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Despite self-congratulatory rhetoric, Canada compromised COVID-19 vaccine equity with policies impeding a proposed global waiver of vaccine intellectual property (IP) rules. To learn from Canada’s vaccine nationalism we explore the worldview – a coherent textual picture of the world – in a sample of Government of Canada communications regarding global COVID-19 vaccine sharing. Analysed documents portray risks and disparities as unrelated to the dynamics and power relations of the Canadian and international economies. Against this depoliticised backdrop, economic growth fueled by strict IP rules and free trade is advanced as the solution to inequities. Global vaccine access and distribution are pursued via a charity-focused public-private-partnership approach, with proposals to relax international IP rules dismissed as unhelpful. Rather than a puzzling lapse by a good faith ‘middle power’, Canada’s obstruction of global COVID-19 vaccine equity is a logical and deliberate extension of dominant neoliberal economic policy models. Health sector challenges to such models must prioritise equity in global pandemic governance via politically assertive and less conciliatory stances towards national governments and multilateral organisations. Mobilisation for health equity should transform the overall health-damaging macroeconomic model, complementing efforts based on specific individual health determinants or medical technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1980s, there has been no explicit regional policy in Canada. Indirectly, though, equalization payments, industrial policies, as well as regional agencies encouraging the adoption of federal industrial and innovation policies, impact regional economies. In 2017, the federal government appeared to alter its approach: the Supercluster initiative was announced, drawing upon the idea that localized networks of interrelated firms can generate innovation and local development. In this paper, we discuss the mechanisms through which spatially focused industrial innovation policy can lead to regional development. We then focus on Canada's Ocean Supercluster initiative. The question we address is as follows: to what extent can this initiative (and, more widely, Canada's Supercluster policy) be understood as a regional development strategy driven by a coherent rationale for regional intervention? Apart from the fact that each Supercluster focuses on a pre‐existing core of firms located within a region, there is little evidence that the Supercluster initiative has regional development objectives or impacts. Key messages: In 2018, Canada's federal government implemented the Supercluster policy. Five regionally focussed clusters were selected for support for business‐led innovation initiatives.Superclusters were presented as a means both to develop regional economies and to enhance Canada's global innovation impact, in a manner similar to Europe's smart specialization.Despite the initial regional dimension, Superclusters are geared towards national, not regional, objectives and do not focus upon regional development processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses and compares disability policies for working-age individuals in Canada with a focus on the mode of policy provision and type of measure to determine the degree to which direct funding is used in this country. To consider policy diversity in this federal system, policies are compared using a mixed-methods approach. Using quantitative methods, federal, provincial and territorial policies are first compared using hierarchical cluster analysis. This provides evidence of three distinct clusters in Canada according to policy provision and measure type. In a second, qualitative analysis, the disability strategies of four provinces' (British Columbia, Ontario, Newfoundland and Labrador and Quebec) are compared, to determine over arching policy orientations. Findings indicate that policy provision in Canada largely favours money over services. Furthermore, most provinces emphasize either health or integration measures over substantive measures. Despite these commonalities, significant variation persists across Canada. This extends to poverty and disability reduction strategies with two of the four provinces having a broader orientation while the other two provinces focus specifically on employment as a means of social inclusion. The article concludes with a discussion on the state of employment policies for individuals with a disability in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organizational evaluation policies describe how evaluation practices should be structured and implemented. As such, they provide key insights into organizational priorities and values regarding evaluation. However, the link between evaluation policies and how evaluation policies translate into concrete practices has seldom been explored until now. Our study examines the implementation of two Canadian federal government evaluation policies over a 10-year timespan, through the secondary analysis of reports produced on behalf of governmental evaluation functions. Our findings show that some policy elements have been fully implemented, but the way in which these have been implemented varies between organizations. Further, we observed that the level of control of various organizational members responsible for implementing policy elements, as well as time, can influence implementation of certain policy requirements. We conclude by proposing further directions for research to examine the policy-practice link. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We review the Canadian federal government's recently enacted Food Policy for Canada (FPC). Three arguments are developed. First, the development and vision statement of the FPC implies that improving Canadian food security is a specific objective of the policy. Second, if assessed by the measure of food insecurity promulgated by Statistics Canada, the effectiveness of the FPC in reducing Canadian food insecurity will primarily depend on the extent to which it improves household incomes and/or lowers food prices. We evaluate the current programmatic content by these criteria. Third, and related to the second point, we argue that the variation in the severity of food insecurity is an important consideration in assessing the effectiveness of FPC programs in reducing food insecurity as measured by Statistics Canada. Finally, we combine these three arguments into a simple figure/heuristic that can serve as a guide to the assessment and development of FPC programs seeking to enhance food insecurity in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the digital revolution has created new pressures and tensions for governing institutions in Canada, a broad discussion of the evolution of the Canadian Westminster governance ecosystem has yet to occur in earnest. The article seeks to contribute to such a discussion. We identify three related trends shaping the Canadian governance context: the rise of digital culture, the disintermediation of traditional authorities, and the increasingly distributed nature of governance. We then draw on scholarly literature surrounding 'multilevel governance' to help contextualize these trends, and identify key tensions and needs related to the increasingly pressing imperative to develop a 'made-in-Canada' governance approach that is well attuned to the needs of the digital era. We conclude by suggesting that such an approach will require a new style of leadership, one that privileges agility and resilience and that is issue-based and outcome-focused, rather than constrained by jurisdictional silos or narrowly conceived institutional mandates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opioid agonist therapy was introduced in Canada in 1959 with the use of methadone for the treatment of opioid dependence. The regulation of methadone was the responsibility of Health Canada until 1995, when oversight was transferred to the provincial health systems. During the more than 20 years since the federal health authority transferred oversight of methadone to the provincial level, methadone programming has evolved differently in every province. The landscape of opioid dependence treatment is varied across the country, with generally increasing treatment capacity in all provinces and dramatic increases in some. Each province has an independent methadone program with differing policies, contingency management strategies, laboratory monitoring policies, and delivery methods. Treatment options have increased, with buprenorphine- and heroin-assisted treatment becoming available to limited degrees. Despite this, access remains a challenge in many parts of the country (particularly rural and remote areas) because the demand for treatment has increased even more rapidly than the capacity. Although treatment access remains a priority in many jurisdictions, there is also a need to attend to treatment quality as treatment access expands, including integration with addiction counselling, primary care, and mental health care. As well, coordinated monitoring and reporting of treatment need, quality, and delivery are required; implementing a national policy to promote planning would have tremendous value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2000, water systems failed in both Walkerton, Ontario, and Pikangikum First Nation. After deaths in Walkerton, the Ontario provincial government responded with an inquiry and increased regulation. Although the Walkerton Inquiry was tasked only with reviewing provincial water regulation, it none the less exposed longstanding systemic problems with the provision of safe drinking water on reserves in Northern Ontario. This led the federal government to develop a series of new protocols for the management of water on reserves. These protocols have failed abjectly, however, a fact illustrated by events in Pikangikum, where the water problem, 17 years later, remains unsolved. The diff erence in the standard of care provided in Walkerton and Pikangikum reflects colonialism, racism, and a fundamental failure of the federal government to live up to its constitutional responsibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Workforce development policy in Canada has undergone extensive reforms in the past two decades, often driven by intergovernmental pressures. Many of these reforms, including the transfer of thousands of federal civil servants to the provinces, along with $2.5 billion annually, have occurred largely unnoticed by the public, or even recipients of services. Accountability measures have remained weak as the federal and provincial governments have few incentives to increase public scrutiny. In particular, transparency (making information available for public scrutiny) and justification (the provision of reasons for decisions) are inadequate. A more inclusive public accountability framework in the policy area needs to be developed that can support innovation in programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses aspects of the resettlement programmes of federal government in Canada. It highlights the effort of the Canadian private citizens in sponsoring the resettlement of the refugees as well as their education and health care. It also cites the country's commitment to fulfill its international obligations to Syrian refugee resettlement.

The various ways which federalism influences gender policies has recently received a surge of academic interest. This article contributes to this literature by moving beyond formally adopted policies to study the influence of federalism on social learning amongst women's organizations. Using a most-likely case study design, this exploratory work traces the policy positions held by women's organizations in Canada during a seven-year period now known as the Great Pension Debate. Focusing on four empirical indicators of issue attention, participation in policy discussions, specificity of policy proposals, and consensus for reform, the findings suggest that the plurality and temporal proximity of successive policy venues - such as royal commissions and parliamentary committees - created by various governments offered women's organizations an optimum environment to engage in ongoing exchanges leading to the development, and greater specification, of policy positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the work of Richard Simeon and using the cases of equalization in Canada and Belgium's social security system, this article shows how nationalist ideas combined with institutional management structures, government formation rules and the configuration of party systems to condition the territorial dynamics around these two programmes. In Canada, resentment against equalization in many provinces, often because it is perceived as accommodating Québécois nationalism, has translated only into moderate pressures on the programme because federal parties have largely stayed away from this divisive issue and federal executive discretion over the programme has meant that provinces cannot force change. In Belgium, pressures on social security have been more intense because the absence of pan-Belgian parties has given greater resonance to Flemish nationalist ideas within the political system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 2012, Canada's federal government announced cuts to refugee health coverage. Evidence suggesting that the cuts represent a social policy failure has since been accumulating, including the 2014 Federal Court ruling ordering their reversal. This explanatory case study uncovers the problem definition process that led policy development by applying coding methods to governmental publications, transcripts of parliamentary proceedings and internal governmental correspondence obtained under the Access to Information Act. The systematic analysis identifies avoidable gaps that occurred and proposes an avenue for strengthening future federal social policy processes so as to avoid negative outcomes such as those that resulted here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is strong evidence that gender mainstreaming (GM), a gender equality governance strategy, is performing poorly across jurisdictions. While many national and regional governments have adopted gender equality policy tools, developing and implementing an integrated GM strategy requires substantive reforms to existing procedures and institutional settings. The goal of the article is to demonstrate that, in Canada, current gender equality policy using a gender-based analysis (GBA) approach does not feature the same governance arrangement as the alternative GM approach would entail. Using the Canadian federal government as a case study, the gender equality policy instrument mix is examined to demonstrate how different problem definitions result in suboptimal performance. The article concludes that Canada’s current gender equality policy regime only advances the mainstreaming of GBA, and not the mainstreaming of gender equality in general. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Usually, the state of urban research in Canadian political science leads to pessimistic evaluations. This pessimism is belied by one emerging area of study: research on Canadian municipal public policies and immigration, which has flourished over the last 20 years. This article tracks the evolution of this research. First, I retrace how municipal policies for immigrants have been studied, and show how comparison is a central component of this literature. Second, I analyze the dynamics of agenda setting, as well as variables for decision making and implementation. Third, I make three propositions for future research, which are i) to examine the reciprocal relationship between attitudes towards immigration and local public policies and politics; ii) to study local public policy as constructions rather than responses and iii) to revisit the use of national models of integration for cities. In conclusion, I underline the positive outcomes of "bringing cities back in" to Canadian political science, not only to better understand political regulation and Canadian federalism, but also to have a more complete view of the immigrant integration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article has two objectives. The first is to highlight a turn towards multilateral collaboration in the immigration sector and the resulting focus on pan-Canadian policy objectives and initiatives. This account is set against the current literature, which argues a bilateral approach to intergovernmental relations in the sector has resulted in asymmetrical policies and programs. The second objective is to demonstrate the value of explicitly focusing on the nature of intergovernmental relations as unilateral, bilateral or multilateral. Applying this lens, the article draws out the drivers and complexity of the turn towards multilateral collaboration in the immigration sector, arguing it is motivated by an increased provincial engagement in economic immigration and also by the federal government's desire to reassert its own role in response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops the concept of jurisdictional framing: describing a policy field as properly belonging to one particular level of government. It applies this concept to explain how federalism frustrated Canadian attempts to create national assisted reproductive technology policy. Canada's failed policy can be traced to how the Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies and the federal government failed to align their substantive framing strategies with the procedural requirements of the Canadian Constitution. Future policy studies should focus on the interaction between substantive and jurisdictional framing, as policy failure can stem from the language used to justify legislative authority in unforeseen ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1990 and 2010, a gradual process of institutional change has affected Canada's immigration and integration governance regime. The central characteristic of this process is the emergence of a new legitimate institutional group of actors: Canadian provinces. This change corresponds to a federalization of Canada's immigration and integration governance regime. It is a break from the previous pattern of federal dominance and provincial avoidance. It is not the result of diminished federal intervention in immigration and cannot be explained by exogenous shocks. Current explanations of this evolution focus on federal decisions and have trouble explaining provincial mobilization. Using a mechanistic approach to the analysis of social processes and insights on gradual institutional changes, this article demonstrates that provinces have been the central agents bringing about the federalization of Canada's immigration and integration governance regime between 1990 and 2010. Via a mechanism of province building centred on immigration, provinces have triggered and maintained in movement a decentralizing mechanism. The interactions of these two mechanisms, over time, gave rise to the federalization of immigration and integration in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the impact of federalism on reproductive and sexuality rights in Canada. It highlights an important problem in rights implementation triggered by the particular division of jurisdiction in these policy areas. Despite favorable Supreme Court rulings recognizing the essential validity of these actions (namely access to abortion and contraception, and marriage between same-sex partners), cooperation by another level of government is necessary in order to implement access. Huge variation exists in the extent to which provincial and territorial governments have implemented access in law and policy. The article points to an important research agenda on rights implementation that moves beyond analysis of formal responses postjudicial review to consider the impact of divided jurisdiction. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Both Canada and the European Union ( EU) have been active in developing pension policies despite the lack of formal mandates to do so. While the Canadian government used its fiscal powers to expand its role in pension programs when pension emerged as a policy issue, the EU has been strongly limited by its lack of resources, institutional complexities, and the maturity of public pension programs in its member states. The EU experience generates interesting lessons for Canadian policy makers who are dealing with increasingly complex pension issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Open method of coordination ( OMC) mechanisms have not gained much acceptance in Canada in spite of evidence that they could improve policy making and implementation. In Canada, 'learning,' in particular at the political level, occurs somewhat differently from how it was envisaged in the intellectual underpinnings of the OMC because of the ethos of intergovernmental relations. The provinces, territories and the federal government might, however, improve policy learning by approaching the process in a somewhat different fashion while still benefiting from the European experience. The market for learning may exist less at the level of governments and more at a localized practitioner level. Canada may benefit from taking an indirect approach to the issue and creating institutional arrangements that will allow civil society groups to engage in mutual learning more easily. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the role of citizens in public reporting exercises of Canada's National Child Benefit and health care service delivery to that of the European Union's open method of coordination ( OMC) for social protection and social inclusion. It finds that the institutional infrastructure providing for coordination across social policy areas and possible roles for non-governmental actors in policy development is more extensive in the OMC than in the 'new modes of governance' in Canada. However, there are obstacles to developing such infrastructure in Canada, given the different histories and political contexts of the European community and the functioning of federalism in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite not having explicit authority to legislate on matters local in nature, in 2000 the federal government launched the National Homelessness Initiative (NHI). I argue that this federal program, in many critical aspects, mirrors a governance model developed in the European Union called the Open Method of Coordination (OMC), a model developed in an institutional context whereby the European Commission has no formal authority to coerce member states into coordinating social policy, but nonetheless uses “soft” or voluntary mechanisms to work toward this goal. Vancouver and Toronto are examined more closely to demonstrate how the flexibility of the OMC-style model manifests itself in practice, and the implications for governance, accountability, and effectiveness. I conclude that while the issue of homelessness is principally plagued by insufficient and unstable funding, further application of principles in the OMC model—uniquely applied to the Canadian context—holds promise for improving governance, coordination, and effectiveness of the public policy response to homelessness. Application of the OMC model thus calls for more attention from Canadian federalism scholars and policy-makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores policy action taken by the federal government in Canada to test the potential for substitution of the federal process to regulatory bodies as a means of encouraging environmental impact assessment (EIA) efficiency. Our purpose is to present the experiences of people who participated in the EIA of the Emera Brunswick Pipeline in order to gauge the impact of such process substitutions on meaningful public participation. Our approach included document reviews and a focus group session with some of the public participants in the Emera Pipeline hearings. We find that the National Energy Board hearing process substituted in the case did not meet many of the key requirements of meaningful participation and left some public participants feeling disrespected and marginalized. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Inter-party voting coalitions in three minority cabinets were analysed: the 38th (2004–05), 39th (2006–08) and 40th (2008–11) Federal Canadian Parliaments. The paper begins by developing a simple theory to explain the formation of voting coalitions. The theory predicts that electoral incentives and policy issues drive minority government support. The main contention is that voting coalitions are more likely to form along ideological lines, as proposed by Axelrod [(1970) The Conflict of Interest (Chicago: Markham)]. However, the analysis also demonstrates that voting coalitions form along a second dimension in the Canadian Parliament, mainly on issues related to federalism and the province of Quebec. Some evidence is also provided to show that expected electoral gains could explain why certain parties choose to support the government more, despite ideological incentives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Public responsiveness to government policy is a crucial component of representative democracy, but may be far weaker in federal regimes. This article explores the consequences of federalism for public responsiveness in one highly federalized policy domain: welfare spending in Canada. Results suggest that citizens’ preferences for spending at the federal level are affected by changes in both federal and provincial spending, and to an equal degree; they suggest, in short, that federalism poses serious problems where public responsiveness is concerned. A concluding section considers the implications of these findings for the representation of public opinion in policy in federalized states. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Federations exist to divide power and to promote diversity. Nonetheless, in federations interdependence requires degrees of policy coordination across governments. We examine two means of coordinating policies in the U.S. and Canadian federations: administrative and jurisdictional federalism. The former, with its centralized coordinative mechanisms, is thought to produce more uniform national policy outcomes; the latter, operating in the context of non-hierarchical relationships, greater policy variation. An analysis of cases in three policy areas in both countries indicates that despite contrasting coordinative practices, outcomes in actual policies implemented in the two federations are relatively similar. Hierarchical administrative federalism in the United States does not always produce the degree of coordination one might anticipate while a decentralized non-hierarchical system in Canada can achieve surprising degrees of coordination. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Social policy innovation in Canada remains stunted despite recent attempts at social policy renewal via intergovernmental agreements. The fusion of accountability and policy learning is typically blamed, yet this ignores other potential factors. This article examines the Labour Market Agreements for Persons with Disabilities to highlight impediments to social program expansion and reform within governments as well as between governments, and how the design of recent agreements serves to reinforce those impediments. We find that the linkage of accountability and policy learning means that learning gets caught up in long-standing federal-provincial disputes over jurisdiction, and leads to a perverse form of learning. We also find significant barriers to innovation in the nature of federal government funding, which provides neither incentives for “have provinces” to expand their programming nor sufficient funds for “have not” provinces to successfully transform their programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under Prime Minister Paul Martin, the federal government developed a "cities and communities" agenda, with Ottawa prepared to be much more active about municipalities. The pendulum has swung back under the Harper government, which is far less inclined to intrude into this area of provincial jurisdiction. But these recent developments are not unique. The federal government ivas involved with the urban file in the 1970s through the Ministry of State for Urban Affairs, and there have been other historical instances of federal interest in municipalities. This article explores the factors that are associated with the place of municipalities and urban issues on the federal policy agenda. The time period covered is 1867-2005. The methodology is the one common to the agenda-setting literature: cross-correlation functions and lagged correlations. The authors think there may be three operative independent variables: rapid population growth in cities; restructuring of municipal systems by provincial governments; and financial stress. The analysis investigates the strength of each factor in placing urban issues on the national policy agenda. In the end, there is no single explanatory model to explain the rise of municipal issues on the agenda: history matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on research that is part of the five-year Major Collaborative Research Initiative project examining public policy in Canadian municipalities, this article provides an overview of the federal-municipal machinery developed to facilitate urban policy and program development. The "federal-municipal machinery" refers to the many programs and initiatives that have been used to structure federal- municipal relations and influence urban policy and development. The research time frame begins with the period leading up to the creation of the Ministry of State for Urban Affairs, in 1971, and continues through four decades to include recent events of note such as the creation of the Prime Minister's Caucus Task Force on Urban Issues, the subsequent announcements of the New Deal, and the Gas Tax Fund for Canada's cities and communities. The authors begin with a discussion of why federal governments involve themselves in municipal and urban affairs and then provide an overview of their analysis by identifying patterns and trends in the evolution of federal-municipal machinery. They then discuss the effectiveness of the machinery, over three periods, and conclude by considering the implications of their findings for the future of federal-municipal relations in the context of the growing pressures facing urban Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how political tensions developed around the issue of Canadian water export, how policy solutions and alternatives to the problem were offered, and how finally it came to be recognized by the national government. The water export issue reached the formal agenda after a lengthy period of being denied serious consideration. However, it is arguable that agendas are set if an issue receives attention from policy decision makers. This is because an issue's ascension to agenda status is not an indication of how it is actually going to be decided upon. The case of water export demonstrates that the government adopted a policy solution consistent with assumptions prevalent at the time and acceptable among elected decision makers. Yet, the solution was contrary to the expectations of those who demanded a complete water export ban in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editors discuss various reports within the issue on topics including mistreatment and neglect of older people, elder abuse and neglect in Canada, and intimate partner victimization (IPV) among older people in Canada.

The article discusses the collaboration of the Canadian government with the private sponsorship groups to support the sponsorship program for the refugees seeking resettlement in Canada. It highlights the commitment of the private sponsorship groups to work on a settlement plan and fundraising for the refugees. It also cites the importance of communication to gather information about the refugees based on their family background.

The article discusses the commitment and engagement of the federal liberal government to improve the health system in Canada. It highlights the implementation of the national standards for medical care to improve quality of life for the Canadians. It also cites the lack of timely access to medical care in the country.

The article reports on the frustration of experts concerning the failure of federal government of Canada to establish immediately a Canadian Center for Antimicrobial Resistance. Experts claim the need of the center since the Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC) disbanded the Canadian Committee on Antimicrobial Resistance (CCAR). According to Dr. John Conly, head of the department of medicine at the University of Calgary, he was worried that PHAC's silence would mean its end.

The author discusses issues in the health care sector in Canada as of October 2015, particularly the need for the federal government to respect the works of the country's federal scientists. Also cited are a 2013 survey showing that 50% of scientists claim that public health and safety and environmental sustainability are compromised due to political interference with their scientific work, and the adverse effects of Prime Minister Stephen Harper's war on science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A correction to the article "Intergovernmental Relations in Canada's Immigration System: From Bilateralism towards Multilateral Collaboration" by Robert Schertzer that was published in the June 2015 issue is presented.