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Baltic amber is often considered the principal Scandinavian commodity exchanged for metal from ore-rich regions in Europe. If correct, this may explain the astonishing metal wealth of the Nordic Bronze Age and the modest social consumption of amber locally. The hypothesis of a metal-for-amber principle behind the trade is here for the first time assessed on scales from micro to macro. Amber finds were charted across Europe, and the result was then compared to evidence for regular shifts in copper ore preferences/availability, as found in the systematically changing isotopic/elemental composition of Nordic metal objects in c. 2100–1200 BC. Comparisons indicate that amber and metal followed similar spatiotemporal trajectories with major reorganizations at the turn from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age. Shifts in amber distribution correlate with the geography of metal sources used in both periods and flows of metal to Scandinavia and amber to Europe appear to be contingent even in subperiods. Major European amber tracks – and the crossroads hubs controlling them – were identified for the transfer of goods, yet again revealing major changes at the transition to the Middle Bronze Age. The social roles and meanings of amber among Nordic communities were likewise examined, suggesting that bearers of amber played a role in exercising social control of this resource. It is concluded that amber almost certainly was exchanged for metal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The archaeological investigations in Aalst - Siesegemkouter have uncovered various pits in a settlement from the middle to late Bronze Age. One pit with a structured stratigraphy and numerous finds, including a large amount of broken pottery, charcoal, and burnt animal bones, suggests early precursors of ritual practices. The excavations have also discovered remains of a Bronze Age settlement, including ceramic fragments, grinding stones, and burnt bones. The finds indicate an intensive use of the settlement. Further investigations are necessary to determine the cultural context and the occasion of these events. [Extracted from the article]

Klassifikationen und Typologien sind im Kontext archäologischen Handelns Techniken der Systematisierung von Objekten. Als solche haben sie einerseits eine große heuristische Bedeutung als Grundlage für im weitesten Sinne sozialhistorische Interpretationen, sie können aber auch andererseits diese Interpretationen in einer Weise vorstrukturieren, die im Deutungsprozess nicht mehr reflektiert wird. Konnotationen, die mit der klassifikatorischen und typologischen Ansprache verbunden sind, verfestigen sich so zu Gewissheiten, welche einer Revision weitgehend entzogen sind. Erläutert wird dies am Beispiel bronzezeitlicher Waffen, und daran anschließend sollen zwei Verfahren aufgezeigt werden, mit denen sich derartige Gewissheiten aufbrechen lassen: durch eine Bestimmung der Affordanz der Objekte und eine Rekonstruktion ihrer Funktionalität. In archaeological sciences, techniques of classificatory and typological subsumption are of high importance to a systematization of objects. Therefore, classification and typology provide on one hand a relevant basis for, in a broad sense, social-historic interpretations of such objects. On the other hand, there is a risk that they predetermine these interpretations in a manner that is not sufficiently reflected. This allows specific connotations associated with such subsumptions to become unquestioned certainties. This paper illustrates this process on the example of Bronze Age weapons to discuss two alternative methods, which are suited to dissolve these certainties: an analysis of their affordances and a reconstruction of their functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Im Beitrag werden mehr als 180 Gegenstände aus Eisen ausgewertet, die zwischen dem 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr. und dem Anfang des 1. Jahrtausends v. Chr. im Raum zwischen den Karpaten und dem Ural gefunden wurden. Die Objekte stammen von verschiedenen Fundorten und aus 15 archäologischen Kulturen. Der zeitliche Rahmen der Studie entspricht der Bronzezeit und dem Übergang zur frühen Eisenzeit auf Grundlage der aktuellen chronologischen Vorstellungen in Osteuropa. Der Auswertung liegt eine umfangreiche Datenbank zugrunde. Vorgestellt und analysiert werden: a) die Anzahl der Eisenobjekte und ihre Verbreitung; b) die Kategorien der Gegenstände, die aus Eisen gefertigt wurden; c) die Dynamik und die Art und Weise wie Eisen in Gebrauch kam; d) forschungsgeschichtliche Aspekte. Die Auswertung des Materialkorpus mit den aktualisierten Daten und der frühen Funde aus Eisen sowie Schlacken ergibt ein konkretes Bild ihrer quantitativen und qualitativen Verteilung über zwei Jahrtausende in dem Arbeitsgebiet. Die Untersuchung wirft ein neues Licht auf die Tendenzen in der frühen Eisennutzung in Osteuropa. Das Fazit der Autoren, dass Osteuropa als ein eigenständiges Zentrum bei der Herausbildung der Eisenmetallurgie in der Alten Welt anzusehen ist, muss noch weiter überprüft und durch moderne naturwissenschaftliche Analysen abgesichert werden. More than 180 iron objects found between the 3rd millennium BC and the beginning of the 1st millennium BC in the area between the Carpathians and the Urals are evaluated. The objects come from various sites and 15 archaeological cultures. The time frame of the study corresponds to the Bronze Age and the transition to the Early Iron Age on the basis of current chronological conceptions in Eastern Europe. The evaluation is based on an extensive database. The following are presented and analysed: a) the number of iron objects and their distribution; b) the categories of objects made of iron; c) the dynamics and the way iron was used; d) aspects of research history. The evaluation of the material corpus with the updated data and the early finds of iron and slags give a concrete picture of their quantitative and qualitative distribution over two millennia in the study area. The investigation sheds new light on the trends in early iron use in Eastern Europe. The authors' conclusion that Eastern Europe must be regarded as an independent centre for the development of iron metallurgy in the Old World must be further examined and backed up by modern scientific analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dieser Artikel stellt die erste Studie dar, in der archäozoologische Überreste von Pferden sowie der mit ihnen verbundenen materiellen Kultur einschließlich der Ikonographie der nordischen Bronzezeit des Zeitraums von 1600–500 v. Chr. miteinander kombiniert werden. Aufgrund archäozoologischer Analysen und vergleichender Materialstudien wird angenommen, dass die Mensch-Pferd-Beziehung eine Reihe von entscheidenden Veränderungen durchlebte, dies beginnend mit der wahrscheinlichen Einführung des Hauspferdes zu Beginn der nordischen Bronzezeit bis zum Übergang von der Bronze- zur Eisenzeit um 700–500 v. Chr. Es wird weiterhin argumentiert, dass der zu beobachtende langfristige Wandel der Mensch-Pferd-Beziehungen sich auch in den die großen gesellschaftlichen Veränderungen während der nordischen Bronzezeitgesellschaft spiegelt, einschließlich der sich verändernden Rollen und Verwendungsmöglichkeiten des Pferdes, dies sowohl physisch als auch psychisch. This article presents the first combined study of zoological horse remains and horse-related material culture including iconography from the Nordic Bronze Age, c. 1600–500 BC. Through zooarchaeological analyses and comparative material studies it is suggested that the human-horse relationship underwent a series of pivotal changes from the likely introduction of the domestic horse at the beginning of the Nordic Bronze Age to the transition between the Bronze and Iron Age, c. 700–500 BC. It is further argued that the observed long-term changes in human-horse relationships reflect major social changes in the Nordic Bronze Age society including changing roles and uses of the horse, both physically and mentally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Von 2007 bis 2016 untersuchte ein interdisziplinäres Projekt im Unterengadin (Graubünden, Schweiz) die alpine Weidewirtschaft. Im Fimbertal/Val Fenga wurden in über 2000 m Höhe spätbronzezeitliche bzw. hallstattzeitliche Baustrukturen entdeckt, die in Verbindung mit zeitgleichen Talsiedlungen um Ramosch als Nachweis für eigentliche Alpwirtschaft in prähistorischer Zeit interpretiert werden. Um diese idealtypische Kombination eines gestuften Tal-Alp-Systems und die gesamtwirtschaftliche Bedeutung der Viehwirtschaft besser zu verstehen, wurde eine GIS-gestützte Szenarioevaluation der prähistorischen Landschaftsnutzung ausgeführt. Da zur Größe und Struktur der Siedlungen keine ausreichenden Daten vorhanden sind, wurde eine theoretische Berechnung der maximalen Bevölkerungs- bzw. Vieh-/Herdenzahl angestrebt. Die Basis dazu bildet ein komplexes Subsistenzmodell, das aus der archäologischen, physiologischen und landwirtschaftlichen Fachliteratur ausgearbeitet wurde und den Flächenbedarf von Ackerbau und Viehzucht berücksichtigt. Anhand separat modellierter landwirtschaftlicher Nutzungsflächen im Einzugsgebiet (site catchment) der jeweiligen Siedlung lässt sich so die maximale Tragkraft (carrying capacity) bzw. Bevölkerungszahl ermitteln. Die alpine Topografie wird dabei als landwirtschaftlich stark limitierender Faktor betrachtet, sodass eine wachsende Siedlung bzw. Bevölkerung dazu gezwungen wäre, das Vieh im Sommer auf weiter entfernte Hochweiden auszulagern. Aus den Modellen kann allerdings kein ökonomischer oder ökologischer Druck als primärer Grund für die Ausformung der Alpwirtschaft belegt werden. Es wäre in den Talsiedlungen möglich, Ackerbau und Viehwirtschaft für bis zu 200 Personen ganzjährig in unmittelbarer Siedlungsnähe zu bewerkstelligen. Die saisonale vertikale Mobilität muss daher aus anderen Gründen eingeführt worden sein, möglicherweise für die strategische Mehrproduktion landwirtschaftlicher Erzeugnisse für den inner- und transalpinen Gütertausch. Between 2007 and 2016 an interdisciplinary project explored the Alpine pastoral economy in the Lower Engadine region (Grisons, Switzerland). Late Bronze Age or Hallstatt-period structures were discovered at 2000 m a.s. l. in the Fimbertal/Val Fenga valley and were, in association with contemporary settlements in the valley around Ramosch, interpreted as evidence of an actual Alpine pastoral economy in prehistoric times. To gain a better understanding of such an ideal combination of a tiered Alp-valley system on one hand and the overall economic significance of livestock farming on the other, a GIS-based scenario evaluation of prehistoric land use was carried out. Since the data available on the size and structure of the settlement is not sufficiently large, the aim was to achieve a theoretical calculation of the maximum number of people and livestock. This calculation was based on a complex subsistence model which was developed from archaeological, physiological and agricultural specialist literature and took into account the area required for crop cultivation and animal husbandry. Based on separately modelled areas of farmland within each site catchment, this allowed us to calculate the maximum carrying capacity or population sizes. The Alpine topography was seen as a severely limiting factor with regard to agricultural output, which would mean that an expanding settlement or population group would be forced to move their livestock to higher pastures further afield during the summer months. The models, however, have not allowed us to state that economic or ecological pressure was the primary reason for the evolution of an Alpine pastoral economy. It would have been possible by means of crop cultivation and animal husbandry to sustain a population of up to 200 people living in or around each valley settlement all year round. Seasonal vertical mobility must therefore have been established for other reasons, possibly in order to increase the output of agricultural produce for exchange within and beyond the Alpine region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a review of the environmental and archaeological records for Jæren, southwest Norway, it is proposed that a transition to an agro-pastoral economy and society took place around the Middle to Late Neolithic transition (2400-2350 BC), and this led to a rapid definition of the cultural landscapes. This mode of society evolved in the following decades and centuries. One of the characteristic features found in the landscape at this time is that the whole territory was drawn into social and ritual life, locally leading to a zonation of the landscape, with distinct differences in the economic, social and cultural expressions in the resulting zones. Monumental and ritual manifestations are located in the open, grassand heath-dominated coastal zone, whilst zones of variably intensive grain cultivation are located on suitable Quaternary deposits. The zones evolved in response to a sustained economic practice involving continuously expanding grazing, intensification of cereal production and access to channels of communication. Variations in exploitation pressure, production and economic strategy reflect a suite of environmental parameters. Thus, activity zones largely correlate with physical landscape properties, apparently reflecting both an adaptive aspect in the economy and patterns of comprehensive resource exploitation across the zones, e.g. combining cereal production, transhumant pastoralism, hunting and access to maritime bottlenecks. A proposed model of the social and economic organisation and interaction in the Jæren region is based on the distributions of several categories of archaeological finds. It defines a number of interdependent zones within a unified, but composite economy, with crosscutting activities and mobility patterns. This approach is an alternative to existing models of hierarchy within limited territories. The landscape zonation in Jæren is similar to the general situation in the western Scandinavian region, including Jutland, Denmark, and thus the introduction of the agro-pastoral farm to Jæren was dependent on externally supplied impulses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

survey in north-eastern Georgia, carried out in August 2016 and funded by the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, permitted us to study the occurrence and potential exploitation of copper ores in the northern valleys and most important confluences of the Alazani River. It was possible to confirm the findings of previous studies, and new occurrences of copper ore were found. Lead isotope analyses were carried out on the copper ores found, as well as on Late Bronze Age daggers from Koban and Chmi, Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, Russia, to compare their signature, which allows conclusions to be drawn regarding the local use of copper ores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The site of Nieborowa lies in central-eastern Poland, between the Łęczna-Włodawa lake district and the Chełm hills. Between 1964 and 1977 archaeological excavations were undertaken there by Halina Mackiewicz of the Institute for the History of Material Culture of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences since 1992). Traces of occupation, dating from the end of the Palaeolithic to the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age extended over an area of over 3500 m2. Two (out of more than ten) flint workshops dated to the Metal Ages were selected for the present study. Their remains were found in Trench 2 and consisted of some 500 pieces of local flint. The lack of distinctive tools renders the cultural identification of this material difficult. Its only distinctive feature is the use of the Clactonian technique, which is characteristic of the Mierzanowice and Lusatian cultures. The presence of large, thick blades at Nieborowa which are technologically linked to forms that are typical of the Lusatian culture suggests an Iron Age date. Refitting indicates that the flakes and blades were obtained from cores with a single flaking surface (single and double platform) or several flaking faces and that they were struck with a hard hammerstone. The reduction of the cores was methodical and systematic, as shown by specific and repeated patterns found in each of the workshops. These patterns are especially recognizable in the removal of flakes and blades in a single- direction and successive reduction if more than one flaking face was present. The site contained four knapping areas - two visible in plan (A and B) and two proposed on the basis of the refits (C and D). All four knapping areas had a diameter of around 1 m and were located at a distance of between 1 and 3 m from each other. Common features, such as the use of the same kind of flint as raw material and the employment of identical techniques of core processing suggest that the workshops were in concurrent use. The distribution of the artefacts, the pattern exhibited by the refits, the homogeneity of the assemblage, and the fact that a separate area was set aside for preparing cores within each workshop indicate that this was a single occupation episode. It has been possible to determine, in the case of the workshops studied here, that the processing the local flint was organized along well-established lines, following a recurrent pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A set of Bronze Age amber beads from two different sites in northern Italy was studied by optical microscopy, digital microscopy for high-resolution 3D imagery, environmental scanning electron microscopy (ESEM) and high resolution silicone casts of the perforation holes. The casts demonstrate the use of a red-hot punch for perforating beads, in spite of the erasure caused by the string's friction on the walls of the inner holes. We also report the find, within the perforation of one of the studied beads, of a cord fragment made of twisted vegetal fibres, and discuss the problems of its identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study concerns the function and role of Bronze Age chariots and charioteers as reflected in funerary contexts in the southern Urals. This work focuses on: 1) the presentation of archaeological data recently obtained from the excavation of a burial ground near the village of Stepnoye (southern Trans-Urals, Sintashta, Petrovka and Alakul' cultures); 2) the reconstruction of the social identity of individuals (their gender, age, professional affiliation) buried with the attributes of chariotry. Previous research had largely ignored aspects of gender and age identity and other social aspects of individuals linked with chariotry. Our analysis clearly demonstrates the diversity of 'chariot' burials and the absence of firm rules governing their construction. The grave goods discovered contain attributes of chariot complexes that are quite diverse, including the following elements: weaponry, tools, ornaments, and items and artefacts linked to the production of metal objects. Departing from what has previously been proposed and stereotyped, we suggest that chariotry is likely to have been a part-time activity for some males (although some cheek-pieces were found in children's and women's burials), but most probably not for all men in a community. Archaeologically, we do not see a social group of so-called 'warrior-charioteers' who were exclusively occupied in war or training for it. By comparison, conflict, and the need for defensive structures during the Bronze Age in Europe and the Ural steppe differed dramatically, depending on fundamental environmental, economic, and social differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Die Schwerter in Südskandinavien und Norddeutschland wurden bisher zumeist aus einem typologischen Blickwinkel betrachtet. Deshalb werden im vorliegenden Artikel die Vollgriffschwerter der älteren nordischen Bronzezeit in Dänemark und Schleswig-Holstein aus einer herstellungstechnischen Perspektive unter Anwendung von makro- und mikroskopischer Autopsie, Röntgenuntersuchungen, Spurenelement- und Bleiisotopenanalysen untersucht. In Periode I kam das Schwert als Innovation über Importe von Schwertern der Gruppe Hajdúsámson-Apa nach Südskandinavien. Am Anfang imitierten nordische Handwerker diese Importe, wobei sie eine traditionelle massive Gusstechnik verwendeten. Erst im Laufe der späten Periode I wurden verschiedene Gusstechniken aus dem südlichen Mitteleuropa adaptiert und genutzt, um Stücke in Tradition der Hajdúsámson-Apa- and Valsømagle-Schwerter herzustellen. In Periode II entstanden die charakteristischen nordischen Vollgriffschwerter, die in Form, Verzierung und Technik jeweils sehr individuell ausfallen. Höchstwahrscheinlich wurden sie in einer größeren Anzahl von Werkstätten produziert; in manchen Fällen ist es sogar möglich, mehrere Schwerter einem Werkstattkreis, einer Werkstatt oder gar einem Handwerker zuzuordnen. In Periode III waren die nordischen Vollgriffschwerter dann sehr viel standardisierter, wurden aber dennoch wohl nicht in einer Werkstatt hergestellt. Die Entwicklung der Schwerter zeigt insgesamt eine Tendenz von einer großen Vielfalt bei Formen, Verzierungen und Techniken hin zu stärker gleichförmigen Objekten, die auch an anderen Fundgruppen zu beobachten ist. In jedem Fall demonstriert der nordische Kreis seit der späten Periode I und frühen Periode II eine eigene Identität, Metallverarbeitungs- und Schwertherstellungstradition. Sowohl die Vielfalt in Periode II als auch die Uniformität in Periode III deuten auf intensive Kommunikation und Mobilität von Handwerkern und Schwertträgern hin. Dabei wird der Einfluss von Abstammungsgruppen und Verwandtschaft hinsichtlich der Organisation des sicherlich institutionalisierten Metallhandwerks betont, während die angenommene enge Kontrolle der Produktion durch eine Elite angezweifelt wird. Ungeachtet unterschiedlicher Fähigkeiten und Kompetenzen existieren keine Hinweise auf eine bedeutsame persönliche Identität als Metallhandwerker in der Gesellschaft der älteren nordischen Bronzezeit. The swords of southern Scandinavia and northern Germany have so far been studied mainly from a typological perspective. Therefore, the Early Bronze Age full-hilted swords in Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein are examined in this article from a technical perspective combining macro- and microscopic examination, X-ray and trace element analyses as well as lead isotope analyses of the metal. In period I swords came as an innovation to southern Scandinavia through imports of swords of the Hajdúsámson-Apa group. Initially the Nordic craftsmen imitated these imports by using their traditional solid casting technique. Only late in period I did they adopt different casting techniques of Central European origin and use them to produce swords in the Hajdúsámson-Apa and Valsømagle traditions. By period II the characteristic Nordic full-hilted swords had emerged, which are highly individual in form, ornamentation and technique. They were most probably produced by many different workshops; in some cases it is even possible to attribute several swords to a common workshop tradition, individual workshop or even craftsman. In period III the Nordic full-hilted swords became much more standardised but were still unlikely to have been produced in a single workshop. The development of swords shows a tendency away from highly diverse forms, ornaments and techniques towards more standardised objects; this pattern is also visible among other finds. Altogether, the Nordic cultural area has a highly distinctive identity, with its own metalworking and sword producing tradition since the late period I and early period II. The diversity of period II and the uniformity of period III suggest that the communication and mobility of the craftsmen and sword-bearers was intensive. The importance of lineage and kinship for the organisation of the undoubtedly institutionalised metal craft is stressed, while the frequently assumed tight control over production by an elite is called into question. Despite different levels of skill and competence, there are no indications that the metalworkers had a significant identity as craftsmen in Early Nordic Bronze Age society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Bronze Age saw a number of innovations in textiles following the emergence of wool as a new raw material. New data and SEM microscopy provide information on the use of plant fibres and wool, in particular on how and to what extent wool was sorted and processed before spinning. Other innovations include the decoration of textiles through embroidery and twill as a new weave; in addition textile tools changed in order to accommodate the new raw material. This article presents evidence of fibre processing and discusses how the emergence of wool and other innovations affected textile production in Bronze Age Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors present and discuss two segregated metal workshop sites at the Hunn burial ground in Østfold, south-east Norway, and address topics like the scale and character of the production and the cultural context of the finds. One of these sites, the Midtfeltet site, represents one of the most extensive Bronze Age metallurgical workshops in Scandinavia. The site is located in a region that has yielded comparatively few bronze artefacts, and illustrates a paradoxical trend in Norwegian Bronze Age archaeology: the dislocation between production of bronze objects and their final deposition. The Bronze Age workshops and monuments at Hunn are situated in an area with a Late Neolithic history, which after the Bronze Age continued to be used for burials and rituals. Hunn is situated by a natural harbor, and has good conditions for embarking inland on rivers and documented prehistoric tracks. Occurrences of unalloyed copper in a Bronze Age context may be considered an indication of trade in raw metals, which is also indicated by residues on crucibles at other central workshop sites in Scandinavia. Hunn was very probably, with its two workshop areas and signs of specialized production of, among other things, preforms, a regional center or aggregation site for craft production and exchange. A high degree of overlap between Nordic metalworking sites in terms of metallurgical know-how, refractory technology and artefact typology, but also symbolic decoration, is noted. This is indicative of ambulating, specialized metalworkers who had the aggregation site as their primary arena. A link to the Baltic is seen in the locally manufactured Lausitz-inspired pottery and an early cremation burial at Midtfeltet. The article focusses on the results of small-scale excavation campaigns at Midtfeltet in 1996-2006, covering an area of altogether c. 400 m2. The site produced a substantial amount of clay refractories, metalworking debris, flint, animal bone and pottery, 14C-dated to c. 1300-700 BC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the Bronze Age fall within the limits of what sociologists call globalization? While pursuing this question, the analysis advances through a comparison with the key qualities defining the globalization of modern and contemporary history. It is concluded that the Bronze Age - covering a hyper-region in Afro-Eurasia - constituted a unique case of pre-modern interconnectivity which arose prior to c. 2000 BCE and began to close down c. 1200 BCE. The term bronzization is invented to describe the Bronze Age as an overarching globalizing phenomenon, tightly knit by one crucial resource and subject to cross-cutting historical change during its 800 years of duration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the discovery of the Iceman in 1991 his presence at high altitude has been mainly interpreted in terms of the pastoral exploitation of the Schnalsvalley (Schnalstal, Val Senales). In order to document the beginnings of transhumance to high pastures (vertical transhumance) in the catchment area of the Iceman the lateral valleys of the Lagaun, Finail, Tisen and Penaud were fieldwalked, with the aim of identifying archaeological sites that would support the hypothesis of a pastoral exploitation of the area. Pollen profils from the high peat deposits of the Schnals valley were analysed in parallel with this exercise. The results indicate that the impact of people and their herds is discernible only from the Middle Bronze Age onwards. The botanical data show a significant increase of pasture indicators in the corresponding pollen spectra. The archaeological evidence has been bolstered by the discovery of a site in the Finail valley which can be related to pastoralism. On the other hand, the newlydiscovered site of Jochwiese in the Tisen valley suggests that it served hunting purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Seit der Entdeckung des 'Mannes aus dem Eis' im Jahre 1991 wird dessen Aufenthalt im Hochgebirge meist mit der weidewirtschaftlichen Nutzung des Schnalstals begründet. Um den Beginn der vertikalen Transhumanz im Einzugsgebiet dieses Menschen zeitlich festzumachen, wurden die Seitentäler Lagaun-, Finail-, Tisen- und Penaud tal begangen, um nach archäologischen Fundstellen zu suchen, die eine weidewirtschaftliche Nutzung des Untersuchungsgebietes bestätigen. Parallel dazu wurden Pollenproben aus den bestehenden Hochmooren im Schnalstal untersucht. Die erzielten Ergebnisse bezeugen erst ab der mittleren Bronzezeit eine zunehmende Präsenz des Menschen und seiner Herden. Botanisch äußert sich dies durch den erheblichen Anstieg von Weidezeigern in den entsprechenden Pollenspektren, archäologisch durch die Entdeckung einer Fundstelle im Finailtal, die mit der Weidewirtschaft in Verbindung steht. Die neu entdeckte Fundstelle Jochwiese im Tisental deutet eher auf eine Nutzung des Tales zu Jagdzwecken hin. Résumé: Depuis la découverte de l'Homme des Glaces en 1991 son passage dans une zone de haute altitude a été interprété avant tout comme un indice de l'exploitation pastorale de la vallée du Schnals (Schnalstal, Val Senales). Afin de mieux cerner le début de la transhumance dans les pâturages d'altitude de la zone se rattachant à la découverte de l'Homme des Glaces des prospections pédestres ont été effectuées dans les vallées du Lagaun, Finail, Tisen et Penaud, le but étant d'identifier des sites archéologiques qui pourraient étayer l'hypothèse d'une exploitation pastorale de la zone d'étude. Des échantillons de pollen provenant des hautes tourbières de la vallée du Schnals ont été analysés en parallèle. Les résultats obtenus démontrent que la présence de groupes humains et de leurs troupeaux n'augmente qu'à partir de l'âge du Bronze moyen. Les données botaniques indiquent en effet une augmentation importante d'espèces indiquant des pâturages dans les courbes de pollen correspondantes. Du point de vue archéologique, la découverte d'un site dans la vallée du Finail peut être mise en relation avec une exploitation pastorale, tandis que le nouveau site de Jochwiese dans la vallée du Tisen permet plutôt de l'interpréter comme ayant servi à la chasse. Abstract: Since the discovery of the Iceman in 1991 his presence at high altitude has been mainly interpreted in terms of the pastoral exploitation of the Schnalsvalley (Schnalstal, Val Senales). In order to document the beginnings of transhumance to high pastures (vertical transhumance) in the catchment area of the Iceman the lateral valleys of the Lagaun, Finail, Tisen and Penaud were fieldwalked, with the aim of identifying archaeological sites that would support the hypothesis of a pastoral exploitation of the area. Pollen profils from the high peat deposits of the Schnals valley were analysed in parallel with this exercise. The results indicate that the impact of people and their herds is discernible only from the Middle Bronze Age onwards. The botanical data show a significant increase of pasture indicators in the corresponding pollen spectra. The archaeological evidence has been bolstered by the discovery of a site in the Finail valley which can be related to pastoralism. On the other hand, the newlydiscovered site of Jochwiese in the Tisen valley suggests that it served hunting purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Der aktuelle Forschungsstand deutet darauf hin, dass die Vielfältigkeit der Heiratsformen, die sich in vormodernen Gesellschaften beobachten lassen, das Ergebnis evolutionären Drucks sind. Dieser Ansicht zufolge können Polygamie und Monogamie als konkurrierende Strategien angesehen werden, die sich unter bestimmten Umständen ausbreiten. Der folgende Beitrag will dies auf der Grundlage archäologischer Daten überprüfen. Dazu werden aus zwölf Gräberfeldern der Kupfer- und Bronzezeit in Mitteleuropa detaillierte Informationen zum Geschlechterverhältnis und zu Unterschieden im Reichtum der Grabausstattung ausgewertet. Diese Ergebnisse werden dann mit den Vermögensunterschieden und der Subsistenzgrundlage der ausgewählten Populationen verglichen. Es scheint, dass diesen beiden Faktoren für die Erklärung der Vielfalt menschlicher Heiratssysteme eine Schlüsselrolle zukommt. Die potentiellen Ergebnisse dieser Studie steuern neue Argumente für die Diskussion um Heiratsformen in frühen europäischen Gesellschaften bei. Andererseits kann ein Vergleich gewisser Elemente archäologischer Quellen mit Konzepten aus der Humanökologie zu einem besseren Verständnis der Funktionsweise prähistorischer Gesellschaften beitragen. Abstract: L'état de la recherche actuel montre que la multiplicité des formes de mariage observées dans les sociétés pré-modernes résulte de la pression exercée par l'évolution. De ce point de vue, la polygamie et la monogamie peuvent être considérées comme des stratégies concurrentielles qui peuvent s'étendre sous certaines conditions. Cette contribution a pour but de le vérifier sur la base de données archéologiques. On a analysé à cet effet des informations détaillées concernant la proportion des sexes et les écarts de richesse que présentent les mobiliers funéraires de douze nécropoles du Chalcolithique et de l'âge du Bronze en Europe centrale. Les résultats obtenus sont alors comparés aux écarts affichés par les richesses matérielles et aux moyens de subsistance des populations sélectionnées. Ces deux facteurs semblent jouer un rôle clé dans l'explication de cette multitude de systèmes matrimoniaux. Les résultats potentiels de cette étude fournissent de nouveaux arguments aux discussions sur les formes de mariage dans les sociétés primitives de l'Europe. D'autre part, la comparaison de certains éléments de sources archéologiques avec des concepts appartenant à l'écologie humaine peut contribuer à mieux saisir la manière dont ils reflètent le mode de fonctionnement des sociétés préhistoriques. Abstract: The current state of research suggests that the wide diversity in marriage forms observed in pre-modern societies can be explained as a result of evolutionary pressure. According to this view, both polygyny and monogamy may be considered as competing strategies which will spread under certain circumstances. The objective of this paper is to verify this supposition based on archaeological evidence. For this purpose I will examine detailed information concerning sex ratio and differences in the wealth of grave goods in twelve cemeteries of the Central European Copper and Bronze Age. Then I will compare the results with data related to the degree of wealth inequality and the form of subsistence in the examined populations. It seems that both factors play a key role in the origin of variation in human mating systems. The preliminary results of this investigation can provide new arguments in the discussion on diversity in marriage forms among ancient Europeans. On the other hand, the comparison of certain elements of archaeological evidence and concepts of human behavioural ecology can contribute to a better understanding of the actual functioning of past populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In Europa existieren zwei Ballungsräume bronzezeitlicher Goldgefäße: Eines mit Mykene im Zentrum liegt im südlichen Griechenland, das andere mit der Insel Fünen in Dänemark. Die nordischen Goldgefäße wurden bislang von dänischen Archäologen als Importware betrachtet. Im vorliegenden Artikel wird hingegen dokumentiert, dass es sich bei ihnen um lokale Produkte hiesiger Handwerker handelt, die fähig waren, Goldgefäße in Treibetechnik herzustellen. In den nordischen Gebieten wurden 63 Goldgefäße gefunden, die in die Montelius Per. III-IV datieren und mit Ausnahme eines norddeutschen Grabfundes alle aus Deponierungen stammen. Am häufigsten fanden sich Sets von jeweils zwei gleichartigen Goldgefäßen. 37 jener Formen können dem dominierendem Typus der sog. Mariesminde-Tassen zugerechnet werden. Mehrere Gefäße weisen Reparaturen auf, und mit einer Ausnahme erhielten nahezu alle der mit einem Pferdekopfhenkel versehenen Gefäße diesen erst nach ihrer Herstellung. Die Ornamentik der Goldgefäße ist recht einheitlich, sie repräsentieren feinstes, europäisches Kunsthandwerk. Abstract: Il existe en Europe deux zones de concentration de vases en or: l'une axée sur Mycènes en Grèce méridionale et l'autre sur l'île de Fionie au Danemark. Jusqu'ici, les archéologues danois pensaient que les vases de Fionie avaient été importés. Cet article démontre au contraire qu'il s'agit là de produits exécutés par des artisans locaux qui maîtrisaient le repoussé. On a retrouvé 63 vases en or dans les pays nordiques qui datent tous des périodes de Montélius III-IV et proviennent de dépôts, sauf un exemplaire trouvé dans un contexte funéraire du Nord de l'Allemagne. Il s'agissait généralement de paires de vases identiques. 37 exemplaires peuvent être attribués au type le plus courant des tasses dites de Mariesminde. Plusieurs vases présentent des réparations, et, à une exception près, tous les vases portant une anse à tête de cheval l'ont acquise après leur fabrication. Le décor des vases en or est homogène et témoigne d'un artisanat parmi les plus fins d'Europe. Abstract: Abstract: There are two concentrations of Bronze Age gold vessels in Europe: one in southern Greece with Mycenae, and one in Denmark, centred on the island of Funen. So far, Danish archaeologists have interpreted these Nordic gold vessels as imports. The present contribution demonstrates that they were made locally and that Nordic goldsmiths were able to produce beaten gold vessels. Sixtythree gold vessels have been found in the Nordic regions. These date to Montelius' periods II-IV. All of them, with the exception of one burial find in northern Germany, come from hoards. Most frequently, sets of two identical vessels are recovered. Thirty-seven of these can be assigned to the so-called Mariesminde cups, which therefore dominate numerically. Most weigh between 50 and 100 g. Several vessels were repaired, and with only one exception almost all the vessels decorated with a horse head handle had this feature added after production. The decoration of the gold vessels is fairly uniform; they represent finest European craftsmanship. Abstract: Europas bronzealder findes to koncentrationer af guldkar: én i det sydlige Grækenland med Mykene som centrum og én i det danske område med Fyn som centrum. De nordiske guldkar er hidtil af danske arkæologer blevet opfattet som importeret. I artiklen dokumenteres, at de er fremstillet lokalt og at de nordiske guldsmede kunne lave drevne guldkar. Der er fundet 63 guldkar i det nordiske område. De er dateret til Mon. Per. III-IV Med undtagelse af ét nordtysk gravfund indgår alle karrene i depotfund. Hyppigst er der fundet to ens guldkar sammen. 37 af karrene er såkaldte Mariesminde-kopper der således er langt den hyppigste type. De fleste vejer 50-100 gram. Flere af karrene er reparerede. Nogle af karrene med hestehovedhank har fået denne påsat efter produktionen, men i fundet fra Ladegård ved Haderslev er det omvendt. Ornamentikken er ret ensartet. Karrene repræsenteret fint, europæisk kunsthåndværk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Artikel beschäftigt sich mit einem jüngerbronzezeitlichen Schmuckdepot aus Bohmstedt, Kr. Nordfriesland. Die darin enthaltenen Armspiralen werden auf Gebrauchsspuren untersucht, anhand derer sich Überlegungen zur Trageweise und -dauer der Schmuckstücke anschließen. Ferner wird der Fund in die Hortlandschaft von Schleswig-Holstein eingebunden, besonderes Augenmerk wird dabei auf die Verbreitung der regionalen Depots mit (Arm-)Schmuckgegenständen gelegt. Zuletzt werden einige grundsätzliche Möglichkeiten der Interpretation vorgestellt. The article deals with a Bronze Age depot of ornaments in Bohmstedt, Kr. Nordfriesland, Germany. Among the find were spiral bracelets, which underwent use-wear analyses to allow a determination of how and for how long the ornaments were worn. Further, the author discusses the find in relation to the hoard landscape of Schleswig-Holstein, paying special attention to the distribution of regional depots with (arm) ornaments. Finally, some possible approaches to interpretation are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fine wares of the Wietenberg Culture in Transylvania during the Middle Bronze Age are characterised by compositions of uniform, repetitive ''spiraloid'' or ''meandroid'' motifs. These patterns -- referred to collectively as ''spiral ornamentation'' -- were often associated with the Mycenaean region. A detailed examination of the ceramic decoration of the Wietenberg Culture reveals that it is not actually spiral ornamentation, but rather rows of hook patterns, which may be abstract zoomorphic motifs. A comparison with the genuine spiral ornamentation of the Mycenaean Culture further supports the thesis of there being a fundamental difference in the type of ornamentation. The pottery ornamentation of the Wietenberg Culture is thus independent of southern prototypes. However, this does not mean that there was no contact between the Wietenberg Culture and Mycenaean Greece. But this contact remained at the level of prestige objects such as ''Mycenaean'' swords, bone objects with wave motifs and the bronzes decorated in Hajdúúsáámson-Apa style, which were limited to a small social elite and were furthermore distributed far beyond the Wietenberg Culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mechanical intervention in pristine wetland deposits as foreseen in the implementation of the EU Water Framework Directive will require close monitoring by the local German office for heritage conservation (Archäologische Denkmalpflege). This applies not only to known sites in these wetlands, where test excavations in the run-up to the construction work are sensible, but also to the respective overall project of renaturation. As the findings from Körnebach near Kamen/Südkamen, Unna District, have shown, interesting new finds and significant features may be expected even in the absence of adjacent settlement sites. In this case, primarily finds dating from the Bronze Age to the Middle Ages were recovered. Settlements of these ages are unknown in the direct vicinity of the respective find locations. Monitoring the wetland construction work is very manpower-intensive and cannot reasonably be performed by the office for heritage conservation on a continuous basis. For this reason, close cooperation with volunteers who are willing to perform this task in their free time is often the only feasible way to proceed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]