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Focuses on the principles that should guide the United States in intervention abroad. Claim that former secretary of state Henry Kissinger's preference for foreign policy is not based on ideology but balance of power; Debate over the national security strategy of the U.S.; View that both hyper-realism and neo-Wilsonianism are, by themselves, wrong and inadequate as the basis for any future U.S. foreign policy; Implications of Kissinger's realism for foreign policy of the U.S.; Concern of Kissinger over the threat to the U.S. posed by Japan.

An essay is presented which explores Japanese foreign policy under the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the rule of the Liberal Democratic Party. Emphasis is given to topics such as support for U.S. military intervention in global conflicts, relations with China, and Abe's focus on national security. Other topics include re-militarization, nationalism, and the legacy of Japanese war crimes.

Comments on the tentative trade agreement between the United States and Japan. Key elements of the Bush administration's "structural impediments initiative; Strain of neo-protectionism that seems to be creeping into American trade policy; Dangers of using such a strategy in the current global economy; Dangers of the rising trade tension; Regional economic blocks that constitute the modern global economy.

Presents a brief on U.S. President George Bush's trip to Japan. Arrival ceremonies at Tokyo Airport; Description of the drive going to Bush's official residence; Recreational activities prepared for the President and his party; Visit of Bush to government officer and places of business; Argument pertaining to Bush's official meetings with Japanese political leaders; Comments of Bush on Japanese cuisine.

The article presents the comments of politician Shintaro Ishihara, professor Ezra Vogel, and professor Laura Tyson on the economic decline of the U.S. and the importance for Japan to assert itself in the international community. Ishihara cites that a major cause of the U.S.-Japan trade friction is that significant differences in the capitalistic economies of the two countries have adversely affected the U.S. economy and industry. Tyson mentions that the U.S. has to bear the responsibility for its relative decline, but she also disagrees on several crucial issues raised in Ishihara's book, "The Japan That Can Say "No." These include claims that racism is the reason for U.S. and European criticism of Japanese practices and drives efforts to gain more access to Japanese markets.

This article reports that U.S. President Bill Clinton's Administration is urging supply-side-type tax cuts and deregulation on Japan. Yukio Noguchi, an economics professor at Hitotsubashi University, explains that the reason Japan needs to change its fiscal policies is not to please the U.S., but because it will be good for Japan's economy. He suggests that, to get out of the recession, Japan will have to stimulate home demand. Tax cuts combined with more deregulation of the economy would put more spending power in Japanese consumers' pockets and lower the cost of goods to them. Judging from his past statements, Japanese Prime Minister Morihiro Hosokawa has left the door open for such a policy. He believes that it would certainly help repair frayed relations with the U.S. if he could announce such changes coincident with his planned visit to the U.S. in late September.

Presents the author's views on how a newly confident and engaged Japan will influence global markets and international relations. View that Japan has been emerging from its shell over the last ten years and that the acceleration of this emergence is a victory of the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush; Resurgence of conservative politics in Japan; Effect of North Korean nuclear threats on Japan's foreign relations; Discussion of the economic and diplomatic relationship between Japan and China; Question of whether military threats from China will result in the growth of a Cold War in Asia.

Discusses the results of the journal "Business Week"/Harris poll of Japanese attitudes toward the U.S. Criticism of the U.S.'s economic performance and values; Effect if unfair trade barriers on U.S.-Japanese trade relations; Perception among Japanese that Japan is likely to replace the U.S. as the world's leading economic and political power; Need for the U.S. to cut its budget deficit, promote investment over consumption and repair its infrastructure and education system.

The article presents information on the beneficiaries of the aviation agreement signed between Japan and the U.S. Though called a milestone for opening the $10 billion market to competition, competitors such as American Airlines Inc. and Delta Airlines Inc. need to take permission for landing and takeoff slots at Narita Airport in Tokyo, Japan. Airline carriers, Northwest Airlines Inc. and United Airlines Inc., with extensive transpacific rights can use their slots as per their convenience.

The article presents news briefs relevant to international affairs and relations compiled as of March 1997. U.S.-Japan bilateral ties led to reduced bilateral trade tension and less Japanese anxiety over military alliance. France-based telecommunications company Alcatel Alsthom has reported positive profits. Alcatel is set to takeover defense contractor Thomson-CSF.

Reports that the U.S. and American corporations are keeping a wary eye on the economic alliance being forced by China and Japan. Japanese direct investment in China; Sino-Japanese trade flows.

Reports on the plans by the United States government to resolve trade issues with Japan. Trade battles with Japan over semiconductors, automobiles and telecommunication; Proposals to reestablish a United States-Japan committee to resolve trade problems.

Focuses on the economic relations of the U.S. with Japan. Imposition of sanctions on Japanese imports by U.S. President Bill Clinton's administration; Need for Japan to open its domestic automobile and automobile-parts markets to the U.S. companies; Threats of the Japanese to bring action against the U. S. at the World Trade Organization; Possible steps that Japan could take to retaliate the U.S. move of sanctions on Japan.

This article reports that the U.S. expressed dissatisfaction over the fact that its international trade partners Europe and Japan privately supported an American hard line against China but publicly feigned neutrality. A China-U.S. agreement to curb Chinese piracy of foreign intellectual property gives Europe and Japan a free ride.

The article reports on the strategic planning office to be established by the U.S. and Japan. The office will be in charge of drawing up medium- and long-range defense policies. Japan has upgraded its Defense Agency to a full-fledged government ministry. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe now promotes his nation's candidacy for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. He was being backed by former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage.

The article focuses on Yukio Hatoyama, elected Prime Minister of Japan in August, 2009. Hatoyama's Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) frequently criticized the country's close relationship with the U.S. when in opposition. Hatoyama has expressed interest in leading international climatic change mitigation efforts. Japan's need to balance relations with the U.S. and China is examined.

The article looks at issues affecting foreign relationships of the U.S. with Japan. A resolution requesting the Japanese government to accept full responsibility and apologize for the comfort women of World War II was approved by the House in summer 2007. Also mentioned are items listed on Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda's agenda to be discussed during his visit to Washington in November, including the plan of the Japanese government to reduce its support payments for U.S. bases in Japan.

This article discusses South Korea's relationship with North Korea and Japan in the wake of the firing of seven missiles toward the Sea of Japan by North Korea's Kim Jong Il. South Korea has pursued a "sunshine policy" toward North Korea and, instead, is criticizing Japan for igniting tensions in the region. South Korea's policy hides its deep concerns over the incident and it will suspend food and fertilizer shipments to North Korea. Continuing tensions among the three countries and the U.S. concerning North Korea are discussed.

This article reports that Japan needs to balance its relations with the United States against its cordial connections to oil-rich Middle Eastern states. Japan is well thought of in the region, in contrast to the United States and European countries. Although dependent on the U.S. for its national security, Japan relies on Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates for its energy supply and is investing heavily in the Middle East.

The article discusses international relations between Japan and the United States. On a visit to Asia, U.S. President George W. Bush urged China to follow the examples of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan in embracing "the universal principles" of democracy and freedom. In particular, the president singled out Japan for praise. The root of Japan's malaise is friction with its neighbors, chiefly China and South Korea, over historical debates about Japan's wartime guilt. The Japanese are obsessively taking the pulse of the country's relationship with America. On matters of trade, relations are a world away from the frictions of the past two decades. Currently, America and Japan are deep in discussion between their respective defence and foreign ministries about reshaping their security alliance in a way that will supposedly lead to a "transformation" of America's huge military presence in Japan, requiring fewer, more mobile American troops and greater "burden-sharing" from Japan in the face of future threats.

Reports on international relations in Asia. China's reaction to a decision by the United States and Japan to find a peaceful resolution to the issue of Taiwan, which China claims to own and wants to reunite with the mainland; The increased tension in the region as Taiwan's President Chen Shui-bian emphasizes the island's de facto independence; China's concerns about Japan's armed forces and alliance with America; The rivalry between China and Japan for regional leadership; Concern about China's influence with North Korea; Effort of the U.S. to improve relations with India.

The article argues that it is possible the 2006 agreement between the U.S. and Japan, which would close the Futenma Marine Corps base, construct a military base in Okinawa and relocate many members of the Marines to Guam, will be renegotiated and consequently abrogated, depending on the result of elections for the city council in Nago and for governor, both in Okinawa. The agreement, according to the author, has affected the already troubled U.S.-Japan relations. Meanwhile, the agreement will face investigation in the U.S. Congress.

This article presents information about relations between Japan and the United States. Some speculate that relations are strained because of Japan's opposition to a U.S. airbase in a densely populated section of Japan. The article notes that the two countries agree on many other more important issues, such as cooperation over North Korean policy and the fundamentals of their security alliance.

The article discusses issues arising from the 2007 visit of Japanese prime minister Yasuo Fukuda to Washington D.C. The article suggests that in conference with U.S. president George W. Bush, Fukuda will raise a number of issues including the defense of Japan by U.S. armed forces, American overtures to North Korea and Japan's support for the war on terrorism. The article also examines other issues that strain Japan-U.S. relations.

Comments on the commemoration of historical military campaigns and battles. Details of the American military campaign which took Saipan and the Marianas from Japan; Comments on Japan's commemoration of the Saipan battle, which recognized both Japanese and American soldiers; Profile of diplomatic and economic relations between the U.S. and Vietnam; Views on the management of postwar international relations.

This article considers the waning chances of a diplomatic end to a crisis over the North Korean nuclear weapons program. At talks last week in Beijing, North Korea's negotiator told his American, Chinese, Japanese, South Korean and Russian counterparts that his country now had nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them, and was ready to test one. For once the mendacious Kim Jong Il may be deadly serious. Whether or not North Korea publicly blasts itself across the nuclear threshold, issuing such threats in front of China and Russia, not just privately to America, raises the stakes. Both have tried to pretend that Mr Kim had no bomb, and that, offered enough by America, he never would. Yet their patience with his recklessness was already wearing thin: his nuclear threats have upset the region and risk setting off a chain reaction that could turn others, including Japan and South Korea, nuclear at speed. Kim has had other opportunities to trade in his nuclear option, and spurned them. America therefore needs to set out a workable sequence of verifiable steps to be taken. And since it understandably refuses to reward North Korea economically for giving up weapons it never should have had, others, including South Korea and Japan, could offer incentives to make any deal stick.

Discusses the efforts of Australia, Canada and Japan, none of which has a seat on the United Nations Security Council, to decide how to aid the United States in its efforts to wage war against Iraq. So far, Australia is the only significant country, besides Great Britain, to have sent forces to the Persian Gulf in support of a possible U.S. attack. There is little public support in Australia for this action.Prime Minister John Howard, usually one of Australia's most wily political operators, is now caught between his desire to bolster support for his government and his commitment to friendship with the U.S., the cornerstone of Australia's foreign policy. In Canada--the U.S.'s biggest trading partner, but also a country viscerally unwilling to be seen as a mere adjunct to its neighbour--roughly the same divisions occur. The government of Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, having long insisted that a second resolution on Iraqi disarmament was needed, now seems to be shifting to the U.S. side in any event. Compared with Canada and Australia, Japan has faced few tough questions over Iraq. Its pacifist constitution ensures that its military role in any intervention will be indirect and limited. Given that, the prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi, and his team have been surprisingly supportive of the U.S.. They would like a second resolution, but they also keep hinting that Iraq's actions warrant a U.S. attack.

This article discusses reasons as to why U.S. President George Bush should not cancel his scheduled visit to Japan. It is reported that firstly, the cancellation would be seen as a concession to Democrats' frivolous arguments. According to the arguments, the Democrats want him to cancel the trip but the American public would see the cancellation as electoral panic. Secondly, it is vital that the U.S. maintain its political ties and tight defense link with Japan. It is stated that irresponsible nationalist forces on both sides are threatening to tear the political ties asunder.

Reacts to Japan's offer and prompt withdrawal of one billion dollars to help finance the Persian Gulf operation. Resentments expressed by U.S. Senator Alfonse D'Amato and John McCain over Japan's noncontribution; Benefits of U.S. intervention in Iraq for Japan in terms of oil imports; Idea of billing Japan and other countries who benefited from the intervention.

The article focuses on the arguments made by the U.S. to lift trade restrictions from Japan and the European Union. It is reported that the U.S. is in a trade dispute with the EU over the EU's restrictions on the importation of genetically modified organism (GMO) crops. Moreover, the U.S. has been pressurizing the Japanese to reopen their market which has been closed to U.S. beef since mad cow disease was first detected in the U.S. herd at the end of 2003. The U.S. is arguing in favor of immediate economic gains in the case of GMO sales to the Europeans, from increased trade over and against long-term health and/or safety problems that may arise if it were to turn out that GMOs pose a risk that does not show up for 10, 20, or 30 years.