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Antonio Rosmini and Alexis de Tocqueville contributed, on the horizon of nineteenth-century political thought, to the configuration of a new model of political philosophy that we believe still retains insights of great relevance today. This article takes as its purpose to describe the ideal dialogue between the two authors in such a way as to let emerge what we may call a third way that arose before the social problems of political discussion in the 1800s, that is, a third way between the earlier solutions of Catholic restoration on the one hand and the French revolutionary spirit on the other. The ideal path arose from the rediscovery of a common anthropology from which a definition of society founded from the end that most distinguishes it, the good of the individual, would be arrived at. The urgency and topicality of the themes that permeate the writings of Rosmini and Tocqueville we believe lie in the highlighting of dangers and distortions, which dominate our societies today, but which our authors were able to identify in the bud, as they were being formed in 19th century Western society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Made possible by ever-rising technologies and becoming the subject of a social message focused on the concept of security, surveillance is a fittingly topical issue. It is no longer just the classic video camera, but RFID, Iot, chip and many other devices scattered everywhere, which no longer aim solely at the control of the person in the flesh but of his or her virtual body. Total surveillance, then, to examine which it seems not only interesting but also appropriate to adopt the perspective outlined by Jeremy Bentham through the elaboration of an equally pervasive model of control, the Panopticon. After summarily reconstructing the basic principles of the panoptic machine. This article highlights the split that exists today between two forms of monitoring, one indebted to Benthamian thought and one that, on the contrary, seems to surpass it, recalling, finally, how both, though different, seem to forget the Benthamian teaching aimed at fostering democratic surveillance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L’articolo presenta la lotta alla corruzione non soltanto ascritta al campo della politica criminale e del diritto penale, ma a un campo di indagine più ampio di una educazione all’etica pubblica e nell’ambito assiologico in cui si riconosce, sul piano costituzionale, una comunità politicamente organizzata. È necesario il recupero dell’educazione all’etica pubblica repubblicana, alla cultura dei diritti di solidarietà costituzionale come parte integrante non solo delle singole istituzioni statali, ma anche delle organizzazioni internazionali e sovranazionali. Contro la corruzione, è indispensabile un’efficace proposta culturale più che politica, e anche pensare nell’importanza dei doveri costituzionali per affrontare questa sfida con i rimedi che possano soluzionare l’attuale crisi di valori.

Le famose parole di Atena nelle Eumenidi, hanno inquadrato il rapporto tra politica e teatro o, meglio, il rapporto tra la polis ateniese e le scritture sceniche dei drammaturghi greci che a noi sono arrivate. Partendo dal presupposto di affrontare due fenomeni, democrazia e tragedia che, sono “figli” di un tempo e uno “spazio” preciso, ho voluto esaminare, in chiave rituale-religiosa e politica, i versi di Apollo nelle Eumenidi (734-736), perché pongono alcuni punti fermi del concetto democratico del potere attraverso un’opera teatrale. Una volta delineati questi concetti tenteremo di capire come sono stati resi in alcune messinscene contemporanee al Teatro greco di Siracusa proprio attraverso le parole di Atena e di Apollo. Once these concepts are outlined we will try to understand, as they have been rendered in some contemporary performances at the Greek Theatre of Syracuse through the words of Athena and Apollo.

Abstract Democracy, or what everyone is worth (Thuc. II 37, 1) The paper addresses two exegetical problems in a passage from the speech of Pericles (Thuc. II 37, 1). It is argued that the word μέρος probably means «rotation» rather than «class-affiliation», since in this way three successive phrases, instead of being tautological, form an elegant system of affirmations, each of which is precising the previous one. The words ἀξίωσις and ἀξίωμα are opposed as signifying the process of acknowledgment of ἀρετή and the result of it (be it gaining authority, recognition of merits, appointment to a post, or simply approval of a proposal in an assembly). If ἀξιώματος depends from κεκώλυται and not from ἀφανείᾳ, ἀφάνεια need not have the meaning «absence», which seems not characteristic of it.

This article examines the political movements that from the end of the Second World War until 2018 have explicitly inscribed themselves in the tradition of anti-fascism: the women who built nursery schools in Emilia Romagna; the young people with the 'striped T-shirts'; the students of 1968; the protesters who mobilized on 25 April 1994 to defend the values of the Resistance and the constitution after Silvio Berlusconi's rise to power; the 'Panther'. Finally, it will examine a wide arc of political actors – including immigrants – who united anti-racism and anti-fascism after Luca Traini's 2018 attempted massacre in Macerata. The article highlights how, over the decades, anti-fascism has proven to be a generative resource: it has not only been transmitted to new generations and new social actors, but has also been given new meaning over time to address new questions coming from the present. The fascism evoked has never been an eternal and a-historical phenomenon or a simulacrum of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologia Italiana is the property of EGEA S.p.A and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La formazione dei docenti universitari rappresenta da alcuni decenni un tema particolarmente dibattuto in ambito di ricerca educativa. I modelli formati che si sono succeduti hanno riflettuto le esigenze degli specifici momenti storico-culturali in cui si sono sviluppati. Oggi vi è l’esigenza di proporre modelli formativi ecologici, inclusivi e partecipativi proprio in relazione all’emergere della necessità di fare leva su questi valori a livello sociale e culturale. È a questa esigenza che ha cercato di rispondere anche il modello REFLECT, sviluppato nello specifico contesto italiano. Nell’articolo se ne propone una iniziale implementazione ed i primi risultati della stessa. Se ne discutono infine le implicazioni relativamente sia al perfezionamento del modello che al suo impatto in termini formativi e sociali.

The contribution shows the evolution of the Catholic Church's position with respect to the world political order, along the ridge of the Second Vatican Council, to overcome the East-West and, more recently, North-South polarizations, which risks overlooking the current democratic regression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Fabrica Litterarum Polono-Italica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Slaskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Il rapido progresso e la vasta integrazione delle tecnologie dell’Informazione e della Comunicazione hanno inaugurato una nuova era di profonde trasformazioni sociali e legali. Tra le numerose innovazioni, l’Intelligenza Artificiale (IA) è emersa come una risorsa cruciale, permeando quasi ogni aspetto della vita quotidiana. La sua forza permea tutta la società da commercio ed industria a sanità, trasporto ed intrattenimento: le tecnologie dell’IA sono così diventate strumenti indispensabili che plasmano il modo in cui interagiamo, lavoriamo e ci muoviamo. Sebbene l’IA abbia un grande potenziale, la stessa potrebbe arrivare a minacciare la democrazia e i suoi principi se utilizzata in modo improprio. Infatti, le Costituzioni italiana e spagnola proteggono i fondamentali diritti di libertà degli esseri umani (libertà fisica, libertà di parola, associazione, riunione, ecc.) come base principale per sviluppare il discorso e il dialogo democratico. In questo scenario, l’IA potrebbe potenzialmente aggirare questa tutela, minacciando la democrazia rappresentativa. Questo articolo descrive -in primis- il concetto di IA e discute i suoi benefici per la società. In secondo luogo, si concentrerà sui principi alla base della democrazia rappresentativa (così come appaiono nella Costituzione italiana) e mette in evidenza le potenziali minacce algoritmiche verso la democrazia rappresentativa. In terzo luogo, questo articolo evidenzia possibili soluzioni per contrastare tali minacce algoritmiche.

Nel presente contributo viene difesa la piena percorribilità del voto elettronico nel sistema costituzionale italiano, confutando la tesi sostenuta dai detrattori del voto elettronico per cui lo stesso sarebbe meno sicuro del voto analogico. L’autore, anche attraverso il richiamo a casi concreti, mostra come il rischio di brogli elettorali sia insito in qualsivoglia procedura elettorale, a prescindere dalla natura dello strumento utilizzato per votare: ogni nuova tecnologia è stata sempre accompagnata da critiche e perplessità al riguardo. La sicurezza delle procedure di voto è condizionata secondo l’autore dal grado di fiducia che i cittadini ripongono nel sistema. Si tratta di un obiettivo a cui la democrazia deve tendere ma rispetto al quale in molte occasioni essa si è rilevata debole e fallibile. La forza di una democrazia sta in tale consapevolezza e nella conseguente predisposizione di strumenti e procedure che tendano sempre più a garantire la sicurezza delle operazioni di voto e di scrutinio non solo in fase di espressione del voto ma anche nella successiva eventuale fase di controllo sugli esiti elettorali. Partendo da questa consapevolezza, secondo l’autore, ci si renderà conto che non vi sono più motivi per ostacolare la sperimentazione del voto elettronico, pur a fronte di un continuo aggiornamento e di una implementazione della tecnologia e delle misure di sicurezza.

Copyright of Italian Journal of Health Education, Sport & Inclusive Didactics is the property of Edizioni Universitarie Romane and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Electoral systems, the right to vote, the criteria for active and passive electorates, and all that surrounds the construction of processes aimed at identifying representative government bodies, represent the apparatus of legal instruments necessary to determine the form of the different levels of government on our continent. Starting from the fundamental notes characterising democratic systems, the Author delves into the constitutional aspects of electoral systems in the current geopolitical context and with a comparative view. The democratic principle is read in correlation with its practical implementation, represented by electoral law, the stages of its elaboration and the related processes required to make democratic representation a reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antonio Rosmini and Alexis de Tocqueville contributed, on the horizon of nineteenth-century political thought, to the configuration of a new model of political philosophy that we believe still retains insights of great relevance today. This article takes as its purpose to describe the ideal dialogue between the two authors in such a way as to let emerge what we may call a third way that arose before the social problems of political discussion in the 1800s, that is, a third way between the earlier solutions of Catholic restoration on the one hand and the French revolutionary spirit on the other. The ideal path arose from the rediscovery of a common anthropology from which a definition of society founded from the end that most distinguishes it, the good of the individual, would be arrived at. The urgency and topicality of the themes that permeate the writings of Rosmini and Tocqueville we believe lie in the highlighting of dangers and distortions, which dominate our societies today, but which our authors were able to identify in the bud, as they were being formed in 19th century Western society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scienza & Politica is the property of University of Bologna, Department of Political & Social Sciences Alma Mater Studiorum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education Sciences & Society is the property of FrancoAngeli srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the surviving fragments of his treatise On Heraclea the historian Memnon assigns a central role to the exiles from Heraclea. As opponents of tyranny, they represented a destabilising element, a constant danger to the survival of the Clearchid regime. This article explores the events that led to the banishment of the exiles, reconstructs the politics of expulsion implemented by the tyrants, and clarifies the status of the exiles and their political orientation in the light of Memnon’s frequent juxtaposition of the exiles’ demand to return to their homeland and the restoration of democracy.

Copyright of Orientamenti Pedagogici is the property of Pontificio Ateneo Salesiano (Facoltà di Scienze dell'Educazione dell'Università Pontificia Salesian) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As many historians suggest, the collapse of the Italian party system in the early 1990s was the result of dynamics that had troubled the political system in the previous decade. This Special Issue examines the parties' views on the loss of their capacity for representation and governance in the 1980s. The focus is on how aware the political actors themselves were of the 'crisis' of the political system and the need for reform of some of its aspects/articulations, what strategies of delegitimization of the system they themselves had aimed at, and, possibly, what strategies they put in place or attempted to put in place to get out of the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Italian Socialist Party (PSI) is central to any history of the crisis of Italy's post-war system of party democracy. The party seemed to be in its death throes during the mid-1970s, but under the new leadership of Bettino Craxi, elected in 1976, the party made a surprisingly successful political comeback. However, in the early 1990s, the party's success quickly evaporated. It became the face of the Tangentopoli scandals as many Socialist politicians, including Craxi, were convicted for corruption. The party even disbanded itself in 1994. This article traces the transformation of the Italian Socialists through the 1980s, looking at their ideology, organization and mode of representation. It connects these changes with the party's electoral fortunes, showing how they ultimately contributed to the party's demise, which had repercussions for Italy's party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of Theology / Roczniki Teologiczne is the property of Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL & Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Russian aggression against Ukraine is a conflict that goes beyond, in common perception, the "ordinariness" of wars and it strikes us because, in our not yet post-colonial consciousness, it is perceived as "European". Analyzes based on the strategy and characteristics of international systems are insufficient. A deeper, radical level is needed. Beyond the union between fear and boundaries, the real fault line in the world politics passes between geopolitics and biopolitics. The fundamental theme is that of man's life on earth, of his existence, of the conditions of the human dignity, of fundamental human rights, including the right to peace and the trans-generational right to planetary integrity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scienza & Politica is the property of University of Bologna, Department of Political & Social Sciences Alma Mater Studiorum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Il tema della sovranità sembra aprire una scissione molto profonda tra l’occidente e le altre culture: i paradigmi della sovranità elaborati all’interno dello Stato sembrano inapplicabili all’organizzazione politica di altre culture e viceversa. La prospettiva antropologica di David Graeber mira a studiare la sovranità, concepita come struttura politica transculturale, in modo da elaborare un concetto che si possa adattare sia alle società occidentali sia alle società non statali. L’autore si concentra anche sul concetto di sovranità popolare e al suo nesso con la democrazia.

Copyright of Ricerche di Pedagogia e Didattica is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Scienze dell'Educazione and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The march on Rome: 100 years on 100 years ago Fascism seized power in Italy, beginning a tendency which shaped the history of continental Europe and beyond in the period between the two wars. The March was an act of subversion without precedent in Italian history, which took place at the end of two years of violence which, once the power of the Socialists had been destroyed and uprooted, then turned to the dismantling of the Liberal Institutions. The success of Fascism in Italy and in Europe, was also due to the crisis of democracy, perceived as incapable of offering adequate responses to the problems that the war had raised. In order to emerge from this crisis a radical renewal of Liberal institutions was needed, requiring a new social dimension and new popular roots. 100 years on, the elements of institutional crisis coupled with the detachment between the masses and the élite seem to conform to the same logic, in a different context and with unpredictable outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to understand the origins of what is seen as a lack of understanding about the seriousness of our current times. The author's view is that this failure is due to a lack of awareness that our human species is destructive, arrogant, self-centred and ignorant of the laws of nature and the wonderful complexity of the environment that it destroys. Possible new values that could support a new civilizational framework are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A livello normativo, non mancano riferimenti e indicazioni sulla rilevanza del coinvolgimento attivo di studenti e studentesse ai processi e alle decisioni che li riguardano. Nonostante ciò, il legame trasformativo che si crea tra partecipazione attiva e contrasto delle diseguaglianze educative è poco oggetto di approfondimento. L'articolo contribuisce al tema con riflessioni, evidenze e con un approccio sistemico. Si approfondiscono i principali riferimenti normativi nazionali e internazionali e alcuni modelli pedagogici di partecipazione dei ragazzi e delle ragazze a scuola. Nella seconda parte, si propongono alcune evidenze e interventi metodologici in programmi di contrasto alle diseguaglianze educative e iniziative di potenziamento di leadership giovanile nell’ambito della governance scolastica.

Discusse alcune posizioni pedagogiche, non solo su cittadinanza e democrazia, ma anche sulle straordinarie trasformazioni sociali, il contributo intende chiarire il significato di questi concetti. Ciò vale sia per le istituzioni educative sia per la società in generale, sempre più ibridata dalla globalizzazione e dalla diffusione delle nuove tecnologie che in pochi decenni hanno trasformato i modi di produrre, conservare, interpretare, trasmettere e rielaborare conoscenze. In particolare, si sottolinea la responsabilità educativa della scuola, che da sempre persegue la finalità di educare a vivere con gli altri. A tal proposito, questo scopo, oltre a favorire la missione dell’istruzione costituisce una risorsa in più, un vero e proprio valore aggiunto. Pertanto, in una società complessa si impara parimenti dal rapporto con gli altri e dall’istruzione formale.

L’educazione civica nella scuola viene intesa come percorso di supporto alla costruzione dell’identità dello studente, la quale si realizza attraverso un processo di individuazione che implica la relazione e l’integrazione dell’individuo nella comunità secondo i principi di co-appartenenza e co-evoluzione in sistemi aperti. L’educazione civica nella scuola, di conseguenza, si traduce metodologicamente in un percorso interdisciplinare che considera ecologicamente le scienze e le discipline come sistemi interagenti. Ciò permette di comprendere l’azione della persona-cittadino all’interno di un ecosistema complesso. Avviene quindi la presa di coscienza della partecipazione dell’uomo a una rete di relazioni che non risponde ad una visione riduzionistica e meccanicistica, ma sistemica e processuale e mutevole. L’adozione del metodo della complessità come modalità dell’uomo di abitare la Terra viene recepita dall’educazione e conduce all’edificazione di un umanesimo rigenerato, civile e democratico, quale linea di indirizzo per lo sviluppo della persona-cittadino.

Una via per ripensare l’ecosistema educativo e formativo nasce dal problema di interrogarsi, oggi, sul significato e sulla prassi dell’educazione in una situazione definita di emergenza che costringe a rivedere gli statuti dello stesso fenomeno educativo, oltre gli stretti confini delle questioni metodologico-didattiche e organizzative, fino ai fondamenti antropologici. Nella prospettiva educativo-formativa, che qui vogliamo delineare, si vuol mettere in evidenza lo sviluppo delle capabilities e l’incidenza che tale sviluppo può avere sul processo formativo, di democratizzazione e sulle possibilità di un allargamento della razionalità umana, oltre ogni riduttivismo, sia razionalistico che materialistico-economicistico.