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Social media and digital platforms have become essential tools for the new generation of youth activists. However, these tools subject youth to both new (and old) forms of surveillance and control. Drawing on in-depth interviews and social media walkthroughs with 61 youth activists, I examine hybrid tactics that these youth employ to resist surveillance and other forms of digitally mediated control as they participate in politics and social movements. I show that even in democracies like the United States and Canada, for individuals along intersecting axes of marginalization (e.g. race, gender), public political acts do not capture the full range of young people's political repertoires. Young people, especially those from marginalized groups, adopt hidden, under-the-radar tactics in response to pressures of social, state, and corporate surveillance. I develop the concept of "digital infrapolitics" referring to the ways in which digital politics and activism go below the radar under surveillance and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the intermedia agenda-setting of the U.S. gun control movement in 2018, with a specific focus on the role of activism/advocacy media and ephemeral websites in shaping the movement discourse in news outlets. Structural topic modeling and cross-lagged correlation analyses of the Facebook URLs Share dataset show that activism/advocacy media played an important role in proposing unique agendas and aligning them with other news outlets. Meanwhile, ephemeral websites were prone to containing conspiratorial information, which could have been purposive to influence the movement. The study provides empirical insights into how various media actors interact to shape social movement discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by research on social movements, we extend the idea that activists look for opportunities to target firms to the realm of financially motivated shareholder activists. Focusing on activist hedge funds, we argue that hedge fund campaigns are more likely to succeed when boards are slow and less united and that, compared with more homogeneous boards, demographically diverse boards tend to act more slowly and with less unity. Although these attributes make demographically diverse boards more effective under "normal" circumstances, they become a liability in confrontations with activist hedge funds. We, therefore, hypothesize that when subject to governance and performance problems, firms become more likely targets of activist hedge funds when they also have demographically diverse boards. To further probe our theory, we explore the opportunity recognition of activist hedge funds in two ways. First, we posit that this opportunity will be recognized and exploited primarily by experienced activist hedge funds. Second, we argue that activist hedge funds' opportunity recognition is correct in so far that demographically diverse boards respond to activism campaigns in ways that are likely to benefit activist hedge funds. Using data on United States-based activism campaigns, we find support for our theory. By simultaneously studying problems and opportunities, this study establishes a foundation for examining when the disciplinary effect of shareholder activism may go awry and reveals why a strict business case for demographic diversity may be insufficient to align all shareholders behind board diversity. Supplemental Material: The online appendix is available at https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2023.1679. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article details three developments of the last decade that have had significant effects on the cultural status and sociopolitical functioning of sport in the United States: (1) an unprecedented wave of sport-based protest and athlete activism; (2) new norms and conventions in the sporting establishment for dealing with athletic protest and social issues, especially with respect to media coverage and commentary; and (3) recent Right-wing ethnonationalist engagements with sport, including targeted criticism of both activist athletes and sport as well as populist mobilizations around sport. I summarize these developments and argue that they have made social issues in, and the symbolic significance of, sport more explicit, contested, and polarized than in earlier eras. This new era of contestation and polarization, in turn, has destabilized longstanding cultural norms and ideals about sport and its relationship to politics and social change. While questions remain about how lasting these changes will be, I suggest these new conditions and the cultural politics that come with them call for a reinvigorated critical, dramaturgical theory of sport—one which sees sport as a site of ongoing social struggle that has public meaning and symbolic significance well beyond the boundaries of sport itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a reflection on the reactivation of decolonial theories and concepts through a research-activist project and perspective. The work is based on qualitative research carried out during my master's degree at the University of Bristol. It places itself between Bristol's Black communities and their relationship with an ontology of Whiteness enforced by White institutions. By using the concept of 'acting white' (Fordham 2008), and reflecting on my own movement between Black and White spaces, I address this ontological struggle both as a member of the Bristol Black community as well as through my role as a researcher. I use my position as a way of reflecting more deeply on the movement between White and Black spaces, how this engages our longer history of decolonial activism, and what this means for mitigating the imposition of the ontology of Whiteness on my own research and role in my community. This research, which followed the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests of 2020, took place in a context of renewed engagement with decolonisation, and heightened awareness of the conditions of Black spaces for those within the Bristol community, which are brought into the discussion surrounding Black identity and community in the UK and Bristol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An organized response to sexual harassment (SH) in K‐12 schools in the US traces its development as a social movement to the larger women's rights movement in the late 1970s. It was an outgrowth of the social movement of feminist activists who protested and filed lawsuits to draw attention to SH in the workplace to gain recognition for the problem as one of equity for working women. The focus on SH in K‐12 schools did not begin as an academic pursuit or with an emphasis on research – rather shares its origins as an activist movement to rectify injustices. Authors document the unwritten history of this social movement, by examining the early roots to address and prevent SH in K‐12 schools. The authors review survey and intervention research from the initial movement through the past couple of decades, noting limitations and challenges for future efforts to prevent and eliminate SH in K‐12 schools. The role of youth activism in advancing the movement against SH in schools represents hope of a renewal of activism with a robust gendered perspective. Authors provide next steps for research and action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic and activist conversations about the position of men in feminism often operate under the assumption that women are the movement's key beneficiaries and men are privileged outsiders lending their support. I use 59 interviews from a broader project on feminist and LGBTQ+ activism in the United States to illustrate how men's orientation to feminism is shaped by whether social movement organizations adopt what I call woman‐centered or identity‐fluid politics. While woman‐centered politics treat men as allies whose intentions must be vetted by women, identity‐fluid feminism imagines men as insiders with their own independent investment in the movement. I argue that the tension between these two models of identity politics gives men a liminal "insider‐ally" position within feminism. Although feminist men are given a tentative authority to speak for the movement, the persistence of woman‐centered understandings of feminism means men's insider status is contested, especially when they dominate feminist spaces, compromise women's sense of safety, and seek leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION: In this article we focus on two women's movements, Abortion Rights in Australia and the Iranian women's protests, that have resisted dominant oppressive discourses and systems. These movements have pushed back on the regulation of women's bodies, choice, and reproductive rights, and are demanding social justice against violence, key areas of concern for critical social work (CSW). METHODS: The theoretical lenses of feminist transnationalism and intersectionality will inform critical analysis based on our case studies describing activism on reproductive justice (RJ) and social justice. FINDINGS: Both movements centre women's choice and control over their bodies--in one case, the removal of access to abortion in the USA (United States of America) has incited protests to protect women's reproductive right to choose, and in the other, Iranian women have taken to the streets to demand their rights to gender equality and protest the systematic violence against women and their bodies. Consideration of the contribution of women's activism to social work education is presented. CONCLUSION: While these movements are not equivalent, they demonstrate political and collective activism to fight for women's right to choose. The article concludes with how social movements can help us develop strategies of hope and collective action. The pedagogy of solidarity and community of practice can amplify social work education to both reflect and encourage activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States is currently witnessing a surge in labor activism that will likely embolden many workers to engage in occupational activism and thus enact their jobs in socially transformative ways. We illustrate this argument through a case study of K-12 educators who participated in a teachers' walkout and subsequently became engaged in efforts to promote diversity, equity, and inclusion in their schools. We then outline an agenda for future research on occupational activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a long history of small groups of white activists engaging in social movements for racial justice led by Black Indigenous and People of Color in the United States. Yet organized white antiracism has received much less study than white racism. From forging antiracist identities to crafting racial justice organizing strategies, white people's involvement in BIPOC‐led liberation struggles has proven both promising and problematic. This article explores what scholars know about white people's involvement in US‐ based racial justice efforts in order to pose central questions and quandaries for future study. It focuses on white antiracist activism in the United States beginning in the Civil Rights era. During the late 20th century, US‐based racial justice campaigns became fragmented across diverse networks and issue areas making it harder to locate groups of white people collectively aligning with a visible and unified social movement for racial justice. This appears to be shifting. Racial logics and racist regimes have proven themselves eminently flexible, and investigating how white people have tried to join social movements for racial justice illuminates important areas for future study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women endure the most severe and sustained forms of harassment on the internet. In response, activists around the world are mobilizing against conduct that endangers women online. At a time when feminist discourses are both popular and contested, this research explores the extent to which feminist ideas are influencing activism against online harassment. This research centers on a network of activists located in the United States who seek to combat one form of online sexual harassment: non-consensual pornography. Using reflexive thematic analysis, this research asks: how do activists relate to feminist perspectives, issues and approaches? Data analysis reveals among activists a flexible feminist politics that structures the scope and scale of their work. Ultimately, their caring, expansive and institutionally focused approach has enabled these activists to successfully address non-consensual pornography at the legislative and regulatory level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dominican-descended people are one of the most dynamic Caribbean and Latin American ethnic and cultural communities in the United States. Whether in the Dominican Republic or as members of a transnational community, the Dominican population has a long and rich history of challenging the powers that be, confronting unjust acts, and opposing oppressive laws within the communities they inhabit through their civic engagement. This paper addresses one question: As Dominican society and the world have evolved, what has been the role of U.S.-based online media in sustaining, disseminating, and rescuing the long tradition of civic involvement and struggle exemplified by Dominicans at home and abroad? To answer that question, we explore the role of the ongoing online Dominican-centric magazine ESENDOM to demonstrate how online journalism documents activism within the Dominican community. ESENDOM and similar media have filled gaps that the mainstream media has failed to fulfill, as there is a media blackout on the Dominican Republic and its people. This project is one about activism. This humanistic project documents some of the most important social movements to take place in the Dominican Republic and the United States in the past thirteen years (2009-2022), coinciding with the founding of ESENDOM in 2009. This project will present a timeline and an attempt to chart a chronology of political dissent and social struggles within Dominican communities in the United States and the Dominican Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Millions of citizens, including a large number of whites, joined the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement in the summer of 2020. An important factor that mobilized them toward BLM was the rise of social media. Recognizing the critical importance of social media, the present research explores the link between social media use and citizens' behavior on the BLM movement in the United States. The focus of the analysis is on the issue of diversity. Because diversity on social networks can expose individuals to more diverse views, one can hypothesize that a higher number of one's 'friends" and followers being from different racial and ethnic backgrounds can lead to higher levels of activism in the BLM movement. In order to test the hypotheses, we conducted a survey in the United States specifically tailored for this study. A statistical analysis on the survey data reveals that diversity in one's social networks on social media significantly enhances his or her likelihood of participation in the BLM protest. Yet, the significant effect disappears when the samples are limited to white respondents; it is clearly non-white respondents who are driving the significant result of diversity of social networks. This StUdy makes an important contribution to the literature of social movements by dissecting the mechanism through which social media shapes citizens' relations with BLM. Findings from this study generate critical implications that are essential in understanding dynamics of social movements in modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The family is often described as the foundation of Latino immigrant communities. Scholars interested in the political activism of Latino immigrants in the United States have consequently sought to examine the relationship between the family and recruitment to social movement participation. Overall, this research focuses on how the family can promote Latinos' political activism. However, less is known about the conditions under which the family may hinder activism. Family dynamics may be particularly demobilizing for certain segments of the Latino population with liminal or undocumented status. This article reviews two groups of the recent literature on Latino political mobilization: (a) social networks; and (b) collective action frames. By drawing on insights from social movement theory, the article concludes by arguing for more research that theorizes on the family as a group identity, powerfully enabling, and constraining Latino movement participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interactive cultural practices such as songs and storytelling are key to contemporary social movement organizing because they can attenuate the challenges of social difference by expanding participants' understandings of self and community. Yet the precise cultural dynamics through which such practices become effective are not well understood. Using the case of a large faith‐based community organizing coalition, I show that practices focused on personal moral authenticity are especially effective in fostering alignment between social movement goals and individuals' pre‐existing moral commitments. I define personal moral authenticity as the ambition to develop, enact, and perform a moral identity that is "true" to an enduring internal self, and validate that identity through interactions with others. This is an effective basis for organizing practices because it spans the various cultures of commitment that prevail in different racial and religious subgroups and gives individuals a personal stake in social change projects. In highlighting how it animates practices in faith‐based community organizing, one of the most robust fields of grassroots civic activity in the United States, this article illuminates an important part of the cultural dynamics underlying much contemporary social change work, and specifies how religion contributes to progressive social change efforts amid ongoing religious disaffiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is organized around four claims, which when taken together, demonstrate that it is time for the field of Communication Rhetoric in the United States to rethink the way it does rhetoric: (1) US American rhetoric is the way settler colonialism organizes, (2) assemblage theory can frame US rhetoric as an organizing logic of Settler Colonialism, (3) anti-colonial social movement knowledge production is akin to theory, and (4) rhetoric must find a better method to engage with these anti-colonial movements. I end the essay with a challenge to rhetorical scholars to learn, rather than try to teach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do activists seeking to challenge the U.S. military presence overseas succeed in persuading the local population? While the comparative literature on base contestation often makes implicit causal claims about public opinion and behavior, these claims have never been tested empirically using individual-level data. Based on an online survey, experiment with residents of communities hosting U.S. military bases in Korea and Japan, we demonstrate a disconnect between anti-base movements and local residents. Local public opinion is most responsive to pragmatic framing of opposition by social movements and tangible information about the consequences of base expansion. Other common activist tactics have little effect and may even backfire. Our findings fill an important gap in the growing literature on the politics of U.S. military bases abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long-standing divide between sociology as an activist discipline vs. sociology as a science is examined in light of the current trend for American sociology focus on a limited set of justice issues resulting from inequalities and discrimination against certain categories of persons. Increasingly, this trend is pushing sociology toward become an activist discipline and, as a result, an ideologically-oriented discipline in its teaching and research activities. The outcome of this trend is the growing marginalization of those committed to sociology as a science in departments and academic meetings, resulting in demoralization of sociology's scientists and their escalating concern over their fate in a discipline increasingly mimicking a social movement organization. Even more damaging to sociology will be a loss of respect inside academia and a loss of relevance among publics not sharing American sociology's political biases. Furthermore, the chance for sociology to use its vast store of knowledge to help clients of all types solve their organizational problems will be lost if sociology is defined as a political rather than scientific enterprise. Sociology will thus willingly leave the vast resource niche for applications of social science knowledge to disciplines that know little about social organization (i.e., economics and psychology). Sociology will endure, of course, but it will not realize its enormous potential for reshaping societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information related to the efforts of former Governor of Michigan, George W. Romney in Concerned Citizens Movement. It mentions that informed citizen activism became especially important for Republicans concerned about the growing polarity and heightened secrecy of party politics in the 1970. It also mentions articulation of voluntary-action principles, came with his attempt to create a Concerned Citizens Movement following his resignation from Nixon's cabinet.

In this paper, we develop an institutional movement logics approach to analyze the structure and dynamics of the US social movement field from 1960 to 1995. Using protest event data taken from the Dynamics of Collective Action dataset, we elicit the most salient combinations of issues, tactics, and targets reported to co-occur at protest events in four periods: 1960–1965, 1966–1972, 1973–1987, and 1988–1995. The analysis reveals the existence of six movement logics of varying breadth, flexibility, and stability. We also detect two important shifts in the overall structure of the field, one toward a broad and flexible form of state-centric politics and one toward several differentiated and narrowly defined forms of nonpolitical contention. We find support for two key premises of the institutional movement logics framework, limited diversity, and relative stability within and between logics while showing that a longer time frame offers a window on field dynamics not visible with shorter study time frames. We close by providing suggestions for further research seeking to build on the institutional movement logics approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the causes of activist burnout - a condition in which the accumulative stress associated with activism becomes so debilitating that once-committed activists are forced to scale back on or disengage from their activism - in 17 United States animal rights activists. Following a phenomenological qualitative approach, analysis of interview data revealed three primary categories of burnout causes: 1) intrinsic motivational and psychological factors, 2) organizational and movement culture, and 3) within-movement in-fighting and marginalization. Implications for understandings of activist burnout and the AR movement are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does religion promote or deter political activism? Most arguments and evidence on this question do not account for variation by social position. We argue that for the 2006 spring immigrant rights marches understanding the influence of religion on participation requires a careful assessment of the relationship between various dimensions of religion and the risks, barriers, and motivations that are rooted in citizenship status of potential participants. Dimensions that enhance efficacy are important for overcoming the participation obstacles that noncitizens faced. In contrast, dimensions that contributed to solidarity, opportunities, and framing fostered citizens' mobilization. Our findings from the Pew Hispanic Center and the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life national survey of Latinos are consistent with the view that Charismatic identity and a salient personal religious faith were sources of empowerment that inspired noncitizen participation. Conversely, the emphasis on "law and order" of the biblical literalist as well as the pietistic orientation of a faith marked by personal prayer hindered marching among Latino noncitizens. Catholic and mainline Protestant traditions and a close association between faith and politics influenced citizen protest but not noncitizen involvement. Integration into congregations activated for immigrant rights and involvement in congregation-based volunteerism encouraged participation for both citizens and noncitizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the UK, there has been an increase in anti-abortion activism outside abortion clinics. The activism deployed includes explicitly religious activities such as 'prayerful witnessing' and 'pavement counselling', which aim to discourage women from entering clinics. This article stems from a wider ethnographic study of public activism over abortion to determine what claims about motherhood are being made within these debates. Two arguments are presented. First, how women's role as mothers is central and essentialised in anti-abortion discourses, with the body of the mother often disappearing as activists seek to erode the distinction between a foetus and a baby by constructing pregnancy as a foetal environment. Motherhood is constructed as 'natural' and sacred, therefore abortion must be damaging because it destroys women's 'natural' position. Second, the article argues that although the activists' arguments are always religiously framed, their activism takes place in a largely secular context, meaning that they have to find ways of appealing to secular audiences. This leads to a complex interrelationship between secular and religious discourses, where theological viewpoints sit alongside 'scientific' claims to buttress activists' views. This article explores how the presence and absence of mothers within activists' narratives is due to the tensions between religiously based understandings of motherhood, and the need to appeal to a secular audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement scholars have identified activist burnout - when the accumulation of stressors associated with activism become so overwhelming they compromise activists' persistence in their activism - as a threat to movement viability. This phenomenological study on the causes of burnout among racial justice activists in the United States was designed to bolster understandings of burnout and inform strategies for sustaining racial justice movements. Thirty racial justice activists who had experienced burnout were interviewed. They described four primary burnout causes: emotional-dispositional causes, structural causes, backlash causes, and in-movement causes. Implications for activist and movement sustainability are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The claim that '68 was global has become axiomatic. How so, for whom, with what impact? Scholars have productively pursued two scales of analysis: grassroots and geopolitical. While student movements have been the premier instance of the more socio-cultural scale, seldom has their mobilization been analyzed vis-à-vis the ostensibly more macro scale of suprastate entitie. Intermediaries between these sectors, leaders of major universities occupied an acutely uncomfortable, pivotal place. Through historical analysis based on archival research (on the biographies of university administrators, student movements, and media debates) the Global 1968 is here considered from the perspective of higher education administrators at elite universities of capitalist empire in the mid-twentieth century at metropoles/global cities - London and New York - and semi-periphery nodes - Bloomington (Indiana, USA) and Mexico City. For such elites, consternation over the turmoil of 1968 constituted a kind of global moral panic when universities presidents found themselves the objects of intense pressures on multiple fronts: from students, to relinquish much authority, and at the same time, from fellow elites and much of the public, to forcefully discipline students. In juxtaposing brief biographies of these university presidents, we highlight the experiences and visions of the global that these men brought to the table, in relation to the pressures that they faced from student movements on their campuses as well as from political powers and the general public. These multi-scaler pressures constituted 1968 as a global phenomenon and put administrators squarely on this conjunctural hot seat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece of "movement writing" is written by the coheads of the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies and the cofounders of the Otpor! movement that ousted Yugoslavian President Slobodan Milošević; in 2000. The article discusses the most promising tactics in contemporary prodemocracy activism, drawing on the authors' considerable experience working with activists across the globe. Popović and Djinovic argue that the efficacy of traditional nonviolent strategies has waned with respect to contemporary prodemocracy struggle--which often seek to defend institutions rather than dismantle them--and advocate for more creative, humorous approach to contention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Black mothers of the #BlackLivesMatter movement, including mothers who have lost a child through ritualized state violence, have now begun to speak out, positing Black motherhood as a site of resistance and contestation to state violence. They have also dismantled much of the racist and sexist imagery that surrounds Black motherhood as an institution and praxis. This essay will explore past Black maternal activism and current labor and politicized care as embodied through Margaret Garner, Korryn Gaines, Lezley McSpadden, Geneva Reed-Veal, and cofounder of the #BlackLivesMatter network, Patrisse Cullors, to elucidate the many ways in which their images and voices complicate and layer society's many misconceptions of what Black motherhood represents. Utilizing Black feminist, queer feminist, and reproductive justice scholarship, this essay will argue that the mothers of the #BlackLives-Matter movement represent the past and current noncomplacency of Black mothers. It will also rearticulate how their maternal activism and life stories show that love enacted as politicized care continues to dismantle the gendered and racialized assumptions of Black mothers as an institution and a subjective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few decades, the United States has seen the proliferation of social movements that incorporate the word "justice." [X] justice movements share several commitments. First, they both make use of, and are critical of, legal rights. Second, [X] justice movements embrace the concept of interacting subordinations. Third, they begin with land, water, food, health, and reproduction, engaging with dynamics usually ruled outside the scope of democratic politics. I argue that these combined commitments disrupt two central projects of white settler societies: (1) the production of the (proper) national citizen as white and male and (2) the understanding that the "economic" sphere is not, and should not be, subject to democratic norms. In disrupting these foundations of white settler societies, I argue that [X] justice movements are striving to change what it means to be "human." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this survey of union membership in the twentieth century, principal attention is paid to the white-collar component of the labor force. White-collar jobs have been increasing at a much more rapid rate than have manual jobs, a trend which promises to continue into the future. It is in this area that the greatest potential for future union organization exists, yet it is here that unions have experienced the least success in attracting members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Making of Black Lives Matters reaches across a number of Black intellectuals and activists to identify common ground that could birth a Black Lives Matter (BLM movement), but its choice of thinkers and Lebron’s interpretation fail to produce a radical enough historiography to help readers fully engage with the emergence of the BLM movement. In response to Lebron’s text, I take up three central concerns: (1) the audience for the book, (2) which/who’s BLM movement?, and (3) the historical antecedents to BLM. The thinkers and concepts in the volume provide insight into the Black Freedom Struggle in general but do not elucidate the particular paths to or the contours of the BLM movement. The complex intersecting and interlocking agendas of BLM deserve a more radical undergirding to help readers understand the significance of the current movement relative to the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protests struggle to gain traction in societies that are either too open (undermining the need for protest) or too closed (suppressing the possibility of protest). In the United States, there has been a sharp counter-movement responding to the election of President Donald Trump and conservative shift in ideology toward nativism. Given this shift and movement, an inquiry into the possibility of protest is both timely and critical. This ethnographic study of Camden, New Jersey, examines the ways local activists respond to oppression, finding that they use Alinsky-style community organizing that focuses on discrete, local actions and avoid direct confrontation with oppressive forces. These strategies differ from activists in adjacent communities joining in wide-scale, partisan resistance to nativism and President Donald Trump. The Camden strategy appears to be a learned response to failures in opposing wide-scale oppression and fear of loss of access and opportunity. In the face of such continued oppression, Camden activists target pragmatic urban issues to protest in the hopes of gaining small victories. Such a finding indicates that oppression may reify by making systemic changes seem unlikely or even impossible, causing activists in oppressed communities to make the strategic decision to avoid challenging oppression directly by focusing on pragmatic protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study contrasts Japanese American activism, centering on citizenship struggles surrounding the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act, to show alternatives to the emergence of the model minority trope. This complexity of activity worked to create and contest the making of a ‘‘successful’’ minority and ideas about U.S. democracy and equality at midcentury. Through a nuanced interpretation, this article reveals how certain narratives relied on a social progress framework and shifting global Cold War politics to create a ‘‘Japanese American Exceptionalism.’’ The little-known history of Japanese American Cold War progressivism shows the forging of deep solidarities and the refusal to promote domestic rights based on empire building. By inserting Japanese Americans into the ‘‘Long’’ freedom movement historiography, this article further examines intergenerational continuities and ruptures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her recent piece, MacKendrick (2017) asks whether we are experiencing a “new wave of science activism” and outlines various visible and vocal forms of political action taken by scientists in recent months. Coming from a slightly different perspective, this piece looks at scientists as part of the broader Resistance—people working individually and in collectivities to challenge the Trump agenda. Building on analysis of data collected from a random sample of participants from the Washington, DC, March for Science, which took place in April 2017, I explore how participants at the March for Science compare to a broader sample of participants in the Resistance. Although they have some unique characteristics, my findings show that there are few statistically significant differences between participants in the March for Science and others participating in the Resistance. I conclude this piece by discussing the implications of these findings on scientists in the Resistance and science activism more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HIV/AIDS activists in the 1980s made up a significant cohort of early computer network users, who used Bulletin Board Systems (BBS) to create and circulate health information amongst PWA (People living with AIDS) communities. This article explores how these early adopters extended access to new computer networks by printing online information in newsletters. Their work bridged the sharing of text files over BBS – a novel-networked practice – with more traditional activist media tools familiar to readers trained in civil rights, homophile and feminist organizing. The article focuses on the Philadelphia-based organization Critical Path, led by Kiyoshi Kuromiya, who applied systems theories drawn from Buckminster Fuller’s work to the problem of HIV/AIDS. Critical Path’s print newsletter drew on BBS to put information in the hands of a wide constituency of PWAs and their allies. They targeted, in particular, PWA communities excluded from access to medical research trials based on race, gender, drug use or carceral status, and did so through a multimedia practice that recognized how access to emerging computer networks was similarly stratified. Through analysing Critical Path’s digital-to-print practice, I argue that HIV/AIDS activists approached new online networks as a fundamental equity issue shaped by their broader understandings of the structural violence performed by exclusion from good, up-to-date information. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As one of the world’s most recognizable athletes, Cleveland Cavaliers superstar LeBron James is emblematic of the modern athlete-activist; as such, it is important to understand how the media frame him in the context of a controversial issue. In recent years, he has used it to quietly support the Black Lives Matter movement. In 2014, 12-year-old Tamir Rice was killed by police on a Cleveland playground, just miles from where the Cavaliers play and just north of James’s hometown of Akron. James declined to comment on the case, and a Twitter campaign—#NoJusticeNoLeBron—attempted to force his hand. This article examines the role of James as an athlete-activist, identifying four frames embedded in content around James and the Black Lives Matter movement: Brand LeBron; Established Voice, Higher Expectations; Attention, Not Aggression; and Community Versus Protest. We found James is cautious and deliberate in his activism, moderating a message of consideration rather than revolution, contextualized by his brand and ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the study regarding the perspectives of a group of teacher activists on their interpretation of and interaction with the new Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) in the U.S., wherein a subcommittee from the Badass Teachers Association, Inc. (BATs) has been formed to review ESSA. Topics discussed include the views and priorities of teachers in making sense of ESSA, the engagement and responds of teachers to ESSA, and the influence of ESSA to teacher's activism and advocacy.

I examine variation in nativist organizing through an analysis of the number of nativist organizations in U.S. counties. I make two primary contributions to literatures on anti-immigrant phenomena and right-wing mobilization. First, I investigate the extent to which theories of threat, in addition to resource mobilization and political opportunity theories, further our understandings of nativist mobilization. Pro-immigrant oppositional activism and racist hate resource and organizational bases facilitate this mobilization, whereas a weak economic base, growing working-class base, and increasing Latino political representation constrain it. In addition, the association between nativist mobilization and Latino population change, as well as conservative voting, is curvilinear (inverted U). Nativist mobilization thrives in the presence of low-to-moderate levels of demographic threat, as well as in contexts in which political conservatism is present but weak enough to make the conservative, nativist identity nonnormative. Second, few studies examine nonattitudinal or noninstitutionalized anti-immigrant phenomena. There is little understanding of whether or not social structures facilitating anti-immigrant attitudes and institutionalized anti-immigrant activity similarly influence the presence of anti-immigrant mobilization. Although results suggest that political and cultural threats shape diverse anti-immigrant phenomena, I also point to a unique set of structural conditions beyond threat to explain nativist mobilization in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the activism of Hector Tarango and the grassroots efforts that lead upto the desegregation in schools decision in the court case Men­dez et al and uses it as a case study to examine the emergence of a Mexican American civil rights movement in postwar Orange County, California.

The article examines the views of female members of Chicago, Illinois-based Weatherman social movement and their practice of women's movement throughout their armed resistance in the 1960s. Topics include women's efforts to fight against racism and war, armed resistance in Weatherwomen's activism for women's liberation, and the lifestyles of Weatherman's members. Also discussed are ways to achieve women's liberation and Weatherman's idea of feminism.

Social work has engaged with and led the revolutionary social movements of the past century. Yet today, as activism by and for racial others unfolds across the United States and Canada, our discipline remains largely silent. This article considers new ways for social workers to conceptualize social work activism, challenge the existing erasures within the profession, and construct innovative strategies to locate social work within the critical social movements of our time. Recognizing the continuity of histories of colonialism, slavery, and genocide, the author argues that social workers must engage with racialized communities' resistance through their legacy of exclusion and displacement. The author demonstrates the significance of an evolving politics of race and social justice for social work practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research summary: We examine the variety of activist groups and their tactics in demanding firms' social change. While extant work does not usually distinguish among activist types or their variety of tactics, we show that different activists (e.g., social movement organizations vs. religious groups and activist investors) rely on dissimilar tactics (e.g., boycotts and protests versus lawsuits and proxy votes). Further, we show how protests and boycotts drag companies 'through the mud' with media attention, whereas lawsuits and proxy votes receive relatively little media attention yet may foster investor risk perceptions. This research presents a multifaceted view of activists and their tactics and suggests that this approach in examining activists and their tactics can extend what we know about how and why firms are targeted. Managerial summary: The purpose of this study was to examine how different types of activist groups behave differently when targeting firms for social change. We find that traditional activist groups rely on boycotts and protests, whereas religious groups and activist investors rely more on lawsuits and proxy votes. Additionally, we find that protests and boycotts are associated with greater media attention, whereas lawsuits and proxy votes are associated with investor perceptions of risk. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]