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This article examines the impact of the (de)securitization of the Kurds by regional and significant external securitizing actors on relations and cooperation between regional states, non-state actors and significant external actors engaged in Middle East politics. It argues that the security framings of the Kurds constructed by securitizing actors provide an epistemological and political base for conducting relations and establishing cooperation between regional states under the influence of the external actors. Considering multilateralism as an essentially cooperative activity based on certain principles or values, the article suggests that, by constructing contradictory or coherent visions of (in)security, (de)securitization affects relations and shapes multilateralism. Even if the (in) security framings of actors are conflicting, multilateral cooperation remains possible since these actors may not openly reject the other's securitization moves. However, such a framework challenges multilateralism, and further transforms it by making cooperation fragile, value-free, temporary, unreliable and informal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Napoleon Bonaparte's attempt to reach India, firstly through Egypt and then through Qajar Persia, inaugurated the 'Middle East' as a coherent political space in international politics. The ostensibly existential threat posed by French schemes to British dominion over India prompted British Indian officials to perceive Egypt, Persia and the Gulf Emirates through the lens of Indian defence and European geopolitics for the first time. By the end of this period, these lands were imagined as a salient, somewhat coherent political space between "the Indus and Constantinople". This first 'Middle East' was the product of the globalization of European geopolitics and the need to defend British India, auguring the future of the region, in which its political importance, and even its location, was constructed in relation to the broader context of international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some ethno-political organizations get support from their diaspora while others do not? There is little analysis that examines why some organizations (both violent and nonviolent) get support. Using data on 112 organizations in the Middle East we examine how factors like the power of the organization, ideology, political behavior, and government treatment might impact the likelihood of an organization getting support from its diaspora. We argue that contentious political behavior should have the largest impact on such support. We find that those that do the best job of getting attention through visible action get the most support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab uprisings of 2011 put into question previously held understandings about the stability of authoritarian regimes in North Africa as well as the European Union’s (EU’s) relations with countries in its southern neighbourhood. Despite early calls on behalf of the EU to change its policies, the Union’s responses in the early stages seemed mostly characterised by continuity. This article claims that certain dispositions and background knowledge developed over several decades vis-à-vis EU’s Mediterranean policies served as a baseline from which EU officials and diplomats acted. Drawing on insights from practice approaches, the article argues that the practical understandings on what the EU can (and cannot) do vis-à-vis partner countries in North Africa create a kind of power politics of practical dispositions. The article focuses on the European Neighbourhood Policy - the EU’s flagship initiative - and builds on a unique set of data that combine policy documents and interviews with about 30 EU officials and national diplomats from before and after the Arab uprisings. In this way, it illustrates how practice relates to change in that even though the EU’s responses drew on an established repertoire of practice, enacting it in a new context opened up new possibilities for action. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Middle East peace process has become the most important international Middle Eastern politics phenomenon during the recent decades. Since the U.S. has realized the political, military and economic power of Iran and its influence as peace building in the Middle East, diplomacy with a common approach on the agenda has developed between these two countries. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate American and Iranian role in the Middle East and diplomatic relations between the two countries in the process of establishing peace in the region. The main question in the present research is that; what is the role of American and Iranian Middle East policy in the peace process in the Middle East during 2001-2016? To response to the question, a descriptive--analytical approach is implemented. The results suggest that the lack of diplomatic relations between Iran and America in the years 2001-2016 is one of the main reasons of the lack of security and peace in the Middle East. Accordingly, creating opportunities and establishing diplomatic relations (political, economic, social, and etc.) between Iran and America with the interests of the two countries as the two poles of influence in all parts of the region, not only provides security, but also is an indicator to stabilize discipline and a lasting peace in the region. Last but not least, communication between Iran and the U.S. ensures safety of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Azerbaijan–Israel relations have come to the foreground of politics in the Middle East and Caucasus region. Ties between Baku and Tel Aviv have been directly interlinked with their relations with Iran. The nature of the Azerbaijan–Israel partnership must be analysed in order to comprehend the balance of powers and energy security in the region. Even though there have been a number of works analysing the relationship by focusing on its role in regional military security, there is a gap in the discourse in terms of understanding the economic drivers of relations and the implications of the ties for regional energy security. Particular attention will be given to discussing Azerbaijan’s emerging role as a major energy producer that has already made a profound impact on the region as an ‘alternative’ to Iran in the aftermath of the recently imposed sanctions on Tehran's energy exports. It will be argued that the Azerbaijan–Israel relationship is built on solid economic grounds and it would be reasonable to expect the strength of the ties to be further intensified in the future. The article will also demonstrate that new developments in the energy security of the wider Middle Eastern region will affect the evolution of Azerbaijan–Israel ties and their rivalry with Iran in the next decade. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This special issue explores significant problems of peace mediation. How do these "minefields of mediation'' arise, how do mediators' ways of handling them impact the negotiation process, and what can mediators do to overcome them? Using examples from the last quarter century, and from the Middle East in particular, the authors examine these questions at different stages of the mediation process, from its initiation to its culmination, and with reference to different forms of mediation, including facilitation, muscular, and multiparty mediation. This short introduction provides a systematic overview of some of the most pertinent mediation challenges, with reference to who the mediators are, when the mediation takes place and what the issues of contention and possible outcomes are. These areas are of course all intertwined, and, as the articles in this issue point out, are also very much influenced by changes in the domestic, regional and international environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geopolitical frame is a necessary but insufficient means to understand the contemporary Middle East. Defining the term in its original, fairly narrow, way puts the analytical spotlight on the Westphalian units—namely, states—that compose the classical modern international system. But those states’ lack of decisional agency is itself at the core of the region's instability. As for the region, its troubles are likely to persist for some time. Outsiders cannot fix it; at best, if they are skillful and lucky, they can contain it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the outlines of India's engagement with the Middle East, focusing on security-related aspects of that engagement. First, it argues that India's approach towards the Middle East has undergone less transformation than that seen in Indian policy towards other key regions, notably the United States and Asia. Second, it describes how India has responded to recent, and older, episodes of political disorder in the region, and what patterns might be identified from these. Third, it traces aspects of India's relationships with Iran and Saudi Arabia, an exercise that brings some of those patterns into sharper relief. Fourth, and finally, the paper concludes by asking how India might orient itself in the region in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Iran nuclear deal has the potential to become a game changer in the Middle East by providing the opportunity for rapprochement between Iran, the preeminent power in the Gulf, and the United States, the preeminent global power, thus reducing the strategic importance of both Saudi Arabia and Israel. Israel's virulent opposition to the deal has also demonstrated that it has become a strategic liability for the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2010 has seen the rise of West Asia with the Arab Spring phenomena. The event has triggered the solidarity of at least 8 countries in the region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and has seen the ousting of Hosni Mubarak's regime. Malaysia is emotionally attached to Egypt through religion, economy and education which has led Malaysians to track the event. In the meantime, the media is seen as the catalyst towards the rise of the people there. The democratic system depends very much on free, accurate and responsible flow of credible information. The flow of information has brought huge changes in the communications aspect. This article will discuss about the impact of social media as the main source of information channel among Malaysians during the massive uprise in Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey and Iran from the ancient times have been experiencing severe confrontation and simultaneously close interdependence in the economic field that has considerable impact on modern international relations in the Middle East and Post-Soviet space. Rivalry of both countries is strengthened by Sunni-Shia divide in Muslim world and support of different sides in Armenia - Azerbaijan conflict. Special importance in the mutual relations of neighbours has competition in the Southern Caucasus, which is important with its energy rich Azerbaijan and creation of land routes for Caspian oil and gas to Europe in order to lessen dependency of the European Union on Russian energy. Using close relations with Azerbaijan, Turkey makes all efforts to become an energy bridge between energy resources of Caspian Sea and European consumers. On the other hand, Turkey is deeply interested in Iranian gas because of the geographic proximity and huge resources of the supplier. However, despite political rivalry Turkey and Iran have mutually beneficial cooperation in trade and tourism. The article covers the development of Turkish-Iranian relations in political and economic fields since the establishment of modern states. The authors consider different historic periods of interaction in XX-XXI centuries, the competition of both states for influence in the Post-Soviet space and the Middle East, the cooperation and rivalry concerning the unresolved Kurdish question and finally the close economic interdependence of both neighbours. In order to achieve the research goals of the article Turkish and Iranian news outlets were used as the main sources of information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore the flow of information regarding strategic Middle Eastern countries in the WikiLeaks ‘diplomatic cables’ by applying data-mining techniques to construct directed networks. The results show that between 2002 and 2009, US diplomatic communication related to these countries increased although with notable variation in flow patterns. We discuss the value of a visual display of diplomatic communication patterns in understanding the decentralized nature of information gathering on regional foreign policy issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Review of International Law & Politics / Uluslararasi Hukuk ve Politika is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents several news-related items regarding the Middle East during 2014 and early 2014, with a particular focus on international relations. Topics, including efforts to establish peace in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Middle East politics, international cooperation regarding Iran's nuclear weapons program and cooperation between the Israelis and Palestinians on water sharing, are discussed.

At the beginning of the 2000s Japan revised its Middle East policy, which impacted the development of the Japanese-Israeli relations: it was decided to change the priorities of Japan's Middle East policy, which previously had a pro-Arabic character, and to develop not only economic, but also political relations with Israel. The basic factors which influenced the political and economic relations between Japan and Israel are examined in the article. The author pays attention to the history of establishment and the current position of the Jewish community in Japan, as well as the essence of the problem of Japanese anti-Semitism. Japan is characterized by its motto "anti-Semitism without Jews". The author stresses that anti-Semitic literature is very popular among the Japanese, but, at the same time, a lot of Japanese people are interested in history and culture of Jewish people, and there is a rapid increase in scientific contacts between the two countries. The author concludes that further development of bilateral relations, creation of companies and organizations specializing in building and fostering these relations, as well as expansion of cultural contacts will contribute to the implementation of a new positive attitude of Japan towards Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the geopolitical system of the Middle East, the non-Arab republics (Israel, Turkey and Iran) are a special category of regional actors occupying an increasingly important role in the dynamics of the area. Recent history, starting with 1991, has shown that a lot of developments in the region were either the result of disputes of these states with their Arab neighbors, or of events in the relations between Arab states in which Israel, Turkey and Iran have been drawn or played a specific role. The uprisings in the Arab world, known as the "Arab Spring", that started in early 2011 have already led to an increased role of Turkey and Iran in the geopolitical equation of the region. In this context, already influenced by the growing visibility of Islamist nuclei, Israel has reasonable grounds for concern, being forced to adapt its security architecture to the possible developments in the Arab states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contest between Saudi Arabia and Iran played out in Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, postwar Iraq and, to a lesser extent, Yemen and Bahrain, has shaped the geopolitics of the region since the 2003 US invasion and occupation of Iraq. The Arab uprisings intensified this geopolitical contest and spread it to Syria. The sectarianisation of the region’s geopolitical battles, and the instrumental use of some of the uprisings for geopolitical ends, has hardened sectarian sentiments across the region, complicated post-authoritarian democratic transitions, and, at least in Syria’s case, transformed its popular uprising into a veritable civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Competition among the many actors in the regional geopolitics of the Middle East is in general a struggle of actors against each other over power and influence. The two states whose struggle over power and influence in the region has become more palpable with recent developments in the Middle East are Saudi Arabia and Iran. In addition to the political causes and material conditions of the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the regional geopolitics of the Middle East, there are religious causes and ideational conditions, which imports the rivalry between the two states its peculiar nature. In the current regional geopolitics of the Middle East, the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran continues in earnest in Bahrain, Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine, Yemen, and Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Faculty of Political Science is the property of Journal of Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses Middle Eastern authoritarianism and the contemporary political transformations which have swept the region. It suggests that, given the uneven spread of reform and the selectiveness of international intervention, the prioritisation of Middle Eastern stability over democratic transformation, combined with local authoritarian regimes' ability to use excessive force against their own populations and insurgents, are responsible for the persistence of the Middle East's post-cold war authoritarianism. The recent uprisings and reform movements can be explained from the perspective of historical grievance, based on social inequality and ethnic, sectarian, tribal or sectional disparities, as well as by advancements in communications technology and economic globalisation that have undermined long-standing national authoritarianism in favour of Middle Eastern civil rights and civil society movements. A global democratic consciousness has played a decisive role in providing ideological cohesiveness and (uneven) global political support to safeguard the collective action of the new civil rights movements. Recognising that democracy itself may have characteristic regional forms with greater and lesser tinges of recurrent authoritarianism, Middle Eastern democratic transformation hinges on the ability of these burgeoning movements to achieve a civic state and overcome authoritarian counter-resistance and international suspicion and fear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are witnessing a series of revolutions and uprisings of a pace, connectivity and breadth for which the only parallel in modern history is 1989. But these aspirant and actual revolutions are incomplete, uneven and unpredictable. Shashank Joshi argues that long-held assumptions about the Western trilemma in the Middle East - the choice between democracy, stability and pro-Western foreign policy - must now be urgently re-evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional geographical entity known as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has been at the epicenter of global power struggles over the course of the last centuries with an ever-increasing intensity. While the region has been a popular subject in the literature of political science and international relations due to the sheer volume of conflicts raging within the parameters of its borders, writings on international/ comparative political economy focused on alternate regions such as East Asia characterized by a sustainable economic growth potential. his study aims to make a critical contribution to the political economy literature by conducting a theoretically and historically informed analysis on the transformation dynamics in the MENA region. To this end, the multi-faceted legacy of colonialism; the role of oil as a strategic resource; structural changes in the world economy; and divergent politico-economic reform trajectories in the wake of economic globalization will be evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hezbollah has acquired a dual and contradictory reputation: as a legitimate political actor in Lebanon and as a terrorist organisation in the USA and Israel. This duality can be explained if we understand that Hezbollah is a nationalist entity that defines itself primarily within the Lebanese polity, as well as an anti-imperialist party intent on countering the regional hegemony of Israel and the USA. Forming alliances with Hamas, Iran and Syria, Hezbollah has become part of a 'rejectionist' axis that seeks to oppose perceived imperialism in the Middle East; this stance has become increasingly entrenched in the wake of the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. Characterisations that focus on Hezbollah as a military opponent confirm the organisation's perceived need for a rejectionist stance. International acceptance of Hezbollah as a legitimate political actor within the Lebanese polity, on the other hand, would help to bring the basis of the rejectionist axis into question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the political conditions in the Middle East. It highlights the conflict between the Arabs and Israelis which has been considered as one of the most sensitive international political issues. It explores the developments experienced by the region since the end of the Cold War that include the Madrid Peace Conference in Spain in 1991. It views on the peace agreements conducted to deal with the conflicts in the region.

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001-2006) and the second Prodi (2006-2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a 'Europeanist' and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU-US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of 'politics without policy' that often characterises Italy's foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]