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This article presents the compensation for victims of terrorist crime in the French and Jordanian legislation by conducting a comparative analytical study of the legal texts in the French and Jordanian legislation. It addresses this issue by clarifying the position of the French and Jordanian legislation on compensating the victims of terrorist crime. The article concludes that the French legislator approved legislative texts that help the victims of terrorist crime claim compensation based on the philosophy of social solidarity, however, the Jordanian legislation was completely different from the French legislation and devoid of any legislative texts that help the victims of terrorist crime claim compensation except for the provisions included in the Draft Law on Martyrs of the Jordanian Armed Forces and Security Corps Fund. In the last part of the article, the set of recommendations that would contribute to supporting the idea of compensating the victims of terrorist crime in Jordanian legislation is offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 2011, the terrorist organization Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA) announced a definitive cease fire. Just a few months prior, restorative justice experiences had started between imprisoned former ETA members and victims of terrorism along with coexistence workshops in the Nanclares prison, events geared towards trying to heal wounds in the aftermath of political violence. Although these are mainly private and personal experiences, with emotional effects in the participants in the encounters, they may also facilitate projects of wider social reconciliation. This article points out the lessons we have learned during these experiences as far as ex-ETA militants are concerned and the potential of these restorative justice practices for active responsibility, individual healing and reintegration in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Transnational terrorism is an inherently international phenomenon as it involves attacks where the perpetrators are from a different country than the victims. Accordingly, a growing literature explains patterns in transnational attacks with a focus on international variables, for example, the presence of a border wall or alliance patterns. Despite the importance of the topic, no common empirical framework with theoretical basis has emerged to analyze the flows of transnational attacks. We propose that recent versions of the structural gravity model of transnational flows, long the workhorse model in trade economics, can be modified to provide a theoretically motivated model of the flows of transnational terrorist attacks among countries. The gravity model provides several empirical advantages for the study of international variables and transnational terrorism, for example, recent specifications allow the researcher to estimate count models that condition out all time-varying country-level confounders with fixed effects. This facilitates sidestepping the typical problem that any international variables associated with transnational flows are often correlated with omitted or imprecisely measured domestic factors, which draws their estimates into question. Moreover, we demonstrate that the structural gravity model does a much better job in predicting outcomes, particularly when multiple attacks flow across borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This bibliography contains doctoral dissertations (Ph.D.) and Master theses (M.A.) on victims of terrorism. Titles were retrieved manually by searching the Open Access Theses and Dissertations Database (OATD), using various combinations of search terms, including – but not limited to – ‘Victims of Terrorism’, ‘Fatalities’, ‘Terrorism’, ‘Violent Extremism’. More than 220 entries were evaluated, of which 41 were ultimately selected for this list. All theses are open source. However, readers accessing them should observe possible copyright restrictions. The title entries below are hyperlinked, or ‘clickable’, allowing access to full texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European far-right parties have enjoyed mixed success in the past few years. The primary elements in many of these parties' policy platforms centre on security, terrorism, and foreign persons. Naturally, these platforms are designed to attract electoral support that these actors can parlay into governing positions. Our study offers an important test to ascertain how voters respond to terrorist attacks with respect to centre- and far-right parties. We contend that far-right parties are to likely benefit from terrorist attacks more than centre-right parties. The results from more than 30 European countries, spanning 1975–2013, affirm our hypothesis. The implications for partisanship, governance, and terrorism are explored in this paper as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the study of victimology and radicalization mainly focuses on those who suffered from terrorist attacks, this article explores the role of victimological processes in deradicalization. Experts from different international deradicalization initiatives were interviewed. Using the narrative framework with its three key concepts—identity, emotion, and culture—as set forth by Pemberton and Aarten in this issue, the relationship between victimization and deradicalization is more thoroughly examined. Key findings include the delicacy of the term “victim” in radicals' narrative identity, the power of narrative in triggering and transmitting emotions, and the importance of a former radical that acknowledges the narratives of the radical and offers alternative narratives to their radicalized ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Narrative is intimately connected to victimization and radicalization. Trouble, the notion that drives narrative, is often coupled with victimization: the experience of suffering intentional harm. This experience can play a turning point in the stories that radicals construct about their own lives and thus play a role in their pathway to radicalization. In this article, three main themes of narrative will be further explored in relation to victimization and radicalization: identity, emotions, and culture. Central in this article is the discussion on how narrative can contribute to theory and research into victimological processes in radicalization, while offering new means to further develop key constructs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to challenge binary notions of “victim” and “perpetrator” categories by taking into account the complex interaction of actors who both participate in, and are impacted by, terrorist violence. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with self-identified Republican (n = 25) and Loyalist (n = 27) ex-prisoners in Northern Ireland who are currently involved in self-described peace initiatives. Results suggest that political ex-prisoners evoke notions of collective victimization as a vehicle to bridge their transition from “paramilitary” to “peace maker” in this context. The implications are discussed in terms of understanding the functionality of collective victimhood for those who controversially adopt the label. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue examines the complex relationship between radicalization, victimhood. and political violence. The interrelatedness of victims and perpetrators has been long recognized in the fields of criminology and victimology but it is has been often ignored in the case of terrorism and political violence. The key aim of this issue therefore is to assist in enhancing our understanding of this interrelatedness with a particular focus on the relevance of narratives, roles, and identities of victimhood for both the victims and perpetrators. A second, more policy-relevant dimension is to examine the role of victims and perpetrators in the prevention of terrorism and political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the late 1960s to the early 1980s Italy suffered a prolonged period of political violence and ideologically inspired terrorist acts, which caused deep social wounds and led to a sharply divided memory. Numerous memoirs published since the end of the conflict by both former terrorists and victims aggravated the divide, until recently. This paper analyses some of the memoirs written by the victims and relatives of the victims and above all a recent dialogue between former perpetrators and victims through the lenses of different modes of remembering. The paper explores the motivations and stances of the victims and relatives of victims who took part in this dialogue and argues that they partake of both a cosmopolitan and an agonistic approach to memory and reconciliation. The latter requires former enemies to confront each other as 'adversarial citizens" with their divided memories and perspectives in an open-ended manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism and political violence exist fundamentally as communicative acts; inherently the acts themselves serve to inspire anxiety and fear. As the recipients of such a communicative act, victims of terrorism and political violence serve as the vehicle for the dissemination of these communications to both the intended and broader audiences. Their victimising experience is thus a complex interplay between a profound personal trauma and the political/communicative dimension of the attack. Given this complexity, this article addresses how victims’ needs are understood by victims of terrorism and political violence in both Northern Ireland (NI) and Great Britain (GB). Through engagement with practitioners, victims, survivors, and community activists, this article conceptualises the existing perceptions amongst these different groups regarding needs, the delivery of services to victims in NI and GB, and examines the origins of the different approaches. Results demonstrate that victims’ needs are highly context-dependent at a public level, but relate heavily to the experiences of other victims of terrorism and political violence at a private level. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The question of terrorism's effectiveness is of great political importance to its perpetrators, victims and society in general. Assessing the effectiveness of political violence requires a detailed analysis of the terrorist groups' whole range of goals and to distinguish between the tactical and strategic levels. Though most clandestine groups fail to achieve their long-term objectives, they do have some success along the way. Terrorism's capacity to produce the desired effects also depends on other variables and contextual parameters. The tactical and strategic success of a campaign of violence depends on: 1) the capabilities and strength of the perpetrators; 2) the type of end goals; and 3) the capacity and resilience of the society targeted. This article presents the academic debate on terrorism's effectiveness, analyses the methodological obstacles and provides a guide to the arguments in this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the audio-visual representation of the victims of Islamic fundamentalist terrorism in Algeria in the 1990s, drawing on both historical and testimonial sources before examining Xavier Beauvois’s Des hommes et des dieux (2010). Based on a true story – the abduction and murder of a group of ex-colonial French monks– it offers a useful platform on which to interrogate the interactions of the representational and the political in relation to terrorism. Critical accounts of contemporary terrorism suggest that there has been a shift in focus from governments and terrorist organisations to an apprehension of the individual victim. However, examinations of the audio-visual can inform terrorism studies, pointing towards representational and socio-political occlusions by illuminating an implicit hierarchy of visibility. Certain lives, generally Western and Christian, are visible and mourned publicly when lost, while others, in this case Algerian, remain without an image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the first systematic database, based on documentary information, about the circumstances around the kidnappings committed in Spain by ETA and its related organizations. Its main purpose, therefore, is to make the database itself publicly available for the academic community by offering free access to it in the website of our research group. We also provide a first utilization of the database by analyzing its different variables, which gives us a better understanding of the phenomenon of Basque nationalist terrorism, whose violent action has been present in Spanish society over the past decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some terrorist acts are meant to communicate something beyond the violence they cause. They are a form of political communication that should be studied as such. To identify the acts we consider politically communicative, we develop a typology of primary objectives that ranges from strategic goals to such communicative statements as moral condemnation. We examine why, as a form of political communication, terrorist acts typically fail. Terrorism fails as political communication because it is violent; because targeted audiences often have little prior awareness of the group's grievances; because it is sometimes a complex communication; and because governments and media frame issues in a way that sidelines the act's communicative content. In promoting a better understanding of the message, and why it fails, we hope to make this component of terrorism a more robust subject of study for political communication scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of 9/11 there has been a marked increase in depictions of terrorism in Hollywood film. This shift has been particularly significant in superhero films. This genre of films has not historically relied upon terrorist narratives, but this article highlights contemporary ideological overlaps between terrorist and superhero narratives that explain why they have been more frequently presented together in contemporary film. In particular, both rely upon what Giorgio Agamben and other scholars refer to as a “state of exceptionality” and they feature ideological categories, such as those delineated in the work of Teun Van Dijk. This article analyses these themes using the methods of Foucauldian Discourse Analysis. The article finds the growing number of depictions of terrorists in superhero films problematic because they deny terrorists rationality or political consciousness. The article analyses the binarism that this creates, finding that the proliferation of terrorist narratives in superhero films ultimately is detrimental because it proliferates a shallow and misleading understanding of terrorism which can undermine popular understanding of terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that, while there have always been good reasons for striving for a universally agreed definition of terrorism, there are further reasons for doing so in the post 9/11 environment, notwithstanding the formidable challenges that confront such an endeavour. Arguing that the essence of terrorism lies in its intent to generate a psychological impact beyond the immediate victims, it will propose three preliminary assumptions: that there is no such thing as an act of violence that is in and of itself inherently terrorist, that terrorism is best conceptualized as a particular method of political violence rather than defined as inherent to any particular ideology or perpetrator, and that non-civilians and combatants can also be victims of terrorism. It will then outline the implications that these assumptions have for the definitional debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the emergence of a corpus of victim centred-narratives addressing the experience of political violence during the anni di piomboin the period surrounding the establishment of the ‘Day of Memory for the Victims of Terrorism’. Bringing a critical victim-studies approach to bear, it explores how the victim of terrorism is portrayed in the corpus of victim-centred narratives and asks what is claimed, effected and achieved by the corpus in cultural terms. It further explores how the perspective of survivors of terrorist attacks and of relatives of the victims reshapes the cultural imaginary of the anni di piomboin the new millennium. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Histórica (02528894) is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a dataset of fatalities of domestic terrorism in Western European countries for the period 1965–2005. The Domestic Terrorism Victims (DTV) dataset, unlike others such as TWEED or GTD1, is based on local sources in each country and, consequently, it registers a higher number of killings. Measurement of the quantity of terrorism is therefore more accurate. The unit of observation is the fatality, not the attack, although the data can be transformed in terms of lethal attacks. Detailed information about each killing has been collected, making it possible to create new variables about the quality of violence: target selection, selectivity of the killings and their strategic aim. The ideology of the terrorists generates interesting variation in these three variables. The DTV is particularly suitable for hypothesis testing on the quantity and quality of terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The conflict in Northern Ireland left over 3,600 people dead and tens of thousands injured, but establishing who are victims and the very nature of victimhood has been difficult. In part this is due to the highly contested nature of the labels 'victim' and 'terrorist.' The present paper employed interpretative phenomenological analysis to gain a greater understanding of the conceptualisation of victimhood in Northern Ireland. Catholic and Protestant civilians, paramilitaries, politicians, security force personnel, and community activists who had experienced direct and/or indirect political violence were interviewed. Analysis of the interview transcripts revealed five themes related to internal, interpersonal, and macro aspects of victimhood. The participants illustrated how the label of victim was associated with both weakness and strength, depending on the audience. Interview responses also revealed that although participants were resilient, they suffered at least some temporary psychological trauma due to their exposure to political violence. In addition the analysis indicated that there was a psychological cost associated with perpetrating acts of political violence. These findings are discussed in relation to the need for a national or cross-national program of intergroup dialogue and truth recovery to provide closure to victims and reintegrate victims and perpetrators into the postconflict society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorists seek to elevate the perceived risk of terrorism by exploiting common psychological reactions to threats that capture media attention. Two heuristics or 'mental shortcuts' have been proposed to account for the effects of media reports of terrorism on risk perceptions: one emphasizing cognitive factors, the Availability Heuristic, the other emphasizing emotional factors, the Affect Heuristic. This study examines these heuristics in a nationally representative sample of more than 2000 American adults, of which a randomly selected subset was shown a brief but graphic video report of the aftermath of a terrorist attack. Results provide partial support for the activation of both heuristic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines terrorism as an act of violence intending bodily harm to others and specifically looks at terrorist violence in Russia in the instance of a bomb attack on the Café Libman in Odessa, on December 17th, 1905. The attack is said to have been remarkable because it was seemingly motiveless and aimed at civilians rather than political figures. The author analyzes the act as creating relationships among perpetrators, victims, and audience and purveyed by the media. The violence is also said to have been overshadowed by on-going pogroms and hooliganism in a culture in which violence was the norm.

This report summarizes interviews with five social workers who helped families that experienced political violence, and with 16 families that lost a family member due to terrorist activity in Israel and Palestine from 2000 to 2005. Results revealed a great disparity between the Israelis and the Palestinians on the types of and extent of benefits and support services given to the victims and their families of a terrorist incident. Israeli has a well-established system of victim compensation and has immediate and long-term benefits. Palestinian victims and their families have few services, little money for reparation, and no well-organized system for the support and compensation for acts of political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether the Global War on Terror (GWOT) has changed the terrorist threat is a matter of controversy. This study, using transnational terrorism events data from 1993 through 2004, employs a time-series approach to investigate the extent to which the onset of the GWOT (beginning with the invasion of Afghanistan) and related events (the invasion of Iraq, the capture of Saddam Hussein, and the release of photos from Abu Ghraib) are associated with changes in transnational terrorist activity, its frequency, dispersion, lethality, type of attack, and type of victim of transnational terrorist incidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Counterterrorism officials increasingly seek to scrutinize conduct and behavior that they believe, however uncertainly, to be probative of terrorist activity. When such conduct- based profiling specifically targets activity that is also expressive of Muslim identity, it may inflict pervasive dignitary and stigmatic harms upon the American Muslim community. Those seeking redress from such policies through litigation would find that existing constitutional doctrine does not readily let judges account for group harms when balancing the interests at stake. This Note, however, argues that Muslim plaintiffs can use the Free Exercise Clause doctrine of "hybrid situations," announced in Employment Division v. Smith, to plead that certain profiles' burdens upon their religiously motivated exercise of secular constitutional rights threaten to subordinate their religious community as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In many armed conflicts, rebel groups deliberately target civilians. This article examines whether such violence is related to the performance of the rebels on the battlefield. It is proposed that rebel groups who are losing battles target civilians in order to impose extra costs on the government. When rebels attack civilians, the government may incur both political and military costs. Violence against civilians is thus used as an alternative conflict strategy aimed at pressuring the government into concessions. The argument is evaluated by using monthly data for rebel groups involved in armed conflict from January 2002 to December 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the terror attacks of July 22, 2011, Norwegian health authorities piloted a new model for municipality-based psychosocial follow -up with victims. This column describes the development of a comprehensive follow -up intervention by health authorities and others that has been implemented at the municipality level across Norway. The model's principles emphasize proactivity by service providers; individually tailored help, with each victim being assigned a contact person in the residential municipality; continuity and long-term focus; effective intersectorial collaboration; and standardized screening of symptoms during the first year. Weekend reunions were also organized for the bereaved, and one-day reunions were organized for the survivors and their families at intervals over the first 18 months. Preliminary findings indicate a high level of success in model implementation. However, the overall effect of the interventions will be a subject for future evaluations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the innocence of the victims of terrorism. Selection of victims and targets of political terrorism; Role of innocence or guilt of the victims in violation to human rights; Trends in terrorist acts around the world.