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This article evaluates the historicity of 1 Sam 7:2-17 in light of renewed analysis of the archaeological remains from Tell en-Nasbeh, other Iron Age I sites in the region of Benjamin, broader literary considerations in 1 Sam 1-10, and the geography of the Central Hill Country. In so doing, a case is made that there is far more going on in vv. 6-7 than what appears to be a miscommunication between the Israelites, who have gathered at the site of Mizpah, and the Philistines, who send troops against the Israelites. A historical reconstruction that considers the narrative form of 1 Sam 7:2-17 and the archaeological remains is offered, as is a new proposal for the identification of the site of Gibeath-elohim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The biblical portrayal of the Philistines is largely negative. Their military exploits, depicted extensively in the books of Judges and 1 Samuel—coupled with their religion, unaccustomed to the Israelite cult—have led several commentators to label them a prototypical "other." To put it memorably, the Philistines are what Israel should not be. I attempt to nuance somewhat this overtly negative characterization of the Philistines by focusing on one incident in 1 Sam 6: the Philistines' returning of the ark, accompanied with a peculiar offering of objects made of gold. I compare this ritual to the sacrificial actions of Eli's sons in 1 Sam 2-4 to argue that, at least in 1 Sam 6, and with respect to what lies at the heart of Israel's cult—the approach of the inscrutable and holy deity—the Israelites should be more like the Philistines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archaeology is, for the most part, the study of material remains of the past. Archaeologists survey, excavate, analyze and construct a picture of past human life. They do their best to understand the daily life, the economy, the belief systems, the political and social structures, and so much else about long-gone civilizations. And, in many parts of the world and for long stretches of the human past, they do without recourse to written sources, simply because writing did not exist through most of that time. But if and when written records are available, they provide context, specific facts and dates, and much additional information that then give us a more complete picture of the history of the site or area that we are investigating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The biblical account of Samuel’s career prior to the careers of Saul and David contains an unexamined oddity. In 1Sam 7:13 and 7:15 the reader is told explicitly that the Philistines never again threatened Israel during the life of Samuel and that Samuel remained Israel’s judge for all of his days. Both of these claims are, however, relatively quickly revealed to be untruths: in one of the accounts of Saul’s rise to power it is the Philistine threat that impels Israel to ask for a king, and while Samuel retires in 1Sam 12, he lives on until 1Sam 25:1. This article argues that the bulk of 1Sam 1–7 originally described the career of Samuel the Judge, a figure like Samson, who was not supposed to have a role in the rise of monarchy in Israel. In this narrative, the claims in 1Sam 7:13 and 15 were explicitly true, and were meant to conclude this history of Samuel’s life [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Concept of Palestine is deeply rooted in the collective consciousness of the indigenous people of Palestine and the multicultural ancient past. The name Palestine is the most commonly used from the Late Bronze Age (from 1300 BCE) onwards. The name Palestine is evident in countless histories, inscriptions, maps and coins from antiquity, medieval and modern Palestine. From the Late Bronze Age onwards the names used for the region, such as Djahi, Retenu and Cana'an, all gave way to the name Palestine. Throughout Classical Antiquity the name Palestine remained the most common and during the Roman, Byzantine and Islamic periods the concept and political geography of Palestine acquired official administrative status. This article sets out to explain the historical origins of the concept of Palestine and the evolving political geography of the country. It will seek to demonstrate how the name 'Palestine' (rather than the term 'Cana'an') was most commonly and formally used in ancient history. It argues that the legend of the 'Israelites' conquest of Cana'an' and other master narratives of the Bible evolved across many centuries; they are myth-narratives, not evidence-based accurate history. It further argues that academic and school history curricula should be based on historical facts/empirical evidence/archaeological discoveries-not on master narratives or Old Testament sacred-history and religio-ideological constructs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tomb Cl at Tel 'Eton (Israel) is a unique Iron Age I elite burial cave (excavated in 1968 by Gershon Edelstein). The finds include many metal artifacts, seals, beads, and dozens of ceramic vessels, including Philistine bichrome pottery. Although some have interpreted the finds as reflecting Philistine occupation at Tel 'Eton, the ethnic composition of the region and the cultural significance of various objects suggest that the interred were members of the indigenous Canaanite elite. By combining the current understanding of cultural interaction in the region during Iron Age I and similar processes elsewhere, the present study reexamines this tomb and the associated finds. This will enable us to gain new insights into the interaction between the various groups that inhabited the region, internal developments within Canaanite society, and the nature of local responses to colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel's origins continue to be a concern for archeologists, biblical scholars and anthropologists. Nowdays, the study of "Ethnogenesis" stands as a new paradigm. Such model, despite having its origin in the archeological world, is confronted with other historical or literary sources -- for example, the Bible. Moreover, it takes into account the distinctive features of the Canaanites and the Philistines to assess the original elements of the new identity that "Israel" constitutes in the transition from Early Bronze Age to Iron Age I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Cooking installations are among the most abundant features in Bronze and Iron Age archaeological sites in the southern Levant, yet until now their study has been mostly descriptive. We present a study of 11 purported archaeological cooking installations from three different Bronze and Iron Age sites in Israel in which we deployed a variety of microarchaeological techniques. We provide direct physical evidence, based on Fourier Transform Infrared (FTIR) spectroscopy demonstrating that the archaeological installations were operated with temperatures as high as 900 °C. Using this technique we also demonstrate that all the mud-constructed installations studied by us were internally-fueled and therefore should be identified as Tannurs rather than the externally- fueled Tabuns. We studied in detail the quantities of ash-related microscopic remains, including opaline phytoliths, calcitic wood ash pseudomorphs and dung spherulites. We show that phytolith morphotype analysis cannot distinguish between wood-dominated and dung-dominated fuel materials, while a newly developed method that calculates the ratio of ash pseudomorphs to dung spherulites (PSR method) makes such a distinction possible. Moreover, we experimented with the effect of partial dissolution on fuel ash PSR values and utilize the results to explain taphonomy and diagenesis associated with two types of archaeological cooking installations – pebble hearths and baking ovens. In addition, we identified micromorphological criteria that can be used to assess whether ash deposits in or above a cooking installations are in situ and/or disturbed. Taken together, all lines of evidence used in this study indicate that wood was the major fuel material across time and space in the studied archaeological contexts, while dung was a secondary source of fuel. This observation also cross-cuts different culture-historical entities (Philistines, Canaanites, Israelites and Egyptians). In addition, wood was preferred as fuel irrespective of environmental differences among the studied sites. This study is yet another demonstration of the value of integrating microarchaeological techniques and approaches to traditional macroscopic archaeology. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Tucked away in the Hebrew Bible at the end of 1 Samuel and then resumed near the end of 2 Samuel is a provocative tale recounting the final fate of Saul, Israel's first king. At the beginning of this two-part narrative (1 Sam 31:1), we find Saul atop Mount Gilboa, badly wounded by Philistine archers and nearly dead. Fearing the Philistine armies will rush upon him and continue the humiliation—perhaps by stabbing him repeatedly while still alive, as Saul suggests in 31:4, or something worse—Saul commits suicide. As the rest of the chapter recounts, upon finding his corpse, the enemy army abuses him in a different but perhaps not less dreadful manner, i.e., by beheading the king and hanging the remainder of his body on the wall of Beth Shan (along with the bodies of his sons, who died with their father in the battle). The residents of Jabesh Gilead, however, hear of these events and abscond with the bodies, burying the bones in their own territory and thus ending this particular episode of conflict between Israel and Philistia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the history of state formation in the Kingdom of Judah during the Iron Age I and IIA periods through an analysis of archaeological excavations carried out in the Shephelah region of Israel, with focus given to the ancient sites at Tel Beth Shemesh and Khirbet Qeiyafa. The author explains material culture unearthed at these sites connected to the history of the kingdom's statehood, including Philistine pottery, cultic objects such as a basalt altar, and standing stones, along with the relationship between these objects and Judaean ethnic identity. The way in which such evidence can be compared to discussions of Judah's formation in the Bible is also examined.

Abstract: A metallurgically-oriented excavation in Area A at Tell es-Safi/Gath yielded evidence for iron and bronze production dating to the early Iron Age IIA. Two pit-like features, which differed considerably from one another in colour, texture and content, were excavated. Evidence shows that each feature represents a different in situ activity related to iron production, inferred by the presence of hammerscales, slag prills and slag. An upturned crucible was found on top of one of the features. Analysis of the crucible slag showed that it was used for bronze metallurgy. Tuyères, both round and square in cross-section, were found in and around the two features. The presence of the two industries together presents a unique opportunity to explore the relationship between copper and iron working. This is especially important against the background of the scarcity of evidence for iron production in the Levant during the early phases of the Iron Age. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article offers information related to the 2011-2012 reports in Jerusalem. It states that the site of Tell es-Safi, Israel is considered as the Philistine city of Gath under the direction of Professor Aren Maier of Bar-Ilan University. It says that the Damascus Gate or Sha'ar Shedem has been cleaned and restored after four years of work on the ancient walls of the city. It adds that the Kenyon Institute announced the new series of lectures in relation to Palestinian politics.

In two excavation cycles conducted at Tel Beth-Shemesh in the early 20th century, a scholarly myth about Philistine domination at the site during Iron Age I was born. Renewed excavations at Beth-Shemesh by the authors dispelled this unfounded hypothesis. In a sequence of lron I levels, Canaanite cultural traditions are dominant. Only a meager amount of Bichrome Philistine pottery was found, and other items of Philistine affiliation are missing. Furthermore, pork consumption was completely avoided at Beth-Shemesh in contrast with adjacent Philistine sites. Review of geopolitical changes in the Shephelah during the Late Bronze-Iron Age transition indicates that the Canaanite inhabitants of Beth-Shemesh took advantage of their location at the Philistine periphery, and resisted Philistine hegemony. By denying foodways (eating and drinking) that symbolized their new aggressive neighbors, the people of Beth-Shemesh culturally identified themselves" as "non-Philistine." But since an inverse process, by which elements of Philistine culture were adopted by Canaanites living within the Philistine territory, is also evident, it is apparent that whether adopting or denying Philistine cultural elements, the indigenous population of the Shephelah changed its previous way of life during Iron Age I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction to the group of essays that follows by Sam Gerson, Jean-Max Gaudilliere, Miri Rozmarin, and Udi Aloni, I trace the inspiration for this project, a collective contemplation of the figure of the biblical Samson using as its springboard David Grossman's book about Samson, Lion's Honey (2005). I write about how the project emerged out of my work with a patient who recommended Grossman's book to me and my effort to grapple with the dilemmas of familial and collective loyalties that transpired as a core aspect our joint endeavor. How does one let go of one's child, in life or in transference? And what kind of letting go should, on the other hand, be resisted? How can we think about this conundrum of freedom and responsibility? This is the crucial clinical and ethical concern underlying the collection of essays published here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstact: This paper presents new evidence, together with previous findings, for the appearance of charred seeds of Lathyrus sativus (grass pea)/Lathyrus cicera. This grain legume was a food staple in ancient times, principally in the Aegean region, but also appeared sporadically and in a limited way in the archaeological record of the southern Levant. It is encountered there first in the Late Bronze Age but disappears in the record at the end of the Iron Age. Although a palatable, nutritious plant adapted for growing under adverse conditions, its seeds can be toxic when consumed in large quantities. Apparently L. sativus/cicera made its way to the lowlands of the southern Levant, either by trade or with Philistine immigrants. It is absent at other south Levantine Bronze Age (i.e., Canaanite) and Iron Age sites and it remained a food component in the southern coastal region (i.e., Philistia, the region associated with the biblical Philistines) up to the end of Iron Age II, suggesting a possible ethnic association. Evidence of L. sativus/cicera joins that of another Aegean archaeobotanical import from an earlier, Middle Bronze Age II context, Lathyrus clymenum, found at Tel Nami, a coastal site farther to the north of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The origin of the Philistines, their quantity, quality, and status among the native Canaanite population, have all been the focus of a substantial volume of research. However, limited attention has been paid to the fact that at least four of the five primary Philistine cities--Ashkelon, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron--have Semitic names. Four of these five toponyms are known from the Bronze Age historical sources (such as the documents from Ugarit and the Amarna tablets and other Egyptian records), while the fifth (Ekron) is mentioned in Iron Age documents. This paper examines the influence of various factors (e.g., migration, conquest, exile, colonial and imperial rule) on the naming of sites settled by immigrants from other periods and cultures. The results of this examination are then applied to the existing theories regarding the settlement of the Philistines, in order to investigate the choice of location of their cities and the reason for adoption of existing toponyms by the immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses terracotta figurines from Iron Age Philistia that are made in the form of Mycenaean figurines or illustrate Aegean iconographic elements. Together with new material published from Ashdod, previously unpublished examples from the new excavations at Tel Miqne-Ekron and Ashkelon call for a reexamination of the typology and function of this group of figurines. As these objects may reflect both cultic practice affiliated with the Aegean and specific religious elements unique for the Philistines, they are especially important; they also indicate if and in what manner certain iconographic elements in Philistia developed over the course of the Iron Age. Both previously published and new data are discussed in terms of the typology, chronology, context, function and significance of these artifacts in light of the contemporary Late Helladic IIIC and Late Cypriot III material culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The biblical presentation of David's ostensible willingness to fight on the side of the Philistines against Israel (1 Sam. xxvii-xxix) is examined. Through a literary analysis it is shown that David is not depicted as intending to betray Saul and Israel. On the contrary, the narrator provides many hints that the Philistine commanders' assessment of David is correct and that had he not been sent away he would have fought against the Philistines and for Israel. His dismissal, instigated by the Philistine commanders, is compatible with the divine plan for Israel's defeat, the destruction of the House of Saul, and David's succeeding Saul on the throne of Israel (1 Sam. xxviii 16-19). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central character in 1 Samuel 4–6 is the Ark of the Covenant. The Ark is captured in battle, and subsequently wreaks havoc throughout the land of the Philistines until its subsequent return to the borders of Israel. Commonly referred to as the ‘Ark Narrative’ in scholarly literature, 1 Samuel 4–6 has often been viewed as a separate unit within the larger Deuteronomistic History. Although the Ark Narrative has been the subject of considerable scholarly interest, the methodological foci of such studies appear to have undergone a shift in more recent times. While earlier studies espoused a host of different critical approaches, such as tradition-historical, form-critical and redactional methodologies, it would seem that more recent studies have exhibited greater interest in literary appraisal and narrative criticism. This article presents a summary of recent research on the Ark Narrative of 1 Samuel 4–6 by 12 scholars: Robert Gordon, Lyle Eslinger, Peter Miscall, Walter Brueggemann, Yehoshua Gitay, Robert Polzin, J.P. Fokkelman, Bruce Birch, E.M.M. Eynikel, Graeme Auld, Barbara Green and Antony F. Campbell, SJ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Philistine finds were first discovered at sites such as Tel Qasile and Tel Gerisa along the Yarkon River, the central sector of Israel's coastal plain has been viewed as part of Philistine territory. Chronologically, it has been established that these sites were settled later than sites located in the heartland of Philistia (mainly Ashdod, Tel Miqne, and Ashkelon). Our knowledge of the Philistine settlement expansion is relatively limited, and we know very little about the people who settled in the Yarkon River Basin in the Iron I. Who were they? Where did they come from? What was their relationship with the main Philistine centers, with neighboring Canaanite cities such as Gezer, and with the population of the highlands to their east? This paper utilizes the homeland-frontier surplus exchange model presented by Paynter in order to reevaluate the social and economic interrelationship between settlements located in Israel's central coastal plain and the Philistines' homelands to the south. This new approach is based mainly on the finds from Iron I Aphek being prepared for final publication by the author. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the historical context and interpretation of the cities of Calneh, Hamath, and Gath in Amos VI 2. Questions raised in the passage; Points of argument regarding the identification of the biblical Gath of the Philistine; Critical points raised by the excavation conducted on the eastern side of the trench in Israel; Possibilities for the identification of the responsible party.

This article presents a detailed typological analysis of the locally produced Mycenaean IIIC:1 pottery assemblages from Tel Miqne-Ekron and Ashdod. Various aspects of the decoration and technology of this pottery group are examined, along with its stratigraphic context, regional distribution, and subsequent development. This synthesis of the initial phase of the Philistine ceramic corpus allows us to establish firm typological links between this assemblage and the Late Helladic IIIC Early and earlier part of the Late Helladic IIIC Middle periods in the Aegean, and with the transitional Late Cypriote IIC/IIIA and Late Cypriote IIIA periods on Cyprus. In absolute terms, we propose a date during the second quarter of the 12th century B.C.E. for the beginning of Philistine settlement on the southern Coastal Plain of Israel. The typology, chronology, and regional distribution of Mycenaean IIIC:1 pottery refute the notion that it was produced as a substitution for the Late Bronze Age Aegean imports. In addition, the identification of the stylistic development of this ware in Philistia, paralleled in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean, indicates continued contacts between the two regions in the first half of the 12th century B.C.E. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the application of an approach to the search for ethnic Israel of the premonarchic period. Background on the meanings of Philistine and Israelite; Limitations of the Culture Area approach to ethnicity employed by archeologists; Analysis of biblical and archaeological evidence of Israelite interaction with the Canaanites and Philistines.

A Philistine ostracon was found during the excavation of a commercial-type building at Ashkelon. The building was destroyed by the army of Nebuchadnezzar of Babylonian in 604 BCE. The ostracon belongs to this destruction level. As interpreted in this study, the text on the sherd is a diplomatic dispatch or letter from the king of Ashkelon to the king of Gaza. It deals with the movement of the head of Samson the Hebrew. When Samson died in the destruction of the temple of Gaza, therefore, his head was cut off before his body was taken back to Israel. It was preserved as a trophy or magic talisman representing the Philistine defeat of their enemies. Decapitation also occurred in the case of Goliath and in the cases of Saul and Jonathan when they were defeated on the battlefield by the Philistines. The text also includes the names of three Philistine kings of the late seventh century BCE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the historical discourse regarding the political territory of Israelites and Philistines in various Jewish books. Historiography of the political enterprise in Israel and Palestine; Formative role of the Philistine; Threat the scholar accounts of Philistine for the development of an Israelite state.

Tel Miqne (Khirbet Muqanna), the largest Iron Age site in Israel, is identified as biblical Ekron, one of the cities of the Philistine pentapolis. Sediment samples were collected from different contexts with a twofold objective in mind. First, confirmation was sought for the identification of particular Philistine loci as occupation surfaces. Since little is known about Philistine daily life, the second objective was to discern through phytolith analysis the plant or plants that contributed phytoliths to the sediments. Phytoliths from the sediments were compared to those extracted from a reference collection of modern grasses, sedges, and rushes known to occur in Israel. In particular, the possibility was explored that the Philistines may have used a reedgrass, Phragmites australis, that currently grows in the adjacent wadifor mats, thatch, and basketry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author examines conditions in early Iron Age Judah in relation to current archaeological discoveries at a fortified site in Judah called Khirbet Qeiyafa. He presents a background of conditions in the region following the dissolution of the Egyptian Empire and when Hebrew settlements faced pressure from the expansionist aims of the Philistines. He examines Egyptian records that support a scenario in which the fortifications served as defensive measures. The author also argues against labeling the site as Davidic or Solomonic.

Focuses on the discovery of a royal dedicatory temple inscription in Phoenician script that provides conclusive evidence of the identity of Ekron, one of the five capital cities of the Philistines. Names cited in the five-line inscription on a large block of stone; Discovery made at the thirteenth and final season of the Tel Miqne-Ekron project in Israel.