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Amid Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, the human rights community has understandably focused its attention on human rights violations committed by the Russian state. This has, however, left the human rights implications of the martial law Ukraine has put in place for civilians largely unexamined. This essay highlights the ways Ukraine's travel restriction on "battle-aged" civilian men has harmed three overlapping groups—civilian men, the families of the men (including women and children), and trans and nonbinary individuals—and shows that the restriction runs counter to important principles in international human rights and humanitarian law. It then considers the ethical dilemmas faced by the international human rights community in addressing such harms, and the political psychology of rights advocacy that may explain the tendency to underplay this particular set of human rights issues. Nonetheless, the essay ultimately argues that advocates should hold actors—including and perhaps especially those with which they may sympathize—accountable to the human rights standards to which they have pledged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article further develops and illustrates the argument that relationships between individuals help to explain the success of human rights advocacy in international institutions. Drawing from advocacy theory and socio-legal studies, I shift the attention from collective forms of advocacy to the importance of interpersonal relationships of advocates with individuals in international institutions to influence the development of human rights. I introduce a framework consisting of three analytical steps – mapping the key actors in a network, process-tracing, and biographical research – and apply the framework to three cases of norm development by a United Nations human rights treaty body. My findings highlight the power of interpersonal relationships for the making of human rights, and they inform scholarship on transnational elites, human rights advocacy, and the politics of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The language of human rights is a prominent tool of choice to push for moral principles such as justice, equity, and fairness in the social, economic, and political spheres. Simultaneously, the concept and practice of human rights have attracted critiques. Relativism is one such enduring critique. Relativists advocate due and reasonable consideration towards cultural diversity and specificity of diverse human communities, within the limits allowed by universality of human rights. The relativist critique featured prominently in the debates surrounding Qatar's hosting of the FIFA World Cup 2022. Commentators have spoken about Qatar's scrutiny often moving beyond legitimate human rights criticism, uninformed activism being counterproductive; and the appropriateness of, largely, Western and maximalist ideals of human rights being applied without accounting for local needs and peculiarities. In this Article, I bring together the literature on the relativist critique and the FIFA World Cup Qatar 2022 as a case study, to examine the usefulness and limitation of human rights as a language of critique to achieve meaningful transformative change in sporting contexts. I focus on the debates surrounding the rights of migrant workers and the rights of the LGBTQIA+ community; and argue that while human rights advocacy had a notable impact in relation to FIFA World Cup Qatar 2022, it is a tale full of cautions and lessons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Activists perennially innovate: sparking the ideas that inspire donors who fund them; calculating how to continue their litigation work when government actors threaten them; and taking risks in litigation to push courts to expand how they define human rights. Regional human rights courts like the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR), and the African Court of Human and People's Rights (ACtHPR) have become popular sites of mobilization for victims and activists who seek justice when justice fails at home. States are increasingly pushing back against the powers of international courts to bind them to costly measures, and as this symposium has shown, national governments often point to activists as contributors to this "problem" of invasive international human rights standards. [Extracted from the article]

When nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) encounter state resistance to human rights accountability, how do NGOs use international courts for their human rights advocacy strategies? Considering the overlapping phenomena of shrinking civic space within authoritarian, hybrid, and democratically backsliding regimes, and state backlash against international courts, NGOs navigate two potential levels of state backlash against human rights accountability. Building on the interdisciplinary scholarship on legal mobilization, we develop an integrated framework for explaining how states' two‐level (domestic and international) backlash tactics can both promote and deter NGOs' strategic litigation at international human rights courts (IHRCs). States' backlash tactics can influence NGOs' opportunities, capacities, and goals for their human rights advocacy, and thus affect whether and how they pursue strategic litigation at IHRCs. We elucidate the value of this framework through case studies of NGOs' litigation against Tanzania at the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, an understudied IHRC. Drawing on an original data set, interviews, and documentation, we process‐trace how Tanzania's various backlash tactics influenced whether and how NGOs litigated at the Court. Our framework and analysis show how state backlash against human rights accountability affects NGOs' mobilization at IHRCs and, relatedly, IHRCs' opportunities for influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "General psychiatry, still in no-man's land after all these years: commentary, Prakash" published in the British Journal of Psychiatry discusses the importance of general psychiatry in the evolving landscape of mental healthcare. It highlights the need for a holistic approach to patient care, especially in light of patient rights under the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The article also addresses the defensive approach in treatments like electroconvulsive therapy and the challenges of team dynamics within mental healthcare. Overall, it calls for a renewed focus on general psychiatry as a crucial component of comprehensive mental healthcare. [Extracted from the article]

This article shows how vulnerable communities use Mexico's Day of the Dead for social justice activism. Activists sustain what I call the 'political afterlives' of their victims through street altars and dark humour. I analyse this as a 'necrosocial repertoire of contention'. The Day of the Dead can play an important role in human rights advocacy by insisting that the marginalised dead be honoured and cared for. However, disappeared people pose a challenge to Mexico's horizontal, or popular, ethics of commemoration and illustrate what I call 'necrotaboos', with new problems for the nation's inclusive spirit of commemorating the dead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International migrants are subject to many types of violence, such as trafficking, detention, and forced labour. We need an improved understanding of what protects migrants from such violence. The concept of 'migrant protection regimes' draws our attention away from formal rights advocacy and to both the informal dimensions of protection and the way migrants help determine the quality of protection they receive. 'Migrant protection regimes' are sets of rules and practices regarding who ought to protect whom. These regimes include formal rights to protection in the law and informal relationships that protect migrants from lawful violence by the state. They may be changed by 'power grabs', when sovereign actors seek to monopolise protection relationships, but also by 'exits', when migrants refuse to accept the protection on offer. The study demonstrates the value of these concepts by using them to explain an unlikely case: a change in laws concerning migrant protection in an authoritarian state: Thailand. Drawing on rich qualitative sources, the article reveals how, after a human rights advocacy campaign had placed migrants' protection in jeopardy, a mass migrant exodus compelled the country's junta to offer migrants protection on better terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights instruments are but one of many legal advocacy tools used by trans people. Recent legal scholarship emphasizes that human rights laws are not sufficient to address legal challenges facing trans people, particularly intersectional and systemic barriers. This article looks to Canadian trans case law outside of human rights law to reveal the many instances in which trans people's fight for legal recognition and redress occur outside of the human rights arena. It focuses on trans case law in three areas: family law, the use of name and gender in court, and access to social benefits. Canadian trans jurisprudence illustrates that not only are trans legal strategies outside of human rights plentiful and effective, they are also imperative. An agile and pragmatic approach to trans rights is necessary, particularly when minority rights are under threat, and for trans people on the margins of trans law reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights have not played an overwhelmingly prominent role in CSR in the past. Similarly, CSR has had relatively little influence on what is now called the "business and human rights debate." This contribution uncovers some of the reasons for the rather peculiar disconnect between these two debates and, based on it, presents some apparent synergies and complementarities between the two. A closer integration of the two debates, as it argues, would allow for the formulation of an expansive and demanding conception of corporate human rights obligations. Such a conception does not stop with corporate obligations "merely" to respect human rights, but includes an extended focus on proactive company involvement in the protection and realization of human rights. In other words, the integration of the two debates provides the space within which to formulate positive human rights obligations for corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, satellite imagery, previously restricted to the defence and intelligence communities, has been made available to a range of non-state actors as well. Non-governmental organisations, journalists, and celebrities such as George Clooney now use remote sensing data like digital Sherlock Holmeses to investigate and reveal human rights abuses, political violence, environmental destruction, and eco-crimes from a distance. It is often said that the increasing availability and applicability of remote sensing technologies has contributed to the rise of what can be called ‘satellite-based activism’ empowering non-state groups to challenge state practices of seeing and showing. In this article we argue that NGO activism is not challenging the sovereign gaze of the state but, on the contrary, actually reinforcing it. We will bolster our arguments in this regard in two prominent fields of non-governmental remote sensing: human rights and environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1993, the United Nations has promoted national human rights institutions (NHRIs); these have spread to almost 120 countries. We assess what makes NHRIs effective, using quantitative and qualitative methods. We find that formal institutional safeguards contribute greatly to NHRI efficacy even in authoritarian and transition regimes. Complaint-handling mandates are particularly useful because they help NHRIs build broad bases of support. Our findings show how international organizations can wield great influence with soft tools such as recommendations and peer-review mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article responds to Robert C. Johansen's review of "Human Rights for Pragmatists: Social Power in Modern Times" by Jack Snyder, which discusses the question of scaling down the stridency of human rights advocacy based on empirical considerations, historical examples and contemporary cases.

Using a socioeconomic rights framework, this article will evaluate government policy relating to housing welfare in Hong Kong. In particular, it will explore the alarming plight of cage tenants in Hong Kong, a highly marginalized group estimated to be as many as 200,000 in number, who live day to day in cramped, dank dwellings averaging 15 square feet in size. It will argue that current government policies are incompatible with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). It will further look at strategies for domesticating these international human rights treaties. In doing so, this article will contribute to the ongoing debate concerning the legal nature of socioeconomic rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current Law for Psychiatric Care in the Republic of Cyprus was enacted in 1997 with amendments made in 2003 and 2007. The mental health law makes provision for the development and function of Psychiatric Centres for the care of the mentally ill. In contrast to the old Mental Health Law there is a major shift from a custodial approach to community care. Compulsory admissions under the Act, which require a Court Order, are made to a designated secure psychiatric inpatient unit. The protection of patients' human rights is at the core of the Act. The Mental Health Commission, a Supervisory Committee and designated body for the Protection of the Rights of the Mentally Ill, assists in the correct implementation of the Mental Health Law. The Commission has a primarily advisory role but it is actively involved in monitoring the implementation of the Mental Health Law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay draws on insights from research into human rights activism to propose a feminist human rights account of leadership that could be applied to political science. I advance the view that the practice of leadership is one of building networks and strengthening the capacity of others to advocate for themselves and their communities. In this view, leadership leverages the political and strategic capacities made possible by relative positions of privilege and so transforms the networks, capacities, and privileges of others. Mentoring is an integral part of this activist approach to leadership. In this view, leadership and mentoring are about developing the networks that make transformation possible; they are collective and political. For illustration, I begin with insights about the importance of networks learned through a personal experience in Bangladesh and juxtapose that experience with the experience of Bangladeshi labor rights organizers before providing a more general account of two key aspects of this leadership: building networks and strengthening capacity in others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in addressing humanitarian crises by its international humanitarian law. Topics discussed include intrinsic limitations on an organization with international global mandate, advocacy work of ICRC that takes place away from the public limelight which leads to insufficient appreciation and decrease in independent humanitarian actions.

The article presents a paper which examines the organizational culture of the World Bank, and explains why it has not assumed a human rights policy. It states that the institution has assumed several environmental and social policies and works on issues. However, it says that the bank has not established an operational policy on human rights. Hence, the marginality of human rights in the bank's policy contradicts its public speeches official reports wherein they have discussed and supported human rights. It tells that the bank does not maintain complete and consistent access on human rights policy and operational levels. Hence, due to the its existing policies, it justifies that the bank lacks three provisions including a staff policy to reduce the effect of its projects on human rights.

Article 14 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms 1950 has often been derided as a Cinderella provision, but during the last few years, this has started to change. This paper examines how Art 14 has developed and how it may live up to its potential as a powerful non-discrimination principle. The case-law developments in relation to the ‘ambit’ requirement in Art 14, the development of indirect discrimination case-law and the approval of positive action, all point to a more substantive conception of equality, which offers protection to disadvantaged and vulnerable groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on World government's theoretical basis. It states that world government is defined as government for and over the world. It alone can give enough play to human motivations as ethical beings, while using human power in the realm of means for welfare. Its advocacy does not imply perfectionism but human limitation. Under world government, cultural and national diversities can gain enough expression.

Comments on the provisions of the Helms-Burton Act of 1996 which caused controversy among lawyers. Declaration calling for Cuban reforms in human rights and political freedom; Declaration of the Helms-Burton Act as a violation of international law by the Council of Ministers; Call for the United States president to suspend the act in compliance to international law.

The article reports that The Hague Prize Foundation in The Hague, The Netherlands is inviting anyone to nominate an individual or organization deserving to have The Hague Prize for International Law 2011. It states that the prize will be awarded for the fourth time on the September 21, 2011 and the acceptance for nominations is until March 1, 2011. It further mentions Shabtai Rosenne, M. Cherif Bassiouni, and Dame Rosalyn Higgins as recipients in 2004, 2007, and 2009, respectively.