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The Australian Greens only formed as a national party in 1992. Here, some of the first young Australians able to inherit Greens party identity are examined. Analysis of youth cohort data from the state of Queensland, spanning 5 years (n = 2160; aged 17–22), shows that parental political affiliation (especially maternal affiliation) strongly influences Greens party identification as it does for the major parties. However, Greens are less likely than major party identifiers to exhibit stable party allegiances over time. Defections between Greens and Labor are also far more likely than between these parties and conservative parties (Liberals or Nationals). The comparatively recent formation of the Australian Greens accounts for the relative instability of Greens identity over time. Nevertheless, inter-generational transmission of Greens identity should translate into a relatively stable electoral base for the Greens, helping ensure they remain an influential presence in Australian federal politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian federal election of 7 September 2013 resulted in a win in the House of Representatives for the right of centre Coalition led by Tony Abbott and a defeat for the outgoing minority Labor government led by Kevin Rudd, and before that Julia Gillard. The Coalition held its numbers in the Senate but will depend on support from right of centre independents and micro-parties to pass its legislation after the new Senate commences on 1 July 2014. The 2013 election provides a snapshot of the state of Australian politics not only in relation to the Coalition and Labor, but also in relation to the Greens, other minor parties and independents. Post-election Labor experienced some revival through a new method of choosing its federal parliamentary leader that provides caucus members and branch members with an equal share in the decision; Bill Shorten emerged narrowly as the winner. The formation of the new government was indicative of the political dynamics within the Coalition. There has been some shift of emphasis in terms of key policies receiving attention in the initial period of the Abbott government, most notably climate change, but there are also significant continuities with the previous Labor government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Australian Greens' first two decades of existence, electoral support for the party grew, and it was rewarded with ever-increasing numbers of its representatives occupying seats in Australian parliaments. The bases of electoral support for the Australian Greens are analysed, and its prospects in a two-party dominant system are considered. While the Australian Greens may never transcend small party status, the nature and source of its electoral support, combined with certain features of the institutional setting, provide it with a basis for a relatively enduring institutional and electoral presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a steady erosion of the major parties' share of the vote in Australia, minor parties have been unable to attract more than 15 per cent of the vote. Employing a variation of Katz and Mair's cartel party thesis, this paper argues that the major parties have an advantage in defining and limiting power sharing arrangements and setting and reacting to the policy agenda. They can act together to deny a third-party oxygen, or can deflect criticism of controversial policies onto the third party. A critical appraisal of seven cases of government formation involving the Australian Greens and Australian Democrats, along with two case studies of legislative negotiation shows that the electoral backlash is often borne by the minor parties. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The influence of federalism on the organizational arrangements adopted by Australia's parties endures. This study examines the organizational structure of the State and Territory divisions of the Australian Greens through an analysis of their local party constitutions. It shows that there are important areas of difference in the organizations of state and territory Greens, despite their shared ideological commitment to inclusive internal party structures. These variations are a function of institutional and political factors, especially those induced by the Australian federal system. It is argued that differences in the organizational formats of state and territory party divisions reflect the historical circumstances in which they emerged and variations in the institutional (regional) setting in which they are located. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses politics in Australia focusing on the Labor party victory of November 2007, the election of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, his early promise regarding signing the so-called Kyoto protocol on international control of climate change, and experiences since that belie those intentions. A greenhouse gas emissions trading scheme is said to have stalled and power held by Rudd and the Labor party reportedly have been lost to a great extent. Along with these changes, the article reports on gains made by Australia's Green party and a seat that in won in the House of Representatives.

The article discusses the disillusion with the Australian Labour Party (ALP) and the emergence of the left-leaning Greens. The ALP campaign in 2007 exceeded the expectations of voters and raised hopes by labour activists for extensive reform. It also proved to be costly and unsustainable after the election. Various issues including climate change, the need for health, education and tax reforms and Australia's involvement in the war in Iraq have reportedly all contributed to ALP's failure, which in turn paved the way for the emergence of the Green Party.

In this article I discuss the likelihood of the Australian Greens being able to develop into a party that plays an equivalent 'third party' role in the Senate similar to that played by the Australian Democrats for most of their existence. My conclusion, based on attitudes underlying voting behaviour, is that they cannot afford to behave contrary to their position as part of a left-wing bloc without jeopardising a substantial part of their voter base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the 2002 by-election in the Australian federal seat of Cunningham, in which the Australian Greens secured their first and only member of the House of Representatives. This case study of Greens voting suggests that the electoral support base of the Greens in Cunningham was consistent with what is known about the support base of the Greens elsewhere in Australia. At the same time, it makes the case that local factors were at least as important as national issues in explaining the high Greens vote in Cunningham. A suburb-by-suburb analysis of Greens voting in the 2002 by-election suggests that traditional markers of Greens voting, such as higher than average incomes and educational qualifications, were a necessary, but not a sufficient, explanation of Greens voting in the case of Cunningham. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the political position held by the Green Party of Australia in the 2007 federal elections in Australia. The Australian Electoral Commission's lack of publicity for preferential and plural voting arrangements in some Australian states, also referred to as tertiary qualifications, is cited as one reason for the outcome. The successful presentation of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) as the party of environmental justice is also cited as a concern. The public perception of the Green party as a single-issue environmentalist party is also addressed. The position of the Greens among the minor parties in the federal and Queensland elections is assessed.