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This essay explores the pivotal transition in Iranian feminist activism through ‘Baraye’, a digital poem collectively written by Iranian users on Twitter during the Woman Life Freedom (WLF) movement, linked to the #MahsaAmini trend launched in September 2022. Initially sparked by tweets featuring the hashtag #MahsaAmini, this trend quickly evolved into a powerful form of digital activism, articulating widespread grievances and aspirations. Shervin Hajipour’s viral song ‘Baraye’, composed from these tweets, amplified the movement’s message and garnered international recognition, including at the Grammy Awards. As a part of the Feminist Media Activism in Transition special issue, this study highlights the relationships between social media and new forms of feminist activism, with ‘Baraye’ as an emblematic work of instapoetry that transcends geographical boundaries and fosters deep emotional and ideological connections among participants. The collective crafting of ‘Baraye’ by Iranians enabled suppressed voices, including marginalized ethnic, religious, and LGBTQIA+ communities, to express their demands and dissent. By employing digital humanities techniques to collect, curate, and analyse pertinent tweets, and drawing upon theories of performance studies, particularly Diana Taylor’s work, this research underscores this instapoem’s impact on Iranian feminist media activism and beyond. By looking at it as a performance, the work seeks to demonstrate how ‘Baraye’ blurs the line between physical presence and digital expression, marking a significant transitional moment in Iranian social movements. The essay aims to offer a different perspective on new modes of activism by examining ‘Baraye’ from the perspectives of performance and new media studies, emphasizing the role of digital platforms in fostering poetic digital activism and offering fresh insights into the interplay between technology and feminist movements in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge-making in universities is shaped by conventions that neglect and/or suppress less conventional kinds of knowledge that may hold viable solutions to society's problems. Knowledge always has political interests, and close-up research on knowledge-making can liberate marginalized ideas, by exposing how they push against and beyond conventional perspectives and mutations. African feminist theoretical ideas are used to examine three different platforms for knowledge-making: one research project and two courses that were taught. The African feminist praxis is demonstrated through two main processes – reflection and communal knowledge-making – which infuse the methodology and pedagogy of the three platforms. The article shows how they transgress the conventions to bring about inclusive and generative knowledge-making. They provide strategies for future research and teaching experiments, demonstrating ways in which African Feminist ideas can have transformative effects beyond their own margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the process of co-producing an animated film about the migration journeys of Colombian women resident in Antofagasta, Chile. It first establishes the relationship between feminist epistemologies and arts-based methodologies, which hinges on embodiment. It then turns to a detailed discussion of using film co-production as a research method for accessing and expressing embodied experiences of migration. This discussion highlights how moments of discomfort (Gokariksel, Hawkins, Neubert, and Smith, 2021) experienced by the researcher motivated the search for a more collaborative methodological approach that was better attuned to lived experience. This included striving towards more inclusive practices with respect to recruitment, anonymity, and confidentiality. Moments of discomfort also revealed how care and caring responsibilities are entangled with research, and how they gender possibilities of participation and production for community co-producers and artists, as well as for researchers. Finally, through discomfort, lessons were learned about the politics of representing experiences of migration, violence, and endurance, as well as joy. The paper concludes that, whilst by no means a panacea, collaborative arts-based research methods can offer an innovative toolset for exploring embodied experience and for navigating the relational and representational complexities attendant to research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to analyse how social movements build alternative futures, this article explores the relationship between prefigurative politics and utopianism. A case study of the 'Indigenous Women's Movement for Buen Vivir' in Argentina will reveal how movement members shape alternative futures, while taking into account how everyday life influences their approaches to the future. Empirical data collected in 2019 shows that members define the present day as a crises-ridden dystopian age, exemplified by the conflicts they face which emerge from the resource-based development model of global capitalism. Extractivist activities are understood as destroyers of the planet and therefore are viewed as an imminent threat to human existence. Hence, the members aim to make the future possible by (re)constructing a reciprocity with nature as well as one between humans and other-than-human beings, in short, to realize Buen Vivir. To unravel how prefigurative practices and utopian imaginations intersect and co-constitute each other, I focus on how Buen Vivir is experienced in the movement through horizontality, spirituality, and autonomy. These experiences are framed by the actors as pre-colonial practices that are reconstructed in the present, as they seek to decolonise capitalist modernity 'so that there is a future'. This understanding reflects a cyclical temporality that inspires a processual, non-linear view of social change, which accompanies the indigenous women's 'prefigurative walking'. Thus, the linking of prefiguration with utopianism helps us in grasping the role of imagination, hopes, and visions for future transformations in the process of building alternative futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the relationship between repertoires of action and collective memory by exploring the re-emergence of feminist self-managed health centers in Italy. These were a key form of action of 1970s feminism in the country, which rapidly disappeared after the institution of state-based Family Health Centers. In the last decades, feminist and transfeminist self-managed health centers have resurfaced in several Italian cities. The present article investigates the mnemonic dynamics underpinning the re-adoption of a form of action from the past in subsequent cycles of mobilization. Social movement scholars have stressed the relatively stable and repetitive character of the repertoire of collective action over time, considering it as part of an implicit memory. The article examines a case in which the discontinuous adoption of a form of action makes its retrieval by subsequent activists the result of active memory work. While the study of social movements and collective memory has grown considerably in the last decades, the study of repertoires remains largely under-researched in this field. Filling this gap, this study shows how, by adopting a symbolically and historically meaningful repertoire, activists re-elaborate their collective identity in the present and establish a relationship with previous cycles. It suggests that further research should investigate the relationship between collective memory and repertoires of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intersectional politics has been widely associated with progressive Millennial activists. Accordingly, most social movement research focuses on progressive movements that adopt intersectionality as a guiding framework for organisation and mobilisation, mainly feminist, reproductive justice, LGBTQ and other movements spearheaded by university-educated Millennials. In contrast to most studies, we conduct a qualitative digital ethnography of Las Kellys, a Spanish grassroots movement with no explicit intersectional approach, but located at the intersection of the labour and feminist movements, and consisting of middle-aged, working-class (immigrant) women with no university background who fit their activism into their spare time. Our findings suggest that (1) Las Kellys deploys intersectional practices and disputes despite lacking an explicit intersectional approach, and (2) the development of intersectional practices and disputes in Las Kellys is the result of inter-movement diffusion processes from the anti-austerity protest cycle and the current wave of feminist protest. Moreover, we argue that the case of Las Kellys is part of a larger diffusion of intersectionality across contemporary Spanish activism as an outcome of the anti-austerity and feminist protest cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Julia Wedgwood (1833–1913) was a non-fiction writer who chose an unusually wide range of subjects, including theology, the Classical world and German Biblical criticism. She was also a leading feminist who wrote several influential pieces on female enfranchisement, campaigned in the 1870 elections to the London School Board and taught informally at what became Girton College. She was the niece of Charles Darwin, the great scientist, and had a short but intense relationship with Robert Browning, the poet. She was also close to many other leading Victorian cultural figures. Yet her achievements as a writer are now largely forgotten as is her role as a feminist. This article re-examines her life and career before considering why she has fallen out of the record and what that suggests about the influence of misleading stereotypes in our approach to nineteenth century women's non-fiction writing and the study of first wave feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can an archive be revolutionary? To answer this question, I turn to a set of archives and histories of social movements that were driven by women, radicals, and those seeking revolutionary historical changes. Through an argument that moves between scholarly conversations in the history of feminism in the United States and the histories of militant nationalism in India, I consider how archives have influenced histories of social movements. Archives, in their widest forms, should generate historical narratives that are open to revision. These sites for generating dissensus are an urgent necessity in a time of declining democratic and liberatory norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addressed the relative liberalism of White lesbians. In doing so, we compared sexuality differences in White women's reactions to sexual, gender, and racial hierarchies. In the end, our analysis of 2,950 women from the American National Election Survey (ANES) suggested three trends. First, lesbians and bisexual women rejected and challenged heteronormativity more than heterosexual women. Second, the relationship between sexual identities and feminist commitments was less consistent. Lesbians and bisexual women perceived higher levels of sexist discrimination than heterosexual women did, but sexual identities did not always predict involvement in feminist social movements. Third, lesbian women generally displayed greater support of antiracist activism than bisexual or heterosexual women. However, this greater lesbian concern over racial biases did not translate in sexual differences in antiracist activism. Implications for these findings were explored, as were suggestions of future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes the first ever Indonesian Congress of Women Islamic Scholars (Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia, KUPI), and its methodology for formulating religious opinions, as an entry point for analysing the challenge of challenging male, male-centred, and patriarchal authority in Islam. Although a recent initiative, KUPI must be understood in the context of a long and often contentious history of Indonesian secular activists and Islamic scholars (men and women) sounding each other out and seeking common ground in their efforts to reinterpret religious sources and develop new ideas about the position of women in society. Studying the event ethnographically as a site of public communication and exchange – of religious knowledge, views, and experiences – , and contextualizing it in the history of Indonesian Islamic practices and institutions, we argue that the main significance of KUPI lies in the way in which it expands the global Islamic feminist project from a scholarly and intellectual movement into a locally resonant and potentially impactful social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When #MeToo reached Sweden in the fall of 2017, it gave rise to nearly 80 industry-specific petitions that demanded a stop to sexual misconduct in the workplace, some with their own hashtags. This article examines the discourse of #MeToo on Twitter in Sweden in relation to these petition hashtags. Focusing on how #MeToo, petition hashtags, and other hashtags are co-articulated in Tweets, it maps the emergent network of hashtags using SNA and explores the resulting interpretative frames using discourse analysis. By co-articulating the MeToo and petition hashtags with hashtags related to Swedish politics and feminism, and by utilising the @-mention function to call out responsible politicians and industry executives, Twitter users extended the initial #MeToo frame beyond individualised problems and solutions common in connective action networks. We suggest that Twitter users utilise platform affordances to perform framing work in relation to political hashtags, not unlike framing work performed in traditional social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genocide Watch has declared a 'Genocide Emergency' in India with serious consequences for Muslims and Dalits in India. The Hindutva ecosystem uses the figure of Muslim women as central to the politics of hate. However, Muslim women have also emerged as an important force in resisting this. In this context, this article interrogates what discourses and processes of anti-Muslim violence are being enabled by the Hindutva anti-social learning movements, and how critical-feminist social-learning movements, especially feminists from Muslim backgrounds, challenge and disrupt Hindutva politics. The article shows how critical-feminist social movements are learning, producing, and theorising new understandings of resisting the politics of hate. The article ends with reflections on the significance of this learning in subverting fascistic politics today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the anti-extradition bill movement in Hong Kong, this paper employs the concepts of doing and undoing gender to investigate the barriers that female frontline protesters encountered and the strategies they adopted. It shows that stereotypes linking high-risk activism and physical prowess with masculinity, the association of the frontline with high risks of arrest and injuries, and physical confrontation with the police meant that the frontline was marked discursively as a male domain. However, the leaderless characteristic of the movement facilitated women crossing this discursively marked gender boundary. Once on the frontline, women took different paths. Some began to do gender by taking on tasks that were considered less risky and more compatible with femininity because of the gendered interactions amongst protesters. On the other hand, women with experience, and access to social support and mentorship gained the confidence they needed to take on tasks that were seen as 'masculine', and thus undoing the gender stereotype that women lacked the capacity for frontline protest. The findings illustrate the continuous challenge women face as they are held accountable for their gender in social movements. At the same time, they also suggest that women's doing of gender in social movements is not inevitable, but contingent on social contexts and interactions. Certain factors such as the leaderless characteristic of a movement and peer support and mentorship can facilitate gender boundary crossing and neutralize gendered interactions. These, in turn, allow gender to be undone in social movements and promote women's participation [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the world there is an active, mass-based demand for an end to gendered injustice in all domains of our social, economic, political and cultural lives. Increasingly, scholars recognize the gendered nature of social movements and the impact of systemic inequalities of gender on the opportunities, impediments, and shapes/styles of social movements. In this commentary, we explore issues at the intersection of gender and marketing relevant to the revolutions happening across the Middle East and North Africa labelled as 'Arab Spring', where women have been at the forefront. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Megan Thee Stallion is revolutionizing the representation of Black women in Hip-Hop by occupying polarizing positions in Hip-Hop culture. Megan represents the multiplicity of the Black girl/women's identities by navigating the confines of ratchet respectability, sexuality, and education. Her movements #HotGirlSummer and #HotNerdFall demonstrate the margins the everyday Black girl/woman must navigate: the expectation to be sexy, outgoing, and ratchet while simultaneously being educated/intellectual. Using Hip Hop feminist discourses of ratchet respectability and Black ratchet imagination, we argue that Megan's representation of a sexually liberated, ratchet-demic informs the construction of Black girl/womanhood. Utilizing Megan the Stallion's music, social media posts, and interviews, we will explore how Megan's representation of a sexually liberated, ratchet-demic informs the socio-educational identities of Black girl/womanhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of "spirit-murder" reminds us that the violence Black girls and women suffer in academic spaces travels beyond the mental and emotional; it manifests on a spiritual level as well. Consequently, spiritual healing is a priority for Black girls and women to traverse the world whole and worthy. This paper intends to first, theorize endarkened third spaces, sites fashioned to enact healing through the Divine and resistance against White supremacy. We, then, explore a set of extraordinary literacies—cleansing, language making, and sister circles—that prepare these endarkened third spaces as transient sites of spiritual rejuvenation. To examine these extraordinary literacies, both authors investigate their respective spiritual practices in the context of their roles as students, educators, and researchers in communion with each other. The authors commit to a joint self-study, using the methods of educational journey mapping, unstructured interviews, and Archaeology of SelfTM to elicit insights from their histories and present. Second, this paper considers what these endarkened third spaces and extraordinary literacies offer Black girls and women attempting to thrive in various academic spaces. We contend that practicing these extraordinary literacies build an endarkened third space that operate as a site to re-imagining and re-conceptualizing of self as being communicative with the present, ancestral past, and the greater Divine, which thus free Black girls and women to heal from the harms of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary anti-gender movements mobilize against gender and sexual equality for which feminist and LGBTQI+ movements have been advocating for decades. We propose the term 'contentious gender politics' to capture this clash of opposing movements concerning bodily integrity, kinship structures, sexual morality, and institutionalization of gender equality. Existing literature has recognized the transnational character of anti-gender movements and identified matching tactics, frames, and allies across different countries. We examine how these transnational movements used similar campaigns to 'localize'. Localization is conceptualized in this research as the process of adapting frames and tactics to different national contexts. To do so, this study examines the diffusion of social movements and anti-gender campaigns by comparing anti-gender movements in Italy and Croatia through critical events between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate that the localization of these anti-gender movements occurred through a three-step pathway: first, by adapting frames and tactics of left-liberal civil society and progressive movements; second, by forging alliances with existing right-wing parties; and third, by embedding its agenda within formal political and administrative bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between the articulation of the 15-M movement in Spain and the expansion of Feminist Economics (FE) at the feminist base of this movement, in particular, in Feminism Committees (FC-15 M). We assert that this expansion was due to FE's capacity to explain the 2008 crisis beyond its economic-financial dimensions and to analyse the effects of the political-economic austerity measures on the sustainability of life. We claim that a differentiating feature of FE in Spain is its permeability to dialogue with social movements. Therefore, it has become more politicized and critical than other academic fields. This influence has also been reflected in the structure and contents of the most recent FE national conferences, which from 2013 on included not only the classic academic strand but also training and political action strands. In order to explore this development, our methodology includes interviews with key informants; document analysis of material generated in the conferences and the Feminism Committees of 15-M; questionnaires to activists, academics, and practitioners of FE; and informal observation as direct participants of the described processes and events. The paper begins with an introduction to FE thought and its connections with so-called 'Feminism for the 99%' and continues with a methodological section. The twofold results section analyzes the dialogues between FE and FC-15 M. It concludes with a summary of the key ideas presented and some final remarks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research traces activism over the last 30 years against sexual and gender-based violence with a focus on survivors' and advocates' narratives in Egypt. We argue that several focusing events in Egypt and the support of transnational advocacy networks over the last decades have galvanised the efforts of activists and citizens of good will to mobilise around these issues. Egyptian feminist mobilisation during the pandemic brought to the public sphere the untold stories of the forms of violence that occurred through online and social media platforms. While social media and other online tools hold the promise of becoming "a new public sphere" for social movements, the current political atmosphere still has low tolerance for dissent both offline and online. However, the new generation of feminist activists have showed strength in facing difficult social and political challenges which gives hope for future social movement mobilisation on the horizon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to contribute to a better knowledge of historical feminism in Spain based on and in dialogue with the wealth of research on the subject by Spanish historiography in recent decades. Although the social nature of Spanish feminism and its articulation around notions of sexual difference has been pinpointed, a more profound reflection on the social nature of feminism, as well as its effects on the shaping of feminism as a social reform movement, is needed. For that purpose, this article pays attention to the epistemological framework of social duties (and rights) which became widespread in the early twentieth century. The main working hypothesis is that these notions of sexual difference were not static and that, from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, they were given another meaning in light of the emergence of "the social" as a result of the criticism of classical liberalism's assumptions and explanations of human nature. Sexual difference was reframed through the impact of the new ideas about society, which facilitated proposals for women's public intervention in social improvement and for reshaping marriage and the domestic sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While T.H. Marshall's famous three-tiered general analysis of citizenship stands as a landmark development, no one has examined how during the Progressive Era (1890–1920) and thereafter a female group of thinkers and labor leaders in the United States redefined the previously restricted definition of citizenship to produce an ameliorative response to the new trends of urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. Reformers such as Florence Kelley and Jane Addams established the principles of industrial citizenship in various publications. Kelley then started a movement called social justice feminism to effectuate this new theory. Social justice feminists' goal of a gender-specific agenda to provide an entering wedge for the eventual inclusion of all workers under the state's protection originally centered on court action and legislation. Then, labor leader Rose Schneiderman brought the fight of industrial citizenship in the United States to female workers even extending the concept to African-American female laundry workers from 1925 to 1933. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As feminist movements have become more diffuse, feminisms have increasingly emerged from and thrived within unexpected, "other" spaces. Elites have the potential to be powerful feminist adherents in social movement organizations as well as in these "other" spaces, yet we know little about the heterogeneity of their feminisms. We examined an understudied group of elites – women Nobel laureates – and the ways they forward a variety of feminisms across a range of historical and professional contexts. Drawing on a content analysis of 76 speeches, we examined if laureates express feminist adherence, how adherents frame gender inequality, and how adherence and framing vary over time and across award categories. Of all women Nobel laureates analyzed, nineteen expressed feminist adherence, framing gender inequality as: 1) women's underrepresentation among laureates, 2) women's oppression under patriarchy, and/or 3) not just a women's issue. Feminist adherence became more common over time, and use of the third, most expansive and intersectional frame was especially concentrated within recent decades (more so than the other two frames). Peace and Literature laureates were more likely than Science laureates to express feminist adherence and to frame issues beyond the gender disparity among laureates. We argue that the variation in adherence and framing correspond to differences in laureates' historical context and field of work. Our analysis responds to calls for more comparative research on framing, and we contribute to scholarship about variation in feminist attitudes by showing how historical conditions and professional communities can both influence adherence to and articulations of feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a victim-survivor and feminist activist who participated in the #MeToo movement in China, I always have confusion and questions generated from my experiences and observations. The limited literature on Chinese social movements rarely utilises China situated frameworks, which reduces the understanding. This article focuses on 'how #MeToo movement(s) manifest and evolve in China' and aims to find out its 'Chinese characteristics'. Through an analysis of two archives and my autoethnography using He-Yin Zhen's feminist analytical concepts 'nannü' (man/woman) and 'shengji' (livelihood), Confucian moral outlook, and 'Chinese characteristics', I find that the movement displays 'Chinese characteristics' in multiple aspects. There is not one monolithic #MeToo movement in China but many with different agendas, although some of which are prioritised more than others. These findings stress the importance of privileging the historic-cultural context and personal perspectives in studying social movements. This article illustrates that situated feminist research is needed to reconstruct feminist studies in the global South, and that feminist movements need to consider the historical and cultural context, and challenge dominant romanticising and elitist discourses, in order to develop sustainably. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue aims to provide a deeper insight into cultural responses to various contemporary crises, such as migratory movements in recent history and, at the very present moment, pandemics, climate change and such other unsettling societal processes as political and economic ruptures, armed conflicts or environmental disasters. In particular, our aim is to draw attention to the way these changes have affected women's lives and the way female writers and artists represent these processes and their consequences in diverse cultural narratives, such as fiction, poetry, experimental and autobiographical works. We explore issues related to diaspora, feminism, environmentalism, new materialism, memory and identity from a transnational and intersectional perspective, attempting to find connections among those cultural texts by women voicing some of the most relevant crises that have configured and are still re-configuring our global and local identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My essay examines the layered connections among anticolonial struggles. I confront the difficulty of tracing these connections as I excavate the global dimensions of bà Nguyễn Thị Bình's political work. As a Vietnamese revolutionary diplomat, she built transcontinental relations and friendships with people from other nations, liberation movements, and different walks of life. Yet the international relations that she actively constructed are rendered obscure not only by the Eurocentrism of disciplinary knowledge but also by gendered erasure and restricted framings of her diplomatic work. I look into sources from the margins to trace bà Nguyễn Thị Bình's cosmopolitan engagement in ngoại giao nhân dân (people's diplomacy). This clues us into the political, material, and affective bonds among colonized peoples that sustain their struggles. It is crucial to shift our lens of research and protocols of knowledge to better attend to the submerged: the globality of anticolonial women, the underground connections that may be elusive in formal archives, the crossings and gatherings of those fighting for a decolonized world. This is not simply a matter of bringing the submerged into visibility, but learning from the submerged to re-conceptualize the range and depths of what constitutes global relations, past and present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Design Justice: Community-Led Practices to Build the Worlds We Need by Sasha Costanza-Chock and Data Feminism by Catherine D'Ignazio and Lauren F. Klein address ways to help navigate dominations people experience in society. Constanza-Chock's book is an essential resource for scholars of social movements and activists because the concept of 'design justice' represents a new form of activism that could build communities of activists, scientists, scholars, architects, and researchers to combat oppressive designs in society. In a similar vein, D'Ignazio and Klein offer ideas of concrete actions for data scientists as they seek help from feminism to build a more equitable society. The uniqueness of data feminism as a tool of activism lies in the fact that it encourages looking beyond quantifiable data to elevate emotions and embodiment that are crucial resources for social movements. Both books are grounded in the theory of intersectional feminism as they question stereotypical masculine values like objectivity and logic. Social movements, scholars who study them, and activists can use the ethical framework of 'design justice' and the principles of 'data feminism' to build more inclusive spaces for individual communities by honoring existing knowledge and practices, and by creating new and data-driven ways of to push back against the oppressive system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intersectionality is core to contemporary feminist rhetorical criticism. It is also a complex concept with great potential for promoting social change by shifting discourses about identity in the public sphere. Therefore, communication scholars have a vested interest in teaching the basics of intersectional criticism to undergraduate and graduate students across the humanities, especially in upper-division undergraduate communication courses that deal with rhetorical criticism, feminist rhetorical theory, women and or gender studies, social movements, critical cultural studies, media studies, or other related topics. I recommend teaching intersectionality as an analytic framework for rhetorical criticism with second-wave feminist music. The unit begins by briefly overviewing the key goals and rhetorical tactics of second-wave feminists. Students then read intersectional criticism of second-wave rhetoric and criticism of rhetorical theory that fails to consider the intersectional experience of identity. The unit culminates with students working in groups to conduct an abbreviated rhetorical criticism of popular music associated with the United States's second wave of feminist movements. The abbreviated rhetorical criticism asks students to analyze the embodied and situated components of musical argumentation. They present their findings to the class in a multimedia presentation that engages many sensorial and rhetorical possibilities, much like music does. Rhetorical Criticism, Feminist Rhetorical Theory, Women/Gender Studies, The Rhetoric of Social Movements, Critical Cultural Studies, Media Studies. In this unit, students will learn how to analyze second-wave feminist rhetoric through an intersectional lens using musical case studies. First, students will study the history of second-wave feminist movements. They will then read about the core tenants of intersectional thinking before exploring how rhetorical critics use intersectionality as an analytic framework. Next, students will engage popular music with feminist messages that emerged during the second wave in an abbreviated rhetorical criticism textured with historical context and focused on embodied experiences of musical appeals. They will present their findings in a multimedia format for their classmates. By the completion of this unit, students should learn to apply intersectional theory to an analysis of a musical rhetorical tactic and to identify the strengths and weaknesses of that tactic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freire is one of the most powerful voices challenging the hegemony of bureaucratic and banking educational systems. His voice was particularly influential impacting revolutionary processes and progressive social movements while at the same time learning from their practices. However, some silences in his oeuvres requires further examination. In this article, we focus on the silences of Freire regarding education and its relationship with work and labor, gender issues, and citizenship building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores women's attitudes regarding the feminist movement in science, feminist identification, and the 'women in science' label. The data was gathered through in-depth interviews with women studying and researching in the fields of physics and physical sciences at four Dublin universities. Previous studies have not looked into women's participation in feminist collective action in science, as well as their perceptions of the movement and its impact on their science identities. This study sheds light on how women from undergraduate to postdoctoral levels in the fields of physics and physical sciences in Irish higher education where the gender gap is the highest of all science disciplines in Ireland, think about the relationship between science and feminism through their experiences and perspectives. The findings reveal women's support for feminist goals such as gender equality and encouraging women to pursue careers in science. However, how they define and label 'feminist', 'feminism' and 'women in science' varies based on their social circle, involvement in the feminist movement, and their (gendered) experiences within their scientific community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freire is one of the most powerful voices challenging the hegemony of bureaucratic and banking educational systems. His voice was particularly influential impacting revolutionary processes and progressive social movements while at the same time learning from their practices. However, some silences in his oeuvres requires further examination. In this article, we focus on the silences of Freire regarding education and its relationship with work and labor, gender issues, and citizenship building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women endure the most severe and sustained forms of harassment on the internet. In response, activists around the world are mobilizing against conduct that endangers women online. At a time when feminist discourses are both popular and contested, this research explores the extent to which feminist ideas are influencing activism against online harassment. This research centers on a network of activists located in the United States who seek to combat one form of online sexual harassment: non-consensual pornography. Using reflexive thematic analysis, this research asks: how do activists relate to feminist perspectives, issues and approaches? Data analysis reveals among activists a flexible feminist politics that structures the scope and scale of their work. Ultimately, their caring, expansive and institutionally focused approach has enabled these activists to successfully address non-consensual pornography at the legislative and regulatory level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise in Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), activists and scholars debate their effect on social movement inclusivity. Those in favor argue ICTs improve access to and voice within movements. Those against argue that the digital divide exacerbates existing inequalities. Yet, these debates often hinge on basic access to ICTs and do not consider the usefulness of their application. Drawing on over three years of fieldwork and 24 in-depth interviews among activists within the women's movement of Ghana, West Africa, our findings complicate a binary notion of access. We highlight how a more effective, as opposed to formal, access to ICTs is needed for inclusion within social movements. We further demonstrate how organizations facing ICT restrictions often choose not to use them. This is not because activists lack motivation or understanding of ICT potential, but because they make pragmatic decisions to advance their priorities using more reliable means. This study demonstrates the enduring relevance of the digital divide, the importance of access quality for ICTs to increase social movement inclusion, and how movement culture can compound or challenge the exclusionary effects of ICTs. We conclude with suggestions to reduce inequalities within social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I Gendered Mobilizations and Intersectional Challenges i offers invaluable reading for movement activists as well as students and scholars of intersectionality, social movements, gender and politics, and comparative politics. The rise of populist far-right parties and anti-gender movements across the globe have challenged diverse equality and social justice projects. ISBN 978-1-78552-290-1, $44.00 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-78552-289-5, $41.50 (eBook), ISBN 978-1-78552-291-8. [Extracted from the article]

In September 2020, Nashville Opera released a new opera by composer Dave Ragland and librettist Mary McCallum that brought together 'the Women's Suffrage Movement, the Civil Rights Movement, and the disenfranchisement of modern-day voters'. Set in a parallel present, One Vote Won centres sonic and visual markers of Black sorrow, rage, and joy during a year defined by police brutality and widespread protests in support of #BlackLivesMatter in the United States. This article explores Nashville Opera's attempt to navigate the possibility of opera at the intersection of youth culture and activism. One Vote Won has been variously positioned by its creators as a nonpartisan vehicle of civic engagement; a model of Black representation in the world of opera; a record of Black history making connections to present-day social movements; and an example of 'accessible' opera that aims to curate new audiences through educational outreach efforts targeted at socially-conscious students. Building on Naomi André's practice of 'engaged musicology' to posit an 'engaged opera performance' that considers the lived experience of audiences during the creation of the work, I show how the use of social media networks as both content and context for One Vote Won illustrates competing visions of operatic 'engagement'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Women's Working Group of the Civil Society and Indigenous Peoples' Mechanism (CSM) of the Committee on World Food Security (CFS) has long advocated for policies reflective of gender equity in agriculture and food systems rooted in agroecology, human rights, and food sovereignty. In 2021, after years of activism, a series of drafts toward a set of Voluntary Guidelines on Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment were produced by the CFS. With contributions from members of the CSM and La Via Campesina, we provide insights into the struggles, critiques, and paths forward for continued engagement with the CFS on this heavily politicized topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 2000s, global networks of feminist activists have provided education about and support with self-managed abortion to women with unwanted pregnancies in contexts where abortion is highly restricted. Study participants were recruited through chain referral, and in-depth qualitative interviews were done with 68 activists across 17 countries. Activists described four direct action strategies commonly in use globally: telephone hotlines that provide information about medication abortion, supportive accompaniment of women through the use of medication at home, websites with information about the safe use of medication, and community health education workers who include abortion within sexual health education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses updates in the social justice movement, particularly the emergence of climate strike as the key form of action as seen in the formation of the first climate strike group Fridays for Future. Other topics include the relationship between climate strike and other movements like the labour, feminist, and anti-racist movements, and school climate strike as generational reproduction strike.

Religious feminists of many faiths are politically and socially active. While religious feminism has begun to attract scholarly attention, the political interaction of religious feminism with the state has largely gone unnoticed. Consequently, there is a lack of scholarly tools with which to understand this relationship. In this context, the paper asks: What do religious feminists expect from the state? Do they expect it to interevene on their behalf or rather prefer it remove itself from the equation? Are there strategies they are more likely to employ? While current scholarship does not supply concepts and terms, it is possible to borrow terms from other disciplines in order to classify strategies used by religious feminists in their interactions with the state. Using the Israeli case, this paper proposes a typology of stratgies used by religious feminists vis-à-vis the religious establishment and where expectations from the state fit into this dynamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an increasing presence of 'femvertising' in the media; an advertising style that highlights women's talents, centers themes on pro-woman messaging and counters stereotyping. However, no systematic attempt has been made to establish the reasons leading to its increasing social acceptance. This article identifies the major factors leading to femvertising: (1) growing activism around the better representation of women in advertising; (2) brand activism and conscious capitalism; (3) the criticism of corporate and commodity feminism; (4) increasing awareness of gender stereotyping; (5) and increasing scrutiny by regulatory bodies on gender role representations in advertising. We conclude that femvertising is a phenomenon resulting from the combined effect of the five factors above. We propose that future studies in femvertising should address the remaining issues of lack of authenticity, dilution of feminist discourse, interconnection with social movements as well as linkages to increased representation of women in advertising, both to construct a full picture of the current state of femvertising and to understand its future configuration in a shifting social and ideological environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore the Nordic Summer University (NSU), an independent and migratory scholarly organisation, as a platform for interaction and cooperation for the new women's movements and an arena for the development of women's research in the Nordic region. In several accounts, NSU is described as a pivotal context for the development of Nordic women's and feminist research and frequently appears in memoirs by pioneers in the field, but it has never been the direct object of scholarly focus. In recent years, there has been a scholarly debate about the historical narratives concerning the history of academic feminism in the Nordic region, where both the connection to the new women's movements in the 1970s and the notion of the 'Nordic' have been contested. This article intervenes in these discussions by exploring the 'women's circles' within NSU as they appear in various sources such as historiographical accounts, reports and memoirs and thereby, thereby defending a hands-on archival approach. We argue that focusing on an alternative international institution for knowledge production such as NSU offers valuable insights into how feminism as a social movement and a scholarly project - politics and academic endeavours - have been negotiated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how gender representations were mobilized within security discourses by state authorities in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from 1995 to 2018. First, we present the state of the art of the feminist international relations debate on gender performativity and militarized masculinities. Then, we analyze political statements and speeches by state authorities, offering new insights into the gendered nature of approaches to security policies in Rio de Janeiro. Our findings suggest that performances of militarized masculinity were crucial elements of public security discourses during the period analyzed. Significantly, we distinguish three main phases of public security policies, characterized by different performances of masculinity: (1) the mid-1990s until the mid-2000s, characterized by the representation of law enforcement agents as "police soldiers"; (2) the period of the Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP) program (2008–2014), characterized by the duality of a more feminine, human rights-centered security discourse and the continuation of the masculine militaristic logic, embodied by "elite squad" units; and (3) a return to the masculine war logic in public security during the federal intervention (2018). We contend that these performances of militarized masculinity contributed to the maintenance of a war logic as a central element of public security throughout Brazil's democratic period, undercutting non-military approaches to governance and demanding tolerance of authoritarian measures and human rights abuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I examine the phenomenon of the massification of feminisms that has taken place in Argentina since 2015 under the slogan "Ni Una Menos." I propose the concept of a radical and plural feminism as one that is not only centered on the identity "women" but on precarity as the site of alliances for thinking of the possibilities for an anti-neoliberal feminism. To do this, I focus particularly on the massive demonstrations in the public space, understood as plural performativity, and on the documents agreed by the plurality of movements and organizations that participate in the assemblies, understood as a process of articulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on social movement analytics of coalition formation, we have established a dialogue with social theory on social inequalities and feminist scholarship on solidarity, bringing together the analytical sharpness of social movement studies with political and normative debates on solidarity building. We suggest that the processes of building solidarities that are key to coalition formation are best understood when taking into account four explanatory dimensions: context (structural conditions that might include political, economic, social and cultural institutional and various scales: from global events to national politics and organizational politics); discursive processes of framing that bridge across different social inequalities; the building of a coalitional identity and resources. We use this analytical framework to inquire into an instance of feminist coalitional politics, namely the Brazilian Marcha das Margaridas. This coalition emerged in the year 2000 and has had six editions since then, mobilizing between 20,000 to 100,000 women to Brasília. While the rural union movement forms the core of its leadership, several other partners co-organize the Marcha, including women's movements, trade union and agrarian social movements. The prominence of a union movement denotes the centrality of working class demands and redistributive issues together with demands for the recognition of gender difference and gender equality. We query the process of emergence and alliance building in the Marcha das Margaridas in 2000 by drawing on different types of data: documental analysis of archival material produced by the coalition, ethnographic fieldwork and semi-structured interviews with activists that represent different social movements in the coalition [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interest in social movement coalitions has been increasing significantly in recent years. While this growing body of research has paid much attention to conditions and processes of coalition building, the consequences of coalitions remain understudied. This article aims to contribute to a better understanding of coalitions' internal impact by exploring how different types of coalitions affect each other. In particular, we analyse how coalitions across countries influence coalitions across movement sectors. The article explores the diverse coalitions in the Global Justice Movement (GJM) in Europe and Southeast Asia, a movement characterized by its strong transnational as well as cross-sectoral ties. Our analysis includes four case studies from different transnational coalitions within the GJM: the peasant network La Vía Campesina, the debt-relief campaign Jubilee 2000, the network of women's movements World March of Women, and the grassroots network Peoples' Global Action. The case studies in Indonesia, the Philippines, the UK and Italy show how coalition building across countries can both enhance as well as hinder coalitions across sectors. We demonstrate how transnational coalitions in some cases deepen divides between local movement sectors and hamper domestic coalition building, while they help bridging divisions within local movement coalitions in others. Our findings point to the relevance of conflicts, power inequalities and trade-offs in coalition building as well as to the importance of negative effects of coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa has a patriarchal tendency to treat womxn as beneficiaries of protest and activism rather than as agents in the construction of a new socio-political order and as drivers of change through protest. This paper examines the internal gender tensions within South Africa's 2015-2016 student movements including how these tensions materialised publicly; in a sample of university campuses and in the media. The complex particularities of young black womxn who are agitating for an intersectional approach to protest - one that privileges gender - and an end to patriarchy and misogynoir in these movements is observed. Content analysis of self-articulated goals, mission statements on various media and case studies are detailed where black womxn activists constitute majority membership in movements even as they remain disenfranchised in their operationalising. To counter marginality, black womxn student activists' interventions demonstrate a new radical political autonomy that embraces an inclusive feminist ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is Florence Nightingale becoming unfashionable? The UK's largest union UNISON voted to drop the use of Nightingale's image for their union as she was considered to be unrepresentative of modern nursing. One of those backing the motion is on record as saying, 'All over Eastern Europe, statues of Lenin are being taken off their pedestals, dismantled and pulled off to be cut up.... It is in the same vein that we must enter the new Millennium, start to exorcise the myth of Florence Nightingale'. This paper will discuss modern attitudes to Nightingale in terms of her feminism (not a term she used of herself) and survey scholarly articles that address Nightingale in relation to the position of women. It ends with reflections on the iconography of notable women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past ten years the concept of intersectionality has become increasingly popular in feminist activism. Yet, how intersectionality is used within grassroots movements remains understudied. This article explores intersectionality in feminism within the radical left using a case study of the 2014 Scottish independence movement. The article draws on analysis of 37 semi-structured interviews carried out during the referendum campaign of 2014. Building on black feminist critiques, I highlight that intersectionality is taken up in ways that reproduce rather than tackle hegemonic norms of gender identity, race, class and age. I trace a disjuncture between interviewee claims to be intersectional and simultaneous perceptions of multi-dimensional marginalisations. I explore interviewee discussion of trans-inclusion as illustrative of how axes of intersectionality can be mobilised in ways that sustain hegemonic norms. Interviewees tended to legitimise their claims to intersectionality through invoking the trope of the 'TERF' – trans-exclusionary radical feminist – as a symbol of a selectively defined second-wave feminism elided with radical feminism. This invocation paradoxically reproduced marginalisations of race, class and even gender identity itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vegan feminist theory argues that women and other marginalized groups frequently experience discrimination in the vegan movement given its failure to apply intersectional praxis. We interviewed a small sample of older vegan women in America, hypothesizing that they would report feeling particularly vulnerable to discrimination given the vegan movement's patriarchal leanings and its heavy focus on health and vitality. Our results, however, are mixed. Some viewed older age as an asset that strengthened their ability to commit to veganism, while others reported stressed social interactions, underrepresentation in the movement, and lack of support by doctors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]