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The proposed paper aims at exploring what ordinary people want their governments to do in the wake of globalization and democratization in East Asia. Specifically, it first examines mass attitudes toward government responsibilities for taking care of various specific social and economic problems. Second, it investigates mass attitudes toward government spending on various specific policy programs. Third, it examines mass attitudes toward government action on various economic policies. Ultimately, the proposed paper explore whether East Asian mass publics are supportive of state expansion or retrenchment and on which areas or policies they demand for more or less state action..x000d.These and other related questions are explored in the context of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) surveys recently conducted in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. Through an analysis of the survey data, we highlight key features of East Asian beliefs in the scope of government, account for differences between countries and differences within countries in demands for government action, and ultimately shed light on the changing relationship between citizens and the state in capitalist democracies of East Asia where state activism is deeply rooted. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just as advanced industrialized democracies, many authoritarian regimes have commercialized the news media in recent years. It is commonly believed that commercial liberalization will ultimately bring about political liberalization in these authoritarian states. Previous research on China has shown that this belief is mistaken. Institutions, such as the Propaganda Department, keep press reporting within narrow boundaries, thus mitigating the liberalizing effect of media commercialization on political news content. This paper examines whether single-party regimes have an advantage over personalistic and military regimes to establish institutions that mitigate the consequences of commercial liberalization on news media content. Using macro-level data from East Asia and the Middle East this paper employs quantitative analysis to investigate the relationship between regime type, media commercialization, and press freedom. More broadly, the paper adds to our understanding of why certain regimes fail while others persist. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the beginning of the post-Cold War period, many observers regarded East Asia as being “ripe for rivalry.” Despite pessimistic views, many financial cooperative arrangements among ASEAN plus Three (China, Japan, and South Korea) countries has been formed to facilitate policy coordination and to prevent another crisis from negatively affecting East Asia. .x000d.This paper examines uneven developments of two regional cooperative arrangements--Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI) and regional surveillance cooperation--among East Asian countries. Why had some regional financial cooperative arrangements such as CMI been successful while others such as regional surveillance cooperation went nowhere? What determines the different levels of East Asian financial cooperation? Among others, this paper takes seriously two primary factors--domestic implementation capacity and costs of financial cooperation--to explain both initiation and development of regional cooperation. This paper argues that East Asian countries had difficulties to pursue deeper financial cooperation due to lack of strong demands, uneven distribution of policy implementation capacities, and high sovereignty costs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes a historical approach of how nationalism effects on regional integration inEast Asia. The specific real event in this paper will be reviewed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the concept of trust and its relevance to threat perception in conflict situations and decision making. Threat perceptions have a significant impact on the dynamics of human interaction. Trust, fulfilling a psychological need and acting as a stabilizer, can contribute to building a cooperative environment and peaceful relations even in situations of conflict. Trust comes in different varieties, but always involves risk-taking. Structural conditions conducive to trust-building, institutional mechanisms, education for trust and confidence-building measures can reduce uncertainty and allow actors to trust one another more. The paper applies the issue of trust to a case study of East Asia. The East Asian region is in great political movement, with various trouble spots and conflicts. The significant role that trust and trust-building can play in reducing tension and fostering cooperation in this region will be elaborated. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests three democratic peace theory hypotheses for East Asian political cooperation and a fourth commercial exchange hypothesis. H1 suggests that like regimes will have excellent bilateral relations, H2 suggests that unlike regimes will have poor bilateral relations, and H3 draws on Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder to say that democracies will have poor bilateral relations with nondemocracies. Finally, H4 suggests that there is a positive correlation between two regimes' economic ties and their bilateral relations. A robust test of the respective hypotheses (using a pool of nineteen bi-national East Asian dyads that includes China, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan) provides the most durable support for H4. Economic linkages are defined via a mathematical formula that incorporates the volume of cross-national trade and the base 10 logarithm of each regime’s GDP. Political contestation is defined via a score that incorporates Polity IV data and a measure of Internet openness from the OpenNet Initiative. This test finds H4 is the most convincing explanation for the variation in bilateral relations among the dyads; in addition, the relationship is considerably more robust when the China-Taiwan dyad is excluded. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sheds light on the systematic divergence of productivist welfare capitalism in East and Southeast Asia. To test the existence of different types of welfare system, cluster analysis is conducted based on the redistribution and efficiency approaches. The findings suggest that the productivist world of welfare capitalism is empirically classified into three systems: compensatory, competitive, and mixed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present a game-theoretic analysis of interstate conflict in modern East Asia involving two countries: the countries of imperial expansion and the expansion reached. Focusing on historical junctures whereby imperial expansion reached and conflicted with China, Japan, and Korea, it addresses two questions about the dynamics. The first concerns a variety of outcomes: why did some conflicts end up with peaceful treaty while others escalated to armed conflict? The second concerns the rules of the game: how can we properly understand the process in which players act strategically? I explore these questions by using a model that allows me to identify factors that influence strategic behaviors of players. Two works are conducted: (1) to build up a generic 2×2 ordinal game, the structure of which is determined by two parameters, the attitude of target country toward foreign trade and the type of foreign power, (2) to analyze the process of conflict resolution using standard game theory and the theory of moves (TOM), which assume different rules of play. Consequently, I argue that TOM provides more coherent accounts for dynamic aspects of imperialist interstate conflict in modern East Asia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quantitative studies of social spending in OECD (Organization for Economic and Cooperation and Development) and Latin American countries (LACs) have produced conflicting results. In this paper I will test a synthesized model of social spending in East Asia to see if the findings of studies on OECD and Latin American countries mach with findings in East Asia. This work will be different from previous works on social spending in three respects; firstly, it will be the only comprehensive study of the link between social spending and globalization in East Asia; secondly, it is the first and the only study of link between democratization and social spending; finally, unlike previous studies this work includes data from communist countries. Previous studies have not comprehensively tested social spending theories on East Asia and they have only focused on the link between democracy and social spending, but not that of democratization and social spending. As none of the OECD or Latin American countries was communist, previous studies do not provide any insight about their behavior. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, the new security threats and the broadened security agendas of actors has created a suitable atmosphere for rethinking and revitalizing the sphere and the limits of regional orders in the international politics. The relatively successful story of Western security identity and practices at home and abroad, and the European Union’s precedence intensified this trend by creating a kind of imagined criteria for the regional security orders. However, still the links between the global and regional security as well as the meaning of regional order are not yet clear. Though one can only observe what kind of security mechanisms (balancing, cooperation, competition, or conflict etc…) have dominated in the regional domain. Asian regional security order- if there is any- stands as a real test case for observing how kind of regional security order will rise from these plural and competing security mechanisms. In order to trace the possibility of regional security order outside of western world, this brief paper aims to evaluate the security regionalism in the Eastern/southeastern Asia and tries to make some assessments on question of whether the ARF or EAS has been close to represent Asian security order. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-Cold War East Asia, there seems to be a widening gap between the call for regionalism and the regional reality in which some of East Asian countries remain fixated on bilateral relations with the United States. Underlying this puzzling regional situation are different understandings of the proper nature of the evolving regional order and various meanings attached to the role of regionalism. Specifically, Chinese highlight regionalism as a means to dampen regional concerns about the rise of China and to balance U.S. regional influence. Japanese, on the other hand, regard regionalism as a hedging option in case of America's lukewarm regional commitment, whereas South Koreans see it as a channel to revamp their regional role amid the shifting regional context. Lacking a common thread, East Asian regionalism is increasingly adrift. With specific reference to China, Japan, and South Korea, this paper explores the political contexts in which policymakers in each country articulate different regional visions. An analysis of different ideas about the regional order would help us better understand the sources of discord among the regional actors and their impact on the emerging regional order in East Asia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Asia is on the precipice of establishing its own monetary stabilization fund despite the fact that it would perform the same functions as the IMF. What explains this and other potential cases of redundant institutional proliferation? Contrary to functionalist approaches, this paper submits a power-oriented explanation of institutional proliferation. Institutions may serve some interests over or against others and may increase in bias over time if powerful members are endowed with and use go-it-alone power. Institutions operating as such "structures of power" create negative feedback and thus incentives for disaffected actors to develop alternative, more palatable arrangements. Examining East Asia's attempts to create an Asian Monetary Fund, I contend the region's financial cooperation is less a collective effort to address economic concerns and more a consequence of the IMF acting as a structure of power coupled with a shifting balance of international economic power which together have moved Japan and China toward increasing their influence over regional finance; influence they want but lack due to their relatively weak positions within the IMF. Paradoxically, institutional proliferation may enhance the bargaining power of weaker actors (here ASEAN states) by endowing them with forum-shopping abilities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural aspects of globalization have emerged as key issues for East Asia. This paper seeks to understand the local and global implications of cultural flow in the region with a focus on the roles played by national cultural and media policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most literature on trust in government focuses on the benefits of high levels of trust. This paper uses a delegation model and survey data from East Asia to argue that there are also severe adverse consequences of trust in government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper innovates to investigate the endogenous interaction and dynamics of exchange rate (ER) policy in East Asia. The term “Exchange Rate Policy” refers to two fundamental decisions in setting ER: 1. the decision to choose an ER regime by pegging against other currencies or floating freely, and 2. the decision to choose an ER level by appreciating or depreciating the national currency (Broz and Frieden 2001). Most current economic literature centers on the ER regime decision, rather than emphasizing the importance of ER levels. However, not accounting for ER levels and its endogenous interaction with ER regime severely truncates a comprehensive explanation of ER politics. The use of the term currency institutions in particular overarches the dynamic interactions of ER choices. To accommodate my theoretical hypothesis toward the actual development of currency institutions in East Asia, this paper employs the Bayesian Hierarchical Model to contend with the temporal and spatial clustering specification, and the Bayesian Vector Autoregression method to examine the contemporaneous dynamics among analytical variables. My major studied cases will be nine East Asian countries from 1980 to 2004. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study purposes to show that East Asian regional cooperation is dominated by ideas rather than interests. Specifically, focusing on China, this study will reveal that national identity influence each nation's behavior and strategy beyond the expected interests related to the regional cooperation. Recent studies on the issue of regional cooperation in East Asia pay insufficient attention to ideas-centered approach, only fousing on material interests motivating countries toward regional cooperation. In particular, they argue that China, Japan and South Korea determine participation in cooperation projects depending on interests. As a criticism of interests-centered approach, this study will show the importance of ideas in East Asian regional cooperation. China understands regional cooperation and maps out its strategy by the national identity. Chin's traditional identity of Sinocentrism and recently constructed "Reponsible superpower" identityare the very cases in point. Revealing the importance of national identity, this study will remind us that ideas is needed to understand the real dynamics of East Asian regional cooperation ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally East Asian countries did not have sufficient experience in accommodating each other, for many of them suffered from colonial rule since the 19th century. Due to the absence of mutual confidence among East Asian countries, China, Japan, Korea and the ASEAN countries are occasionally at odds over energy and resource, sometimes have caused strident relations. The hiking price of oil has made East Asian countries, China included, worried about the supply of sufficient energy to their economy, since shortage of oil would mean the demise of their respective economy. East Asian countries have been known to the world of their vigorous economic development, but in the meantime they are the ones who necessitate energy and highly dependent on import from other corners of the world. Most countries in the East Asia, except some ASEAN countries, suffered from the expense and scarcity of energy lately. They are competitors hunger for energy. China's access to the energy is therefore not only relevant to its own national security, but also closely connected with the general trend of security and stability in East Asia. Although there still exist strident competition among nations in East Asia, no one here would be benefited from armed conflicts. Understanding that conciliation and self-restraint are the best policy, peaceful resolution on disputes and cooperation on obtaining energy is most desirable among the East Asian countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is an analysis of the issues, values, priorities, and national interests of major powers on the Korean peninsula, evaluating a number of scenarios. Globalization, technological change, and terrorism have been addressed as trends and political problems that impact Korea and the major powers in the region. Each is discussed in terms of their impact on reunification strategies on the one hand, and maintaining the status quo on the other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of "Confucian Asia" is often used without examining its validity. But are Asian societies homogeneous in Confucian orientations as the term suggests? If not, how can we explain the variation? By examining the East Asia Barometer survey data, this article challenges the homogeneity of Confucian Asia and finds that Confucian orientations are unevenly distributed even among commonly accepted Confucian societies. Exploring the possible explanations for this Confucian orientation variation, this article argues that political sophistication is the direct mechanism to explain the variation of mass commitment towards Confucianism. By comparing other alternative explanations such as modernization theory, the article finds that the effects of political sophistication are independent and potent. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there a diverging pattern of productivist welfare capitalism in East Asia? If yes, how can we explain the divergence? What are the major determinants differentiating the course of social security development in East Asia? This study aims to address these questions by systematically examining how economic and political factors lead to different ways of productivist welfare states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large number of social capital articles have shown a positive relationship between social trust and democracy. However, applying social capital theory into East Asian countries which are entrenched in Confucian values is problematic in that previous discussions are mostly established on Western democracy settings. I argue that in society of Confucian culture, it is imperative to differentiate particular interpersonal trust (trust on in-groups, including family members and friends) from general interpersonal trust (trust on out-groups, mostly strangers). This is not only because they are substantively different types of social trust as defined by Confucianism, but also have diverse implications for democratic consolidation. Using Asian barometer's first wave of survey in eight East Asian regimes, I found that Confucianism generates particular interpersonal trust, but is negatively related to general interpersonal trust. Moreover, in contrast to conventional wisdom that interpersonal trust facilitates democracy, particular trust impedes citizens' democratic support; I also addressed the "Asian Value" debate and found a robust negative effect of Confucianism on civic culture, namely, Confucianism deters popular support for democracy in East Asian democracies by impeding their rejection of authoritarian values, if it is not necessarily an obstacle for citizens to embrace democratic values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study advances understanding of the crucial links among technological change, human capital accumulation and openness and their impact on growth in per capita income in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic voting plays a central role when one theories about the direct links between economic conditions and the political decisions of voters. In the research of developed democratic countries, such as in Western Europe and the United States, economic voting is used to predict the voting behavior of citizens. Unfortunately, scholars tend to pay less attention to newly emerging democratic countries, e.g. Latin America, Eastern Europe and East Asia. The research generally avoids using democratization as an explanation for the emergence of economic voting. Among these countries, the relatively consolidated and stable democratization in Eastern Asia provides an essential case for examining the emergence of economic voting. There is insufficient research about economic voting in this field, so some scholars conclude that there is no economic voting in East Asia. Therefore, I assume democratization will lead to economic voting, especially in Japan, Korea and Taiwan; because all these countries went through a similar democratization process—shift of power followed by economic transformation. Overall, this research will contribute to going generalization about democratic theory and economic voting and how they compare with other Third-Wave democracies. According to the above hypotheses, I will use a cross-national method in my research. Moreover, the observed cases will focus on the important national election outcomes in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan before and after the transfer of power in these countries. In addition, I will especially observe the short-term voting behavior changes, and demonstrate whether significant economic events reinforce economic voting. The dependent variable is the difference in percentage of votes for the incumbent party and for the challenging party. I want to observe if bad economic conditions will punish incumbents and reward challengers. The independent variables in the research include economic evaluation, social cleavage and partisanship. Multivariable regression will be used in the research to estimate the effect of independent variables on the percentage of the vote. In addition, we use some demographic data as control, such as education, gender and age and so on. I have chosen the data of voting percentage results from the statistical electoral data in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan as my dependent variables. As for the independent variables, I employed the database of the East Asia Barometer for this research. It includes updated data for my cases and contains both complete economic evaluations and partisanship questions in the questionnaire. I will use the results of the survey for analysis in this research. The ultimate goal is to acquire an understanding of the relationship between democratization and economic voting, and then determine whether East Asian democratization leads to economic voting. It will become the foundation to research the emergence of economic voting in all newly emerging democratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transitioned democracies often exhibit behaviors that mirror their authoritarian pasts. Despite the celebratory transitions, they often erode the values set up by the leading founding figures. This paper suggests that these transitioned democracies ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent year, there have been significant developments in the peace and stability in cross-Strait relations, which is critical to the international relations in East Asia. In addition, the interaction among mainland China, US, and Taiwan is increasing as they are becoming more active in regional multilateral institutions. This situation raises the puzzle that whether institutions, economic interdependence can facilitate peace and stability among China, Taiwan and the United States. If the answer is yes, what are these causal mechanisms? Liberal theories of international relations emphasize the role of international institutions on fostering cooperation by reducing obstacles. such as uncertainty and transaction costs.. that stand in the way of mutually beneficial agreements between states. In addition, they also hold that interdependence decreases the incentives for conflict and war because states become reluctant to disrupt or jeopardize the welfare benefits of open economic exchange. This paper unifies these theoretical insights to explore the role of economic interdependence, institutions on the stability and cooperation between mainland China, Taiwan, and the U.S. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Asia’s successful development experience is attributed to several factors, such as political institutions which are popularly discussed in previous researches. However, emphasizing on education is another important essence maintaining continuing growth in Asian Tigers, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and South Korea where Confucianism is popularly believed and followed. In this paper, I examine the development in Middle East countries with “primary education” ,as one of the most significant growing characteristics in East Asia, to see whether this variable also critically contribute to Middle East countries’ prosperity, and it is possible to reproduce the successful experience of development from East Asia in Middle East, even in other developing countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are states in East Asia moving away from multilateralism in favor of regionalism and bilateralism? To what extent do prevailing patterns of trade confirm such a trend, and what are their implications? Finally, do East Asia’s trade patterns after the Cold War reflect larger global trends, or are they specific to the region’s geopolitical, economic, and developmental characteristics? The paper develops and applies to East Asia a framework for conceptualizing and measuring multilateralism as a policy orientation, contrasting it with alternatives such as regionalism and especially bilateralism. It will survey a variety of measures for gauging the degree of multilateralism in trade. The analysis also identifies the causal factors that determine the extent of a state’s multilateralist orientation in trade, such as general economic openness as indicated by foreign direction investment and capital flows, its level of development, and its political characteristics such as the strength of its democratic institutions. The analysis will identify what factors, if any, distinguish East Asian countries’ trade orientation, and whether they are more or less consistent with determinants of multilateralism more generally. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will try to point out the importance role that a hegemon could play in the formation process of regional cooperation mechanisms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores why some individuals support for regional intergration in East Asia than others. Analysis of a survey shows that individual trust in government is systematically related to variations in the support for regional integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the extent to which East Asia’s trade patterns have shifted away from multilateralism in favor of greater regionalism and bilateralism. The analysis also investigates the economic and political factors that explain these trends. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite facing similar environmental threats, environmental conservation efforts in Taiwan, Japan, and China vary greatly. In my paper, I argue that this is best explained by examining differences in institutional structure and domestic politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how political institutions and incentives can help us understand the timing and nature of decentralization reforms in two highly centralized unitary states in East Asia, Japan and South Korea. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates democratic consolidation in East Asia using recently collected survey data. We conceptualize consolidation as a mass-level phenomenon and measure consolidation by asking if citizens accept democracy as the only game in town. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines generation gaps of public opinion in East Asia, especially in terms of anti-US sentiment in cognitive, affective and behavioral dimensions. This generation gap originated from differential social experiences between generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does globalization strengthen the bargaining power of provinces that are more integrated with the international economy or those that are more isolated? Existing demand-side theories, which focus on rising distributive demands from globalization’s winners and losers, do not adequately explain the variance in East Asian states’ responses to regional inequality. This paper develops and tests a new supply-side argument that globalization increases the political uncertainty of incumbents regarding their chances of staying in office, which affects how politicians choose to distribute globalization gains. Specifically, increasing incumbent insecurity is likely to bring fewer redistributive transfers to poor provinces because the shorter time-horizon in office encourages incumbents to: (1) spend on pork barrel projects in an attempt to stay in office (rather than to pool resources for redistribution), and (2) defect from patron-clientele exchanges with poor constituents. The nexus among globalization, incumbent uncertainty, and resource allocation is tested using an original data set of provincial-level economic openness, incumbent turnover, and central government transfers in four East Asian states (Japan, South Korea, Thailand, and China) during their periods of rapid economic liberalization. The results confirm the political-uncertainty argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most important elements of East Asian Developmental States is the role of the state and most studies had focused on the smart and successful industrial policy in explaining the rapid economic growth. However, East Asian developmental States had experienced the financial crisis in 1997 and the industrial policy became to be criticized as the cause of moral hazard and financial crisis. Since 1980s, industrial policy already had been criticized and constrained by the global standard that it would disturb the fair competition in world economy. It is often argued that there has been ‘disappearance of industrial policy’ since 1990s in Korea. This study intends to explore the shift of industrial policy in Korea and to evaluate whether the new industrial policy had an effect on economic development. And it will explain why most of them have resulted in failure, and suggest indicators of good governance by focusing on case studies of new industrial policy. This study will draw some theoretical and practical implications of how the role of the state could be redefined in a changed environment, globalized and democratized period. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can we define the economies in East Asia today? What has or has not changed from the old model of developmental state? This research proposes that bureaucracy should be the determinant of both past performance and current decline of the East Asia economies. The peculiar incentive system in East Asia has contributed to the buildup of the professional bureaucracy and then caused its sharp decline throughout the period of rapid democratization during the 1990s. The systemic transformation of bureaucracy exactly correlates with the variation in economic performance. .x000d..x000d.The research proves the bureaucratic responsibility through the comparative study of financial reform between Korea and Taiwan. Based on the accepted bureaucratic contribution to past economic growth in both countries, the empirical study differentiates the Korean reform of the 1990s from that of Taiwan by the level of planning, organization, and execution of financial reform. Finally, the case studies trace the root of bureaucratic (non-) performance to the (in-) stability of incentive system during democratization and construct the causal flow from disruption of bureaucratic incentive system to economic performance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the East Asia Barometer 2003 surveys, this research examines whether and how national identity of citizens in the area affects their regional identity and transnational activities promote their regional identification. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines how external factors and institutional changes in domestic politics can affect the political feasibility of FTA formation and its implications to regional economic cooperation in East Asia with a case study on South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the international effects on the process of democratization and attempts to provide coherent and systematic accounts for why there are different external influences and how they have affected at different phases of democratization through a cross-regional comparison between East Asia and Central Europe. By focusing on process-oriented analysis and on interactions between external and internal factors, I argue that we should isolate international influences from common domestically dependent-level factors in national cases, in order to examine the exact effects of key explanatory factors. At the same time, the regional differences provide me enough variations to examine external effects with regional variables. I also challenge the mainstream “domestically biased” assumption that democratization is an exclusively domestic affair by arguing that external influences are a crucial part in democratic transition and consolidation especially through assessing regional and international impacts on regime change in the two regions. Furthermore, some scholars provide systemic and comprehensive approaches to explore the major mechanisms of the external impacts on regime change, but their generalizations are based on comparisons within only one geographic or cultural region. Thus, there are limits to the applicability and credibility of their general frameworks. Therefore, this study is a first effort to compare the international effects on democratization between the East (Confuciandom) and the West (Christendom). It attempts not only to refine current theoretical frameworks, but also to enhance the literature on democratization in breadth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]