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Relations between Spain and China, regardless of regimes and time, have followed a path of friendship without excessive mutual commitment. An analysis of these relations reveals the decisive role played by the diplomats and officials who have led them from the moment they were formally established as sovereign states. This article deals with the identification and analysis of the curricula vitae of the Chinese officials who played a leading role in the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Spain. It affirms that they established a relationship characterized, structurally, by a protocolary nature conditioned by the officials' impulse to the post. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Xi Jinping regime in China has been implementing various policies that prioritize the concept of "national security," and highlight concerns about the perceived threat of a Color Revolution. The concept of "national security" has been elevated to a policy philosophy of "holistic" or "comprehensive" security. This comprehensive security means that "security" is related to all areas, including the economy, culture, and the environment, and that security takes precedence over other factors such as the economy, culture, and the environment. Diplomacy is no exception, and the policy philosophy is to treat diplomacy and security together, where security takes precedence over diplomacy. The emphasis on the logic of national security also influenced its Hong Kong policy and its policy of governing the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Furthermore, it led to the strengthening of domestic management of foreigners and international NGOs. Moreover, this domestic logic of "national security" has had a strong influence on foreign policy. For example, the domestically propagated discourse on the "color revolution" directly influenced the US-China summit meeting, where the topic of discussion was whether the US was planning to overthrow the CCP regime or not. In China, diplomacy and domestic politics appear to be rapidly becoming one and the same. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on the origins of modern territoriality and the modernist conception of territory has largely been confined to Europe and its colonial histories. Few attempts have been made to understand modern territoriality from an alternative epistemic starting point. This article moves beyond critiques of Eurocentrism by examining the territorial metamorphosis of the Qing Empire to modern China. Like the United States and Russia, China has retained its early modern continental colonial possessions. In order to explain the territorialisation of the multi-ethnic Qing empire, this article engages empirically with cartographic and textual representations of China from Confucian literati scholars, European Jesuit cartographers and the Manchu imperial court from the 17th to the early 19th centuries. The empirical study shows that by the early 19th century, a new territorialised conception of 'China' closely resembling that of modern territoriality had emerged. This 'modern' and Sinocentric form of territoriality encompassed areas that were hitherto seen as foreign and non-Chinese. In opposition to the extant Eurocentric historiography, this article traces the emergence of modern territoriality in imperial China to a nexus of European cartographic techniques, Qing imperial conquests and the literati synthesis of Manchu imperial and Sinocentric forms of territoriality. By showing the deep historical processes and global entanglements behind the emergence of modern China as a territorial state, the article makes a case for a polycentric account of modern territoriality [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's first ever white paper publicly outlining its policy toward the greater Middle East affirmed Beijing's support for the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, as well as an independent Palestinian state based on pre-1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. Beijing's support for Palestinian independence stands in stark contrast and apparent tension with its oppression of its Uyghur minority, who, like the Palestinians, aspire to an independent state of their own in present-day Xinjiang. What explains China's continued support for an independent, Muslim-majority Palestinian state despite its brutal crackdown of its own Muslim minority at home? Drawing on the literature on sovereignty and self-determination, I argue that these policy positions are not inconsistent, and can indeed by reconciled. As a doctrinal matter, international law has differentiated between permissible self-determination claims in the context of decolonization on the one hand, and impermissible secessionist claims on the other. In its foreign relations, China has consistently highlighted this distinction and characterized Xinjiang as an integral part of Chinese territory, with the necessary implication that Uyghur self-determination claims are irredentist in nature. Whatever the legalities, in practice, China has managed to reconcile these policies due in no small part to its significant economic and political leverage and its framing of its Uyghur policy as a security issue immune from criticism. By maintaining this careful balancing act, China has facilitated--or at least eliminated one possible roadblock to--the creation of a greater role for itself in the Middle East, while not abandoning its historical support for the Palestinians or emboldening secessionist movements at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to present an explanation of why the Muslim governments largely abstained from even bringing up the Uyghur case with China, while the Rohingya issue provoked official condemnations by the governments in many Muslim countries. Although economic factors are most often consulted internationally, this article puts forward political factors as sufficient to explain the Muslim governments' responses to the Xinjiang issue – primarily the domestic politics, and secondarily seeking of strategic alternatives to balance the West. In the context of hybrid political regimes in many Muslim countries, the domestic public opinion played an important role in deciding whether the government would address the issue. Effectively only Turkey presents the case where the public pays attention to the Uyghurs, and the government felt obliged to raise the issue at least to some extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes China's foreign policy within the framework of debates on the rise of China in the international relations literature by focusing on Sino-Turkish relations and the Cyprus question. The main drawback of theoretical arguments about the rise of China is the lack of concrete evidence they provide when examining the implications of China's national power for its foreign policy behavior and diplomatic positions in international crises. Therefore this article proposes concrete evidence regarding Chinese foreign policy toward Turkey by analyzing the Cyprus question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the sinicization of Uyghurs as of October 2016. The Chinese government has reportedly increased its efforts to sinicize Uyghurs which led to China's creation of contradictions of Uyghurs. Also discussed are Uyghurs' history in China, ethnic identity, Uyghurs' historical claims to Xinjiang, and the sinicization policy that led to Uyghur culture's dilution.

This document is the back matter of the journal "Sociology of Islam." It includes the contents of Volume 9, No. 1, which features articles on topics such as medical diplomacy in Iranian foreign policy and the challenge of religious governance in post-revolutionary Iran. It also includes a book panel discussion on "Nostalgia for the Empire: The Politics of Neo-Ottomanism" and book reviews on "Salafism in the Maghreb" and "US Foreign Policy in the Middle East." The document also provides a brief overview of the contents of Volume 9, No. 2, which includes articles on Turkey and Indonesia's relationship, Muslim scientists' perception of inclusion in the scientific workplace, the halalization of Islam, and Kemalism and populism. Lastly, it mentions the contents of Volumes 9, Nos. 3-4, which include articles on topics such as mysticism in Iran, pain and non-violence at Guantanamo Bay, the Uyghur situation in China, and Rached Ghannouchi's political discourses. The document concludes with a book review section featuring reviews on "Erdogan: The Making of an Autocrat" and "Political Islam, Justice and Governance." [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyses how the situation in China's most northwestern province-level unit Xinjiang has affected China's overall foreign relations since disturbances in its capital Ürümqi in July 2009. Xinjiang's most populous ethnic group is the mostly-Muslim Uighurs. The paper assumes a framework that puts a high priority on China's facing west. Though no more important than the eastward-looking foreign policy that has dominated Western analysis, the paper sees China's facing west perspective as deserving more attention than it has received. Russia and Central Asian countries have been positive about China's economic aims in the region. However, friction has increased with China's rise, Chinese authorities tending to blame Xinjiang's disturbances on Islamism in Central Asia. China resents the USA for giving asylum to Rebiya Kadeer, president of the anti-China World Uyghur Congress. In 2011, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pushed the idea of a 'New Silk Road' in Central Asia for peaceful economic development. China has long espoused the 'Silk Road' idea, developing its own 'Silk Road Economic Belt.' Damaged due to the 2009 riots, the China-Turkey relationship has improved because of various visits and agreements since 2010. The paper balances the dominantly economic Silk Road concept against Islamist terrorism. It argues that the aims of the Silk Road and Silk Road Economic Belt are sensible and practical, with positive economic relations the main trend. However, although the Central Asian 'zone of conflict' is a lesser trend, tensions are serious and long term, especially those caused by Islamism and Islamist terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information between the relation of China and the Commonwealth countries as Commonwealth requires China's policies. It discusses that the Commonwealth should, on behalf of its citizens, raise a collective voice to condemn China's pressure tactics on Pacific islands, the extinguishment of the rule of law in Hong Kong, cultural destruction in Tibet, threats to the democracy of Taiwan, and the imprisonment and 're-education' of millions of Muslim Uighurs in Xinjiang province.

This paper seeks to place China's policy toward its Uighur Muslim minority in Xinjiang in a broader context. In the post-Soviet period, the dynamics of Eurasia has fundamentally changed. The independence of the Central Asian states that were part of the Soviet Union had a demonstrable effect on the Uighurs of China. As a result, Uighur nationalism became a force with which the Chinese authorities had to contend. Chinese authorities consider China a multi-ethnic state of Han Chinese and various minorities, and any nationalist or independence movements are considered illegitimate because China does not recognize the right of national self-determination and adheres strictly to a policy of assimilation. Concerns over growing Uighur nationalism impinge on China's policy of economic expansion and its growing energy needs that make Central Asia a strategic region. In the past decade, China has developed better relations with its Central Asian neighbours based on such strategic interests. By developing these ties, it is seeking to form alliances in order to dampen the development of Uighur nationalism, block Russia from reasserting its influence in the region, and prevent the United States and its allies from excluding China from its security and economic ambitions in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]