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The article reports on issues and topics related to the armed forces and defense industry in the U.S. The Defense Department announced a new draft and reserve plan designed to overcome inequalities in the method of recruiting men. The Office of Defense Mobilization plans to have trained skeleton staffs in some secret headquarters outside Washington. A Defense Department directive was issued to procurement officials to avoid concentrating orders in the plants of a few suppliers in order to insure a sound mobilization base by a broad geographical spread.

The article focuses on the civil defense proposals in the U.S. Accordingly, it should prove useful to discuss here the wide range of questions civil defense raises concerning our national strategy and the arms interaction process. Perhaps the most far-reaching consequence of a civil defense program might be to pile a civil defense race upon the arms interaction process and thus open up, as it were a new cold war front in an area in which there has been something approaching tacit agreement. There would be an increased risk inherent in adding this new dimension to the arms race. A substantial civil defense program would be inordinately tension heightening because it would involve large scale community action.

The article criticizes the role of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in achieving international cooperation in the field of atomic energy. Technical assistance to third world countries has become an increasingly important function of IAEA for its four years of existence. Often, the agency is criticized because of the following factors including the inability to perform its role efficiently, its swelling administration, and its connection with money-wasting Board of Governors. In this regard, the author proposes key operating factors for agency to extend its role, as well as to officially establish an international technical assistance agency.

The article presents a report that explores the significant issues in economic aid in developing countries. It aims to select important policy problems and issues confronting decision makers in economic aid programs and to arrive at suggestions that could assist in reasonable solutions. It reviews some of the important techniques of economic development which have been devised and applied. Development planning leading to a long-term country program with certain targets for growth in various sectors of the economy has proved valuable in stimulating development.

The article presents the perspective of the U.S. on the Western Alliance nuclear deterrent power. The explosion of a nuclear device by Frances had generated debate on the British capability to counter nuclear strike. Regarding the future of nuclear deterrence, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has planned to integrate Western deterrent power and disperse the power among members of the coalition. It can be seen that the difference of international perspectives and interests between the U.S. and European counties is an underlying factor which tend to weaken NATO. The author explains the different proposals for the solution of the problem encountered by NATO. He suggests that an allied deterrence would be the perfect solution to the dilemma that now confronts NATO.

The article presents the report of the Committee on Science and Technology of the Democratic Advisory Council about nuclear deterrence policy and national security in the U.S. It looks at the need of the U.S. for weapon development and the need of the Soviet Union for nuclear tests. It discusses how arms control agreement can be achieved effectively through the establishment of nuclear tests inspection system. It addresses the question regarding the kind of test control agreement to be implemented and suggests some changes in the inspection system that was agreed at the Geneva convention in 1958.

The article discusses the integration of national policy alternatives for the national security and for the betterment of international relations. Accordingly, the availability of nuclear weapons with awesome capacities for destruction may not alter the nature of international conflict or its goals, but it certainly must change radically the weights that were usually used in evaluating alternative strategies. Several discussions of policy in a nuclear age has been framed in technological terms and carried on more by physicists and engineers than by social scientists, but nuclear technology merely exaggerates the problem, and it neither explains difficulties nor offers any real solutions.

The article discusses some aspects of averting surprise attacks and disarmament. An anti-surprise-attack scheme aims to reduce or eliminate the advantage of striking first. The special significance of surprise attack lies in the possibility of a vulnerable retaliatory forces. Arrangements to discourage attack have an objective to put the safety of nuclear weapons rather than the safety of people. Once the surprise-attack problem with the vulnerability of retaliatory forces are identified, it is important to evaluate military strength, defensive measures, and proposals for the inspection or limitation of armament.

The article presents a debate concerning disarmament policies in Great Britain. The debaters in the opposition side include Philip Noel-Baker, Arthur Henderson, and Aneurin Bevan while in the affirmative side includes the Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd, Minister of Defense Duncan Sandys, and others. The opposition debate was opened by Noel-Baker with criticism on the works of the Disarmament Subcommittee of the United Nations, added with a statement of his party's position on the main issues. On the other hand, Dulles as a member of the affirmative side, welcomes the development of tactical nuclear weapons and believes a strategy built on them will solve some of the recent problems.

The article discusses the possible consequences on the continuance of inventing nuclear weapons by the superpower nations. Each of this nation's aim focuses on national security. The system of thinking based on security through military dominance has been their core strategy in achieving world peace. However, this mode of analysis is becoming obsolete and is far more positively dangerous in that it will bring about catastrophic damages to the humanity. At a certain point, where tests of thermonuclear weapons in the Pacific and Siberia dramatized this transition. Understandably, accidents and misunderstandings are always a possibility should this misadventure continues, thus, the term stalemate.

The article offers a critical analysis of the security regulations in the U.S., as applied to the Department of State. It has four sections which contain answers to the questions used by the author in this analysis. The first question asks what is to be secured, the second question asks against whom is it to be secured, the third question asks by what means it is being secured, and the last question asks about the cost of security in terms of other objectives to which the nation is equally committed.

The article cites a study on the loyalty and security programs and its effect to employment in the U.S. The author offers estimates of the extent of exposure of major employment groups to employment tests and the intensity of that exposure. He discusses several loyalty and security programs, including the security and the loyalty programs of the federal government, the state and local programs, and the private loyalty programs. He explains the impact of these programs to various field of occupations such as the professions, the managerial group, the civil servants, and the other occupations in various industries.

The article presents the letter of Lloyd K. Garrison address to General Kenneth Nichols and the security findings of General Nichols that was presented to the Atomic Energy Commission. Garrison, the counsel of J. Robert Oppenheimer claims that they do not agree to some of the findings, and some points in the testimony limitations have been mistaken for dishonesty. The letter deals with procedural questions and reconsideration for oral hearing. Nichol reinstates that security clearance of Oppenheimer is inconsistent with the interest of national security and would endanger the common defense.

The article presents the opinions of several commissioners of the Atomic Energy Commission relative to its judgment on the case of J. Robert Oppenheimer in the U.S. Majority of the opinions claim that the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 speaks in terms of character, associations and loyalty, and each of the factors is sufficient for disqualification. They find that defects of character and improper associations, Oppenheimer is a risk to national security, and disavow the relevance of hydrogen bomb controversy. Thus, they do not hold Oppenheimer loyal nor disloyal to the commission.

A list of articles related to national security that were published in several journals is presented including "The Dispersal of Cities as a Defense Measure," by Tracy B. Augur, and "The Price of Power," by Hanson W. Baldwin.

The article discusses the objectives of the Atomic Energy Act in the United States. The law aims to strengthen national security in all ways and assure civilian control of the security program. It seeks to discover and exploit economic and other peaceful values, and to promote contributions to world peace. It is also intended for fitting the enterprise into the American way. The law creates four agencies including the Atomic Energy Commission, the Military Liaison Committee, the General Advisory Committee and the Joint Congressional Committee.

The article presents a reprint of the article "The Effects of the Atomic Bomb on National Security," by Bernard Brodie, which appeared in the October issue of "Foreign Affairs." The effect of the atomic bomb on United States policy been evidenced in the effort to secure the adoption of a system of international control of atomic energy.

The article presents a reprint of the document "The Effects of the Atomic Bomb on National Security (An Expression of War Department Thinking)," which appeared in the April 12, 1947 issue of the "Army Navy Journal." It focuses on the limitations and capabilities of the atomic bomb, the requirements of satisfactory international control and the effect of the bomb on political requirements.

The article presents a list of books and research papers related to national security, tax reforms and economic reform. Some of books listed here include: "Military Expansion, Economic Decline: The Impact of Military spending on U.S. Economic Performance," by Robert W. DeGrasse Jr; "The Productivity of Soviet Investment and the Economic Burden of Defense," by Stanley H. Cohn; "Energy, Economics, and Foreign Policy in the Soviet Union," edited by A. Hewitt. Some of the articles are: "Tax Incentives and Economic Growth," by Barry P. Bosworth, "Taxes, Loans, and Inflation," by C. Eugene Steuerle; "Understanding Inflation in the 1980's," by Robert J. Gordon published in "Brooking's Papers on Economic Activity"; "The Military Money Drain," by Stanford J. Unger published in "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists."

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles on topics related to India, including a comparison of India's democracy to democracies in other South Asian countries, the economic and political effects of globalization on the Indian state of Odisha, and India's internal security.

The production of hazardous materials that can be used for civilian and military purposes (dual-use items) has led the U.S. government to impose export controls in order to prevent the proliferation of risky materials falling into the wrong hands -- a concern in this age of international terrorism. Export controls are prudent government responses to the emergence of a new and widely perceived threat to national security. However, existing controls have failed to keep up with rapid global economic and technological changes, and are likely to have adverse effects on firms' economic performance. This article suggests regulatory and policy reforms, as well as corporate strategies for dealing with U.S. export controls in order to make such controls effective and relevant to changing technological developments. Among the problems the article identifies are the negative effects of these export controls on firm innovation, market competitiveness, investment, and trade flows. These issues point to a pressing agenda for regulatory reform. Reforms can focus on limiting control lists, enhancing the bilateral or multilateral cooperation in export controls, improving the efficiency and transparency of the licensing system, improving resources and the outreach to small and medium-size exporters, and compensation for the loss of market share. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors conduct a comparative review of the strategic imperatives driving Sino-Indian policy on Afghanistan in the post-2014 scenario. The article argues that divergent strategic imperatives make cooperation difficult and/or unlikely. This analysis is based on a broader consideration of both contemporary history and geopolitical dynamics shaping the foreign policy considerations of these two countries, and an assessment of the impact of ongoing bi-lateral and regional aspirations. The authors begin by highlighting the salient dynamics that have historically characterized and driven Indian and Chinese foreign policy in general and on Afghanistan. They find that Afghanistan, although not a primary focus of either state’s foreign or security policy, historically, is increasing in importance for both; India and China compete on a range of economic and security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the stand taken by the Norwegian Labor Party in Norway regarding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's decision on twin track missile deployment in the years 1979 and 1982. In December 1979, the Norwegian Labor Party supported the decision of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization despite disagreements and public debate within the party. In April 1982, the Labor Party has reversed its position and opposed the deployment of missiles. Labor opponents of the twin track decision found it difficult to comprehend any situation in which the party can support the deployment.

The article suggests how Americans going to the polls in the November 1982 Congressional elections might best conceive of the long-range security needs of the U.S. in relation to the Soviet Union. It is opined that candidates' attitudes toward the approach of United States and the Soviet Union to lessen the danger of nuclear war will be the most important factor in the election. A great deal of attention will also be focused on a number of aspects of U.S.-Soviet relations. Farmers will be concerned with grain exports to the Soviet Union.

The article discusses the information control provisions as defined by the U.S. Atomic Energy Act of 1940 which embodies the principle of born classified which regulates access to restricted data. The concept of restricted data has given rise to intense debate from within as well as outside of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission due to a vaguely defined usage of the term. The restricted data was supposed to include scientific and technical information related to nuclear technology and its applications. It is suggested that there is an urgent need for reviewing and amending the regulations concerning the access to restricted data and properly defining its usage.

The article focuses on the author's comments regarding the strategy Graduated and Reciprocated Initiatives in Tension-reduction meant for maintaining national security, maximizing the likelihood of reciprocation and evaluating the genuineness of reciprocations. According to the author, nuclear capacity can serve rational foreign policy if it is viewed as a security base to take limited risks in reducing tensions. A shift in military policy should be clearly indicated at the beginning.

The article discusses the development of political, military, and economic programs to improve the national security in Europe. The said programs are expected to make a significant change in the standards of living and to achieve a significant reduction in strategic and conventional armaments. The proposed measures should be properly balanced in each stage so that at no point could any state or group of states gain an important military and political advantage over the participants. In particular, the figures for arms reductions, reparations, and commercial credits are contributors in the military, political, and economic fields.

The article reports on the Pentagon Office of Civil Defense, which will shoulder the primary civil defense responsibility in the U.S. under the leadership of department head, Steuart L. Pittman. The office will train 1,400 government and private personnel to conduct a survey of existing shelters. It will also issue an updated everyman's guide to civil defense, to be sent to every mailing address in the country. It claims that its $93 million existing shelter survey will turn up shelter for 50 million people by December 1962. The interest of the government has been reflected in public concern, particularly on private shelters. The civil defense hearing before the House Military Applications Subcommittee is discussed.

The author presents an analysis of the unsuccessful strategy of the U.S. on their practice of technological secrecy, consequent clearance and security practices, compartmentalization of science and technology, and restrictive practices employed over science and scientists. It is in this strategy, that the U.S. is slowing down their own technological achievement while giving faster progress to other nations. It has been noted that the dooming of the country's technological supremacy in 1945 has begun. Meanwhile, the intervention of the Congress is essential in addressing the issue as these poses a threat to its national security.

The article focuses on the system of information security in the U.S. The author suggests that for the country to achieve long-range strength in scientific and technical productivity, the flow of information must go two ways, both into and out of government agencies. He notes that classification of information should be well-examined, if it is still inclined to the security measures set by the country or if it needs reorganization in relation to the importance of new ideas and new concepts. The need for maximum utilization of brain power specifically abroad and a system which promotes originality and invention is the key to unveiling a more sound information security. Moreover, progress in science depends on the number and quality of trained minds, and on free flow of information.

The article focuses on the issue concerning the disarmament and nuclear energy control modification in the U.S. It elaborates the two major decision made by the U.S. government, relative to the nuclear disarmament including the stockpiling prohibition of atomic and hydrogen bombs since foolproof control of nuclear disarmament is no longer technically possible, and that the U.S. should not reduce its present level of armaments in either the atomic or the conventional field until satisfactory political settlements can be reached in Europe and the Far East. It is then mentioned that the disarmament issue is an inappropriate issue to be discussed in the United Nation when one of the members has no intention of disarming.

The article focuses on various axioms and the crusade of the disarmament of nuclear weapons in the U.S. It is stated that national security must come before disarmament and that overall control of established and nuclear weapons should be considered. The most crucial axiom is on the modern war between great powers wherein it is speculated to start with a monolithic attack. The Eisenhower Plan of President Dwight D. Eisenhower called for the prevention of nuclear attacks which includes conducting an investigation of air commands of naval task forces.

The article discusses the efforts taken by the Dispersion Committee of the Mohawk Association of Scientists and Engineers concerning civil defense activities in New York. The removal of the targets by urban dispersion has been cited as an alternative defense against enemy aircraft carrying hydrogen bomb. The first action taken by the Committee was to obtain more information. They wrote to the U.S. Department of Commerce for information, but in reply received encouragement to initiate a local dispersion survey. A detailed map of the area with the target zone was prepared by one of the Committee using U.S. Geodetic Survey maps and data from the Industrial Directory of New York.

The article discusses the reasons why Great Britain is affected by the American loyalty-security policy. The author states that the loyalty-security program of the U.S. resulted in action within Great Britain. He uses as an example the use of British police officers to seek evidence to support the indictment of Owen Lattimore. He asserts that the loyalty-security program has limited British access to Americans and to the U.S. He also argues that the loyalty-security program affects the climate of the Atlantic alliance and the quality of American foreign policy.

The article discusses the developments on the security investigation at Fort Monmouth in New Jersey and reviews the facts and significance of the investigation. The author reports that the security investigation of the Army's Signal Corps Engineering Laboratories (SCEL) was exposed to the public in October 1953. He states that this investigation was brought about by the charges of espionage by U.S. Senator Joseph R. McCarthy. He asserts that no evidence of espionage at SCEL was shown during the subcommittee investigation. Moreover, he contemplates on the damage of the investigation to the work of the laboratories and to its employees.

The article focuses on the report of the American Institute of Physics submitted to the Manpower Office of the National Security Resources Board proposing recommendations for mobilization. Henry L. Barton, director of the American Institute of Physics, suggested that appropriate regulations be mandated to expand the scope of Selective Service to include Scientific and Technological Service as well as Military Service. The report also includes a proposal to create a National Board of Scientific and Technological Personnel to insure proper utilization of resources.

The article presents a slightly condensed version of the report submitted by Gideon Seymour as chairman of the Special Committee of the American Society of Newspaper Editors on Atomic Information Problems. The special committee held its first meeting in Washington on January 12, 13 and 14, 1948. The two kinds of national security are differentiated. The committee recommends that daily newspapers recognize the need for better reporting and interpretation of atomic information. The committee believe in the American system as a product of free institutions and that a free press is one institution which has made that system great.

The article presents a speech by Robert M. Hutchins, Chancellor of the University of Chicago, delivered before the Emergency Committee of Atomic Scientists on April 12, 1948 in New York City. He discusses the need to preserve freedom of thought in the midst of onslaughts in the name of national security, freedoms of expression and association, and power of the citizenry to chart their course.

Recent disclosures of information concerning the internal workings of New Zealand intelligence agencies offer fertile ground for scholarship reassessing New Zealand's security arrangements. Building upon only a few of these disclosures, this article argues that when the Government Communications Security Bureau decided to assist the New Zealand police with its extradition of Kim Dotcom to the United States it stimulated a flurry of media interest which not only signalled the widespread confusion among the intelligence community over the meaning of national security but also revealed systemic deformities within the intelligence community itself. The article concludes that this confusion over national security and those systemic deformities constitute a prima facie case for reforming New Zealand's intelligence community, though the prospects for an immediate transformation remain dim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After twenty years of economic reform and liberalization, is India now on pace to close the development gap with China? To assess this prospect, I analyzed multi-decade trends across six dimensions of human capabilities crucial to both individual and national development: 1) economic, 2) health, 3) infrastructure, 4) knowledge and technology, 5) public administration and 6) gender equality. I also conducted a focused comparison of two industrial sectors: software services and equipment manufacturing. The evidence shows that India is starting to catch up in several sectors, but overall China currently has a significant lead on most economic and technological indicators. Whereas most scholars studying this divergence have focused on shifting economic policies as the key to convergence, I argue that lingering development gaps may primarily be a result of India’s lower levels of social investment. Thus, if India is to catch up and surpass China, it will not only need supportive economic policies but must also concentrate heavily on expanding and improving rural infrastructure, education, and especially gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is sometimes claimed that India has ambitions to become the leading power in the Indian Ocean. This article examines the different streams of Indian strategic thinking about the Indian Ocean and how they will likely contribute to future Indian strategic behavior. It argues that although many among its elite aspire for India to eventually become the leading power in the Indian Ocean, there is little conceptualization as to what India needs to do to achieve this. For several reasons, including an attachment to ideas of non-alignment and strategic autonomy, Indian strategic behavior in the Indian Ocean will likely continue to be relatively reactive and constrained. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the 2008 terrorist attack on Mumbai-an attack which had been amply foreshadowed by intelligence and previous, similar strikes-India's government promised unprecedented reforms to the nation's internal security architecture. Five years after Mumbai however, these reforms have almost completely failed to bear fruit. This article reviews both the reasons that the Mumbai attacks had such an impact within India's politics and also why the promised reforms were never able to take shape. It argues that the high-profile nature of the Mumbai attacks, and their effect on India's economic elite, forced the central government to respond. But India's states are so adamantly opposed to the loss of autonomy, particularly over their police forces, that substantive security reform would entail. Thus the prospects for effective reform in the foreseeable future are dim. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article advances a critical analysis of John Rawls's justification of liberal democratic nuclear deterrence in the post-Cold War era as found in The Law of Peoples. Rawls's justification overlooked how nuclear-armed liberal democracies are ensnared in two intransigent ethical dilemmas: one in which the mandate to secure liberal constitutionalism requires both the preservation and violation of important constitutional provisions in domestic affairs, and the other in which this same mandate requires both the preservation and violation of the liberal commitment to international legal arrangements and to the rule of law generally. On this view, the choice to violate constitutional provisions and international legal arrangements is evidence of nuclear despotism. Moreover, this choice does not imply that the ethical foreign policy dilemmas were resolved. Instead, it implies that the dilemmas force liberal democratic governments into implementing ethically paradoxical policy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses India's national defense in regards to Southeast Asia and its implications for India-ASEAN relations. The Indian Navy's promotion of maritime security in Southeast Asian waters is addressed, with focus given to the potential for conflict between India and China regarding the territorial waters of Myanmar. India's ability to balance the growth of Chinese power in the region through increased defense cooperation with ASEAN nations is then examined.

The article highlights news pertaining to the Israeli settlement activities in Palestine, including those in East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights. Topics discussed include the impact of the Madrid Peace Conference on resolving the Israel-Palestine conflict, the accomplishment achieved with the unity between settles in Palestine and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the approval given by Defense Minister Ehud Barak on the construction of 40 dwellings and a farm in two areas.

India's space program used to fall solely under the civil category, but recently it appears to be expanding its use of space for national security efforts and developing capabilities that could give it an anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon capacity. This shift by India could have long-term consequences for its relationship with China and Asia's overall regional stability; it also may provide new opportunities for the United States and India to enhance their relations. This article will first explain how the author views the US government's attitudes toward space and cooperation. Next, it will look at India's missile defense program and study the connection between the program and an ASAT capability, as well as its link to China's ASAT tests. Then, it will discuss ways in which India and the United States can use their shared interests in continuing to utilize space to possibly cooperate. Finally, it will contrast how India and China are viewed within the US policy community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the implications of the development of ASAT technologies by India from an Australian perspective. It sets these developments within the context of the future of US engagement in the Pacific in the next 30 years, and especially the way in which China and the US manage their relationship as the relative strength of the former grows and the latter declines. How India responds to and seeks to influence these shifting forces will be determined largely by how India perceives and seeks to assert its place in the region. Australia's approach to space is changing, with 2009 considered to have been a tipping point. Some description of this changing context is provided as background to and rationale for the article's conclusion, which is that the development of ASAT capabilities by India is considered a natural technology progression and a somewhat less important factor in India's emergence as a regional power with the capacity to participate in and influence grand strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines and analyzes the developments of the Indian space program, which is heading towards national security space systems, and does so from an Israeli perspective, focusing on the implications for the Asian region. The first section outlines the Israeli-Indian relationship, including the impetus for collaboration, and stresses the elements that cause India and Israel to see eye-to-eye in many issues of national security and world affairs. The second part discusses the Indian space program and aspirations from an Israeli perspective. The third and last part provides a few recommendations that we believe could allow greater for sustainability in the space environment, and stability in the international community in general and the Asian region in particular. We suggest a new non-proliferation treaty concerning space technology and activity that would officially form a “space club.” This act would create the norms and rules of behavior needed to ensure worldwide use of space for peaceful uses. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China's anti-satellite (ASAT) test of January 2007 has brought renewed focus on space security. The test also appears to have forced a re-evaluation of India's traditional declaratory policy against the militarization of space and more specifically created pressures for an Indian ASAT system. India's policy itself does not appear to have fully changed yet but there are signs of some fluctuations. This article examines the impact of the Chinese ASAT test on India's policy on space militarization and on India's ASAT policy. The first section of the article tracks Indian policy on space militarization and the small indicators of fluctuation in that policy, some of which predate the Chinese ASAT test. The article then examines how India's ASAT policy also shows some indicators of change, though this transformation is not yet complete, and nor is it clear that the transformation will take place. The article also identifies changes in Chinese ASAT capability as the key driver in India's rethinking about ASATs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]