of Chicago sociology with which he was associated. We also examine the connection between his sociology of race and Park's position on race relations as being a process of gradual assimilation. We conclude with discussion of the Chicago school influence over Gunnar Myrdal's The American Dilemma and the alternative approach to race relations that both Du Bois and Miller had already outlined in the 1920s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia has long sought to portray itself as a proudly multicultural nation that claims to welcome and celebrate cultural and linguistic diversity. This article seeks to illustrate how the law, legal discourse and precedent continue to exclude and symbolically punish language-minoritised people, through reinforcing unofficial 'English-only' rules. This is accompanied by efforts to deny or downplay the racialised effects of linguistic marginalisation. 'Equality' discourses are especially powerful in this kind of denialism, where particular groups are portrayed as equally disadvantaged by particular language requirements needed to exercise and operationalise certain legal rights. This construct of a 'shared inequality' when it comes to language is effective in denying that laws can operate in a racially discriminatory manner. At an interactional level, racialised 'English-only' rules are reinforced through the policing and assessing of the language practices of minoritised witnesses and accused people. Speaking the 'right way' becomes particularly relevant when courtroom credibility assessments are tied to how a person speaks. In this regards, English monolingualism is constructed as the normative benchmark against which the linguistic and racial 'Other' is adjudged. This means that a failure to meet this standard can become a basis for questioning a person's credibility and believability as a witness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the neglect of race and racism in the discipline of British politics. I outline why this has happened, the consequences of such neglect and how it might be remedied. The article proceeds in four stages: First, it makes the case that British politics has neglected race and racism. I do this by showing that race does not feature within the core concerns of the discipline, and that despite the fact that race may be noted in the relationship between demography and representation, its status as a social construct is not addressed. Second, the article explores the question of disciplinary reflexivity. Drawing on Emirbayer and Desmond's (2012) racial reflexivity framework, I delineate the disciplinary and scholastic unconscious of British politics, showing that the reliance on the Westminster Model obscures questions of race. Next, the article discusses the Sewell Report (2021), explicating its post-racism narrative, and draws parallels between the findings of the report and the study of British politics. The final section of the article outlines a framework for a British politics of race. The framework draws on critical race theory, and Britain's imperial history of colonialism and empire-building and thus puts the study of race at the centre of the discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to shed light on the role of the university as a space contributing to (re)production and even to the reification of social relations of race. To do this, we sought the views of 30 students enrolled in first-year undergraduate studies to analyze how institutional racism occurs through microaggression interactions, i.e. subjective or overt racism expressed by individuals or through institutional practices, understood as indirect processes that may have unplanned effects on racialized groups via feelings of inequitable treatment. These students were born to immigrant parents from Haiti and sub-Saharan Africa. This article shows that, despite a denial of systemic racism by the Québec government, our data do reveal unequal social relations of race in the daily lives and practices of academic institutions. Students, through their words, tend to emphasize the existence of a boundary linked to power relations between those they name as Whites and Others. They relate incidents of microaggression, which seem normal or banal for the majority group, often taking the form of humour, which constantly bring them back to their otherness, their social positioning vis-à-vis power relations, which they describe as inferiorizing. They also highlight the perception of these boundaries at the institutional level in the choice of staff hired, in the whitewashed image of the institution in promotional materials, in the predominance of formal and hidden ethnocentric or racist curriculum, and in student life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of broad research developed by a group of Brazilian scholars to make an assessment of affirmative action policies in admissions to higher education in Brazil, namely the quota legislation in place since 2012, which reserves places for lower-income, Afro-Brazilians and indigenous students in federal universities. The research has been developed through a combination of methods including analysis of secondary data, case studies in six federal universities, and interviews with university leadership and faculty members. The article presents the main results of the study, including the effect of quota legislation in diversifying the profile of higher education students in the last decade. It shows that a significant proportion of Afro-Brazilian students have been able to access good-quality higher education because of this legislation. The article concludes by presenting some challenges faced by quota students in federal universities, especially related to student support policies and a sense of belonging. It also presents recommendations to improve these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives : Judgments about police procedural fairness consistently have a stronger influence on how the public ascribes legitimacy to the police than evaluations of police effectiveness. What remains largely underexplored, however, is the potential moderating effect of procedural justice on the relationship between effectiveness and legitimacy and whether this moderation varies by citizen race. Method: We administered two separate surveys to determine whether procedural justice's moderating effect on the relationship between police ineffectiveness and legitimacy varies by citizen race. The first was a mail survey of a random sample of citizens in a southern US city (N = 1,681) conducted in 2013; the second, a national survey of adults (N = 972) administered via Qualtrics in 2022. Results: We found that procedural justice could help protect against the harmful influence of perceived ineffectiveness on police legitimacy in Study 2. However, contrary to expectations, this moderation effect held only for White Americans. Conclusions: The effect of perceived ineffectiveness on legitimacy evaluations does not vary depending on citizens' perceptions of procedural justice. Yet, police still do have control over how they treat people with whom they interact, which is one mechanism that can improve citizens' views on police legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors influence the formation of threat perception among the masses? Can the public perceive that external threats exist yet also feel safe? This article investigates both how threat perceptions form, as well as what factors influence security perceptions, in ethnically diverse countries and societies. While drawing on data from two nationally representative surveys, this article inquires to what extent the views of the government and society align regarding whether Russia represents a security threat to Latvia. We find that the determinants of threat and security perceptions differ. Above all else, the views of our respondents are shaped by their ethnic identities and regional effects. Consumption of different forms of media also influence threat perception. Perceived asymmetry of power is an additional important variable shaping security perception. Importantly, there is a correlation between seeing Russia as a security threat and Russophobia or fear of Russians living in Latvia. Overall, this article demonstrates that threat perceptions differ between Russian-speakers and Latvians, shows that it is important to differentiate between perceptions of threat and security, and identifies key explanatory variables influencing development of these perceptions in ethnically diverse societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public perceptions of science and scientific institutions have become more negative in recent years, especially among individuals who identify as ideologically conservative in the United States. While there is much work investigating the origins and implications of this decline, we focus instead on understanding the ways in which symbols of scientific expertise, like the university, convey information in a politicized environment. Universities are seen as trusted scientific experts or biased propagandists, depending on individuals' ideological identification. Are individuals more likely to believe research coming out of universities that they perceive to reflect their own ideological biases? This project looks at the effect of the academic source cue – the university label – on individual assessments of the research that these universities produce. Drawing on results from two survey experiments focused on climate change and racial wealth disparity research, we find that while liberals are more likely to believe research that confirms their previously held beliefs, they are also more likely to believe incongruent information when it comes from a university that they believe shares their bias. Conservatives, on the other hand, remain skeptical of academic research despite the message or its' source. The findings point toward both "blind trust" and "blind skepticism" in academic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a dramatic increase in Asian-White biracial individuals in the US, there is still a lack of research on this population. Using phenomenology, the purpose of this study was to delve into the lived experiences of Asian-White interracial couples and their experiences raising their biracial children. A total of 10 couples participated, and they reported on their perception of their children's racial/ethnic identity, their children's understanding of race, the types of racial and cultural socialization practices in which they engaged, cultural differences within their family, and differential treatment based on their children's appearance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comic series or books explore stories involving figures with super, or at least extraordinary powers, whose actions tend to keep the world safe. In this article, I will examine graphic fictional series as a metaphor for race relations in the U.S. sociocultural landscape. This will especially involve a focus on how the artistic representation of Blackness in the comics produced mainly by white writers and illustrators within popular culture, reflects a vision of "diversity" as imagined from a white racial perspective. Within such imagery, Blackness is represented as an appendage of whiteness in the visualization of a futuristic template for racial reconciliation and inclusion. This approach to the representation of racial diversity spawns a white privileged model of superhero fiction that begets negative methods of imagining anti-racist or racial justice advocacy. To grapple with this problem, I argue that the artistic performance in Black-created comic series is not only effective in countering negative images of Blacks but also serves as a potent vehicle for positive anti-racist practice. Black comic series, especially the Brotherman Comic series, are explored as a possible alternative for the imagination of positive models of anti-racist practice in superhero fiction. The illustrations and diverse characters in Brotherman Comic series offer a fascinating vision of diversity, which shows that the creators of this comic series are engaged in a different kind of artistic performance (from those produced within American popular culture) that orients us towards a more positive template for racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To understand one type of race trouble, this study examines a federal civil trial brought by a white employee suing her African American supervisor for creating a racially hostile work environment. After explaining race trouble and its connection to talk about racism, background is provided on civil trials and this particular trial. Events about which competing accounts were offered in the trial included assignment of office space, meeting conduct, and use of the N-word and African American language. For each event I show how anti-white racism was argued for and how that argument was resisted. In the conclusion, I consider what this trial illuminates about twenty-first century U.S. race relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides an introduction to culturally responsive pedagogy (CRP) and critical race theory (CRT) in education research. CRP focuses on challenging institutional structures and cultural practices to promote student achievement and well-being by incorporating and valuing students' cultural strengths. CRT examines how race and racism are embedded in social structures and institutions, aiming to understand and challenge systemic racism and racial inequalities. The document also includes summaries of articles that explore the concepts of culturally responsive pedagogy and culturally sustaining pedagogy in education. These articles emphasize the importance of incorporating diverse perspectives and experiences into the curriculum and teaching practices to promote equity and social justice. They also discuss the barriers faced by students of color in traditional educational settings and propose strategies to address these challenges. The articles draw on theories such as critical race theory, raciolinguistics, and sociocultural theory to inform their analysis. Overall, the articles highlight the need for culturally relevant teaching methods and inclusive classrooms that value students' diverse backgrounds and identities. [Extracted from the article]

"Fields of Play: Sport, Race, and Memory in the Steel City" by Robert T. Hayashi and "Heartbreak City: Seattle Sports and the Unmet Promise of Urban Progress" by Shaun Scott are two books that explore the history of sports in Pittsburgh and Seattle, respectively. Hayashi examines the ways in which sport has shaped social struggles around race, class, and gender in Pittsburgh, challenging nostalgic narratives and broadening our understanding of the city's sporting landscape. Scott, on the other hand, uses sports as a lens to reveal the unmet promise of urban progress in Seattle, critiquing the city's progressive reputation and highlighting the ways in which sports have been used to concentrate power. Both books emphasize the importance of sports as a means of building solidarity and creating shared spaces, while also acknowledging the ways in which sports can perpetuate exploitation and inequality. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the concept of the Korean corner store as a site of racialization and examines its shifting architecture. It discusses the case of a Korean-owned deli on Park Avenue in New York City in 1984, where the store faced opposition and scrutiny due to concerns about its impact on the neighborhood. The article highlights the anxiety of assimilation and the tensions between different racial and ethnic groups. It also suggests that the Korean corner store occupies a critical role in processes of racialization and calls for further exploration of this topic. [Extracted from the article]