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Chapter 5 of the book "Language Without Soil: Adorno and Late Philosophical Modernity" is presented. It highlights the stand of Theodor W. Adorno on the education, especially on the importance of political education, that can be seen in his essay "Working through the Past." It focuses on the suggestion of Adorno on reeducation, which during his time was aimed to come into terms with the history of Germany and to rebuild the national identity of Germany after World War II.

A chapter from the book "Powers: Religion As a Social & Spiritual Force" is presented. It discusses the use of art and popular imagery in the construction of American national identity. It notes Americans' efforts to look at geography, heroes, wars, political ideas, public education, religion, and the English language for a common culture as evidence of a shared identity. He also describes how Americans protect democracy through language, literature and the Bible and how they seek out the signs of nationhood in sound, objects, monuments and film.

Chapter 5 of the book "Beauty and the Beast: Italianness in British Cinema," by Elisabetta Girelli is presented. It explores Great Britain under Thatcherism and the connections between 1980s politics, constructions of national identity and national cinema. It also examines the three British films "Another Time, Another Place," "A Room With a View," and "Where Angels Fear to Thread."

Chapter 10 of the book "Postcolonial Readings in Indo-Anglian Literature" is presented. It examines the postcolonial themes found in R.K. Narayan's book, "The Guide" and explains how postcolonialism allows colonized people to develop national identity by writing their own legacy. The chapter notes that Narayan wrote his book without the intention of rejecting Western influence, but rather to integrate it with India's future as an independent country.

Chapter 12 of the book "Postcolonial Readings in Indo-Anglian Literature" is presented. It explores India's revival of nationalistic heroism in the novel "The Sun Behind the Cloud," by Basavaraj Naikar. The chapter examines the transition of the novel's main character, Bhaskararao Bhave, from friend to enemy of the British. The author proposes to India's great heroes need to be re-examined against the distorted accounts of prejudiced historians.

Chapter 12 of the book "Postcolonial Readings in Indo-Anglian Literature" is presented. It explores the concept of pragmatic motive in understanding realities of daily life. The chapter identifies this approach in the study of Rohinton Mistry's book, "A Fine Balance" which attempts to preserve and promote India's identity and symbols. It highlights the stoic heroism of the characters and the humane issues of Indians as the prevailing themes of Mistry's novel.

Chapter 6 of the book "Boxing: A Cultural History" is presented. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, boxing became a matter of race, ethnicity and nationality. It is said that the development of sports in the U.S. during this period was closely linked to national identity. Boxing promoters capitalized on ethnic animosities matching a fighter against one with another nationality.

The article features the new country identity logo of Sardinia. Developed by Pantagram, the logo spelled "Sardegna," which is the original Italian version of the island's name. Sardinian President Renato Storu tasked Justus Oehler of Pentagram's Berlin Office to establish the island's identity for marketing purposes.

Chapter 5 of the book "Responding to Globalization: Nation, Culture and Identity in Singapore," by Selvaraj Velayutham is presented. It explores the perception of Singaporeans regarding their national identity and their personal opinion about the globalization of their nation. It highlights the response of Singaporeans to questionnaires regarding their cultural identity and their modernity, their material-based identity and their nation-home being a global city.

Chapter 3 of the book "Post-war Laos: The Politics of Culture, History and Identity" is presented. It explores the issue of natural identity and culture in Laos through an analysis of the politics of minority and majority representation. It demonstrated the process of inclusion and exclusion in the politics of majority and minority representations which are not only induced by the necessity of constructing an encompassing and homogenized national culture.

Chapter 8 of the book "Post-war Laos: The Politics of Culture, History and Identity" is presented. It offers a conclusion regarding the immutability of the two oppositional figures in Laos including the majority and ethnic minorities in Laos. It is stated that the personal narratives of the ethnic minorities and majorities reveal the narrative of the nation, born of specific historical, political and ideological contexts.

Chapter 7 of the book "Post-war Laos: The Politics of Culture, History and Identity" is presented. It explores the processes of globalization as an idea of fluidity and plurality of identities within the context of ideological, cultural and economic change in the Lao society. It discusses the notion of different coexisting identities among the members of ethnic minorities in Laos. It examines the perceptions of the minorities' ethinicity, national identity and citizenship in post-communist Laos.

Chapter 1 of the book "Performing Spanishness," by Michael Thompson is presented. It explores the context of contemporary Spanish theatre, specifically the Realist Generation that emerged around 1960. It discusses the theoretical and political implications of playwright José María Rodríguez Méndez's realistic representation of Spanishness. It also explains the problems of defining theatrical realism and the development of ideas of national identity in Spain.

The article examines the events that brought Europe to a crossroad of identity issues. Relative to the question of European identity, the formative aspects of national identity are discussed. Inspite of talk of a European identity, a conclusion that European nations still have their own identity is reached. The article says this is true even in the light of the impact of globalization and heightened immigration. The article also focuses on Germany which is facing challenges to its identity.

A subject index for the book "The Politics of Ethnicity and National Identity" is presented.

The article focuses on ethnicity and democratic governance in Liberia. It states that ethnicity has conduced to a national identity problem in the country and impaired its democratic government. The author claims that President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf needs to foster ethnic harmony and national identity as precursors to cultivating economic development and political reforms. The areas that the Liberian government must address to improve the relationship between ethnicity and democratic governance are also cited.

With a Russified population in the east and a nationalistic, staunchly Ukrainian population in the west, it has been difficult for the leaders of Ukraine to develop a unified national identity that appeals to all segments of society. The conflict centers around whether to define Ukraine as Ukrainian, a view favored largely by those living in Western Ukraine, or as Eastern-Slavic (Russian-Ukrainian), favored largely by residents of Eastern Ukraine, particularly the Crimea region. The struggle to establish a unifying national identity should have been reflected in the leaderships' efforts to establish a coherent foreign policy, since national identity is directly tied to foreign policy through its identification of the "other." Yet despite the societal contradictions that exist concerning Ukrainian national identity, Kiev was able to establish a consistent foreign policy. This is due in large part to the fact that Ukraine's foreign policy elite did not make any effort to reconcile the different identities that existed in society nor to follow the majority's views on which identity to ascribe to the country. Rather, the government chose an identity that represented the views of the Western minority, since it corresponded to the foreign policy that they believed would benefit Ukraine and that represented the opportunities they saw as available to it internationally. Subsequently, the chosen identity and the preferred foreign policy were mutually reinforcing, with the aim of achieving the ruling elite's international policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every post-conflict society is unique and there is no one-size-fits-all approach to its post-conflict reconstruction needs. However, when conflicts have been underlined by identity dissonance, post-conflict response ought to place issues of national identity as an integral part of the general reconstruction efforts. But since there has been minimal theoretical and normative development expended to this task, this essay seeks to address this shortcoming by treating national identity as a crucial theoretical construct to post-conflict reconstruction. Approaching this debate largely from a theoretical perspective, the paper seeks to analyse the theories of post-conflict reconstruction and that of national identity, how these fuse within post-conflict scenarios and how national identity can be made an integral component of a revamped post-conflict reconstruction theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an introduction to the book "The Politics of Ethnicity and National Identity."

Chapter four of the book "Virgil's Gaze: Nation and Poetry in the Aeneid," by J. D Reed is presented. It explores how Virgil extends a Roman tradition of conveying messages of cultural and national identity. It reads the poem "Aeneid" comparatively against the succeeding two sections of the lament of Ennius' Andromacha over the fall of Troy.

Chapter 2 of the book "The Importance of Feeling English: American Literature and the British Diaspora 1750-1850," by Leonard Tennenhouse is presented. It highlights the debate of authors and intellectuals writing in English in the U.S. on the relationship between language and national identity. It explores the assumption of the postcolonial theory which developed for the political, economic, and cultural conditions of cultures emerging into a world of transnational capitalism of the 20th century.

The section "Other Tuscan Cities" of the book "Italian Hours," by Henry James is presented. It cites the author's impression of several cities in Italy including Pisa, Florence and Tuscany during his visit to the scenic places. It also explores the characteristics and culture of the people in the Tuscan-speaking cities in Italy.

Chapter 5 of the book "Provocations: Sylvia Ashton-Warner and Excitability in Education" is presented. It explores the dynamics between bi-multiracial identity, colonialism and national identity formation in Warner's novel "Greenstone, Greenstone." The River in the novel is interpreted in the chapter as a colonial space, a space of vulnerability symbolized and disrupted by Warner's expression of homo-erotic yearnings.

Chapter 1 of the book "The Seduction of Culture in German History," by Wolf Lepenies is presented. It explores the use of culture among young people to express a national identity and achieve a measure of intellectual freedom. It states that the lesson in diminished particularity has been convincingly taught in attempts to show the persistence of the government in all of modern Europe.

Analysis of chapter two of the book "British Fiction Today" by Rod Mengham and Philip Tew is presented. It explores author Julian Barnes' article in the "Observer" after England's victory in the 2003 rugby World Cup, the treatment of English national identity in his novels, and intellectual reticence over what constitutes Englishness.

A chapter of the book "Sovereign Bodies: Citizens, Migrants and States in the Postcolonial World" edited by Thomas Blom Hansen and Finn Stepputat is presented. It explores Norway's contextualization of increasingly restrictive immigration practice by locating it within larger structures of discourse meaning. It highlights the country's narrow conception of national identity with implications in racism and ethnic exclusion.

Since historians are generally engaged in research of a highly specialised kind, and since we are notoriously jealous of our own periods, it may at first seem predictable that an eighteenth-century historian should claim that the modern connection between power and the nation dates from some time in the eighteenth century. Worse still, it may sound as if I am setting out to reinvent the wheel, since the French Revolution has been accorded a pivotal role in the emergence of nationalism by almost every standard work on the subject. In what follows, however, I shall offer fresh arguments in defence of what is, admittedly, a traditional view. By exploring a number of features of nationhood that have so far received relatively little attention, I hope to clarify some of the issues that have divided ‘modernists’ from their critics in recent discussions of nations and nationalism. Although my focus is on the Irish, who are often cast as honorary Slavs in typologies of nationalism, I shall consider them alongside the ‘old’ western nations of Britain and France: it is a fundamental premise of my central argument, indeed, that none of them can be understood in isolation. The approach adopted here is also rooted in the history of ideas, an area somewhat out of fashion among scholars of nationalism since the classic works of Kedourie and Berlin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the autumn of 1798, the Minister of the Interior of the short-lived Helvetic Republic lamented that the state of Swiss patriotism left much to be desired. His opinion was echoed in a report he received from the governor of Bern in October of the same year: ‘I find no common spirit; the conceptions which exist among our people are too numerous, too inadequate and too vague.’ Nearly a century later, the author of an essay on the history of Switzerland's national festivals painted a much more positive picture. In the fifty years since the foundation of the Swiss nation-state in 1848 the Swiss, so he reasoned, had ‘become a people’. On the face of it, these observations seem to confirm what can safely pass as common scholarly wisdom: that the long nineteenth century represents the classic era of nation-formation, a process that strengthened national identity among many of Europe's populations. Yet historians are trained to be sceptical of statements like the ones just cited. Shaped as they are by the perceptions, motivations and ambitions of their producers, they ought not to be taken naively at face value. Thus, if the minister of the Helvetic Republic came to a gloomy assessment of the state of Swiss patriotism, then this may in part reflect the high expectations so typical of members of the new republican ruling class. It also reveals their tendency to equate opposition to the Helvetic regime with disloyalty to ‘the nation’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Let me state a certainty. Late Anglo-Saxon England was a nation state. It was an entity with an effective central authority, uniformly organised institutions, a national language, a national church, defined frontiers (admittedly with considerable fluidity in the north), and, above all, a strong sense of national identity. It may seem extravagant to describe early England as a ‘nation-state’. Nevertheless it is unavoidable. Historians accustomed to thinking about modern states and nations may hesitate over the confidence of these statements and feel themselves more comfortable with the following: According to whatever standard of political value we make our judgment, the England of the tenth and eleventh centuries will be found utterly lacking in all qualities which make a state strong and keep it efficient … The principles which underlay its social structure were inconsistent and incoherent. It possessed no administrative system worthy of the name and the executive action of its king was fettered by the independence of his counsellors and rendered ineffective by the practical autonomy of the provincial government into which the land was divided. The avowed maximum views of eleventh-century statehood are James Campbell's, the two quotations taken from papers published in 1994 and 1995; the second passage may be more surprising to anyone familiar with Sir Frank Stenton's later work. This was Stenton's first book, William the Conqueror and the Rule of the Normans, published in 1908 in Putnam's Heroes of the Nations series. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a quantitative approach to the qualitative study of national and supranational identities in Europe. Methods available to media and communication researchers; Use of the Q-methofology; Ways that the Q methodology can be seen as a way of neutralizing the epistemological and methodological division between qualitative and quantitative approaches; Meaning of the complementarity of methods.

Chapter Five of the book "Civil Society in Southeast Europe," edited by Dane R. Gordon and David C. Durst is presented. It highlights the constitutive function of war in the region and the constitution of the national identity in the country through war. It explores the reconciliation between the ethnic communities of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the aftermath of the war.

Britain is now called England, thereby assuming the name of the victors. This, the most noble of islands, 800 miles long and 200 broad, was first called Albion, then Britain and is now known as England. Crossing the deep sea, he [Henry the Second] visited Ireland with a fleet, and gloriously subdued it; Scotland also he vanquished, capturing its king, William … He remarkably extended the kingdom's limits and boundaries [until they reached] from the ocean on the south to the Orkney islands in the north. With his powerful grasp he included the whole island of Britain in one monarchy, even as it is enclosed by the sea. The English and others The historian A. J. P. Taylor once argued that the unification of Germany in the nineteenth century was brought about not by nationalist forces but through a series of wars against other countries – Denmark, Austria, France. The substance of German unity and German national consciousness was not, as the liberals claimed, a deep sense of German culture but the deposit of wars and conflicts that forged a Germany confident of its strength and eager to expand its power. Prussia, which of all the German states had the least interest in German nationalism, was the agency through which Germany achieved this self-definition as a ‘crusading’ power, charged with the mission especially of civilizing the East (Taylor 1945: 114–5). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most extraordinary aspects of the current scene lies in the number of citizens of the United Kingdom who do not appear to be familiar with the basic parameters of the state in which they live. They often do not know what it is called; they do not distinguish between the whole and the constituent parts; and they have never grasped the most elementary facts of its development. Confusion reigns on every hand. National consciousness faces the same fate as the bourgeoisie; forever rising in the estimation of historians. Understanding the United Kingdom in time Hegel says somewhere that it is only at the time of its dissolution that an entity reveals its principles in their true form and to their fullest extent. Nowhere is this truer than in the case of the United Kingdom. Taken vaguely for granted, unexamined and untheorized, it is only when it is faced by threats from within and without, only when there is talk of ‘the break-up of Britain’, that serious attention has turned to its character. On turning in that direction, what scholars have discovered mostly is a conceptual hole. There is a good deal of constitutional history (though not much on constitutional law or constitutional theory); there is some excellent political, social and economic history; and there is sterling work in the history of political thought, though mostly for earlier periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chapter 2 of the book "Destroying the Other's Collective Memory" is presented. It explores the concept of Israelis in having a collective memory to be able to form a national identity, the violence of conquering the power centers to have their own narrative, symbols and goals. It highlights the memories of the Palestinians about the holocaust, injustice in the Diaspora as well as the new approach for dialogues and an analysis of the existing tensions and gaps.

Traces the development of the national dress used for occasions such as festivals, holidays, pageants and celebrations in Eastern Europe. Range of cultural influences on clothes; Range of styles; National identities integrated into the design of clothes.

The central issues of the sociology of education focus on the relationship between education and society. In this article three key issues of this kind are discussed: (a) the significance of education in the socialization process, (b) the issue of inequality, and (c) the relationship between education and capitalism. Education is central to the process of socialization. Education turns children into members of society by socializing them into the common values of their society. Through education children learn the religious and moral beliefs of the society they live in. They also develop a sense of national identity through education, learning national languages and customs, the symbols of nationality, and the history of the nation. This article discusses several issues related to education and inequality, which has been one of the main issues in the sociology of education. It also considers the relationship between education and capitalism. While functionalists saw education as meeting the needs of society, Marxist writers argued that it served the interests of the owners of capital.

Chapter 2 of the book "We, the People of Europe? Reflections on Transnational Citizenship," by Étienne Balibar is presented. It explores the Ambiguity of the Universal or the Anthropology of the Nation-Form, which refers to the development of a hermeneutic thesis and a complete explanatory model. It highlights the relationship between nation-form and nationalism with respect to historicity of nations and nationalism, national identities and structural violence.

The article discusses on architecture and the state. Since their origins in the nineteenth century nation-states have had a strong desire for representation, and this has led to attempts to express idiosyncratic national identities against the many universalizing tendencies inherent in modernity. Culture has proved a very effective space in which to impose national identities, and architecture in particular has been the site of many state led projects. This has resulted in the creation of many socially significant buildings which have come to embody the nation code. This chapter assesses how and why nation states have often attempted to impose national codes using architecture to construct or reflect a national identity. Nation states had a strong desire for representation under conditions of modernity in other words, they wanted to be culturally distinct from other nation states and it was this tendency that encouraged cultural particularism. Architecture has been a built expression of such tensions, as states have self-consciously raided and modified historical styles of architecture to reflect specific aims and sentiments.

This chapter explores the multiple and ambiguous reaction of Polish migrants to German society and its impact on the national identities of Poles in Berlin, Germany. The immigrant experience influences the national identities of Berlin Poles depends not only on the particular circumstances they encounter in the host society but also on the home-country cultural capital they bring with them. As a result of this multiplicity, immigrant identities take many forms. The case of Poles in Berlin demonstrates that immigrants' transnational involvements do not necessarily alter their traditional identities and, if they do, these transnational identities may well coexist with integration into the host society. The circumstances of immigrants' situations in the host society may intensify or weaken their home-country Vaterland and Heimat identities at the same time; or they may affect these different-level identities in opposite directions enhancing one of them and weakening the other. Likewise, the corresponding host-country identities may remain unaffected or be transformed at both or only one level of commitment. Thus, the transformation of identities of Polish businessmen, managers, and engineers in Berlin represents a diminution of the significance of the national Vaterland, which is accompanied by the emergence of a symbolic commitment to Europe (the European Union) as the imagined transnational space and the simultaneous persistence and development, respectively, of (transnational ) home and host-country Heimat identifications.

This chapter explores the historical relations between the Russian national-imperial identity and its embedded European components by reference to Germany. The Soviet triumph in the Second World War became a cornerstone in the official construction of a Soviet identity which was at least as important as the myth of the October Revolution itself. As the Second World War had ended in triumph the new political imagery was very successful in Soviet public opinion. Many civic rituals were created in order to instill and reinforce collective pride. It was not necessary to adhere to Marxism-Leninism or to be a convinced communist to take pride in being a citizen of the Soviet Union. It can be doubted whether society really needs a system of common values and orientations as has been supposed in functionalist thinking. But it is significant that dominant Russian political thinking is convinced of the necessity of a binding political ideology. This ideology can be contradictory or it might contain pure inventions. But it has to deliver a strong emotional message. In this sense, history is part of the collective identity and thus part of it a multitude of contrasting collectivities or even enemies. In the construction of collective identities even crucial experiences may be forgotten as they appear to be unfit to mobilise strong emotions. In this sense, the arsenal of symbolic elements which can be used in different circumstances is not easily changed. If collective identities are inherently contradictory they are nevertheless stable.

This chapter discusses how the ongoing economic and cultural processes related to European integration influence Polish national identity. The concept of identity has two different, though interrelated, aspects. First, an answer to the question, "Who am I?" stresses the elements of continuity, permanence, the feeling of being the same. But by its very nature this answer also implicitly contains the answer to the question, "Who am I not?", pointing to the distinction between ingroup and outgroup, between us and them. Anita Jacobson-Widding calls these two aspects of identity, correspondingly, the sameness and distinctiveness. In the case of national identity, the sameness is shaped by the totality of national history, by unique experiences of the nation, transmitted from one generation to another. The sense of distinctiveness, on the other hand, can be analysed as a complex product of contacts and interactions, cooperation and conflicts with the representatives of other nations. The sameness and distinctiveness aspects of the identity concept can, of course, be differentiated only analytically. They are actually interrelated, and the changes in the distinctiveness dimension also influence what is meant by being a Pole. It is interesting that this change in the frame of reference, or rather one should say, the re-emergence of the European frame of reference, results in a very humble self portrait of Poles.