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Political polarization is a barrier to enacting policy solutions to global issues. Social psychology has a rich history of studying polarization, and there is an important opportunity to define and refine its contributions to the present political realities. We do so in the context of one of the most pressing modern issues: climate change. We synthesize the literature on political polarization and its applications to climate change, and we propose lines of further research and intervention design. We focus on polarization in the United States, examining other countries when literature was available. The polarization literature emphasizes two types of mechanisms of political polarization: (1) individual-level psychological processes related to political ideology and (2) group-level psychological processes related to partisan identification. Interventions that address group-level processes can be more effective than those that address individual-level processes. Accordingly, we emphasize the promise of interventions leveraging superordinate identities, correcting misperceived norms, and having trusted leaders communicate about climate change. Behavioral interventions like these that are grounded in scientific research are one of our most promising tools to achieve the behavioral wedge that we need to address climate change and to make progress on other policy issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Cancer Research Fund and American Institute for Cancer Research (WCRF/AICR) advise cancer survivors to follow their lifestyle recommendations for cancer prevention. Adhering to these recommendations may have beneficial effects on patient-reported outcomes after a cancer diagnosis, but evidence is scarce. We aimed to assess associations of the individual dietary WCRF/AICR recommendations regarding fruit and vegetables, fibre, fast foods, red and processed meat, sugar-sweetened drinks and alcohol consumption with patient-reported outcomes in colorectal cancer (CRC) survivors. Cross-sectional data of 150 stage I–III CRC survivors, 2–10 years post-diagnosis, were used. Dietary intake was measured by 7-d dietary records. Validated questionnaires were used to measure health-related quality of life (HRQoL), fatigue and neuropathy. Confounder-adjusted linear regression models were used to analyse associations of each WCRF/AICR dietary recommendation with patient-reported outcomes. Higher vegetable intake (per 50 g) was associated with better global QoL (β 2·6; 95 % CI 0·6, 4·7), better physical functioning (3·3; 1·2, 5·5) and lower levels of fatigue (−4·5; −7·6, −1·4). Higher fruit and vegetables intake (per 100 g) was associated with better physical functioning (3·2; 0·8, 5·5) and higher intake of energy-dense food (per 100 kJ/100 g) with worse physical functioning (−4·2; −7·1, −1·2). No associations of dietary recommendations with neuropathy were found. These findings suggest that adhering to specific dietary WCRF/AICR recommendations is associated with better HRQoL and less fatigue in CRC survivors. Although the recommendations regarding healthy dietary habits may be beneficial for the well-being of CRC survivors, longitudinal research is warranted to gain insight into the direction of associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well established that conservatives in the United States are substantially less likely than liberals to accept that climate change is happening and is human caused and are less supportive of policies to limit climate change. However, it is likely that ideological differences in climate change beliefs, attitudes, and policy preferences are smaller when people have close friends and family members who care about climate change. Here, we use nine nationally representative survey samples (total N = 16,168) to evaluate this claim and test if perceived social consensus predicts a smaller difference in climate change beliefs between liberals and conservatives. We find that social consensus plays an important role in climate change beliefs, attitudes, and policy preferences for people across the ideological spectrum, but especially among conservatives. These findings provide important insights on how to bridge ideological divides in large social dilemmas such as climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I offer a critique of the cultural cognition thesis. I argue that cultural cognition is not a theory about culture or cognition per se; rather, it is a thesis that aims to explain why specific American groups with opposing political views disagree over a select number of contemporary science issues. I highlight that cultural cognition can be characterized as a “strange loop” as it frequently defines its core theoretical properties (e.g., group, culture, political ideology) in terms of one another. The approach also overgeneralizes specific findings from social psychology and underappreciates the many audiences that comprise the general “public”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American economic historian Alexander Gerschenkron (1904–1978) gained fame as the creator of the theory of the ‘advantages of backwardness’, according to which latecomers in the industrialization process could obtain important advantages from their later start. The parallel with the theory of combined and uneven development in historical materialism has already been noted by many scholars. It was usually dismissed as a coincidence, and Gerschenkron himself said that he also regarded it that way; he never mentioned Marxist precursors in this connection. This article proves, however, that Gerschenkron, as a student and academic in Vienna (1924–1938), was in fact a committed Marxist—at first in the left opposition within the Social Democratic Workers' Party, and later in the Communist Party. It was as good as impossible for a scholar in his position not to have read Rudolf Hilferding's famous book onFinance Capital(1910); and it is likewise highly improbable that Gerschenkron, the omnivorous expert on the USSR, would not have read the 1931 German translation of Trotsky'sHistory of the Russian Revolution. Both books developed the idea of the ‘advantages of backwardness’ long before Gerschenkron did. After his emigration to the United States in 1938 Gerschenkron always kept very quiet about his left-wing past, thus effectively killing two birds with one stone: he was not linked to Marxism, and he could claim more scientific originality than was due to him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aimed at examining the possibility that certain social representations of peace and war are, more than others, (in)compatible with support for warfare. It also aimed at investigating the weight of political culture on the realization of this possibility. Using the framework of social representations theory (Moscovici, 1961/2008), this study surveyed undergraduate students from 3 universities located in 2 countries: the United States and Denmark. Analyses conducted at the cultural and individual levels (Leung, 1989) show that the notions of peace as social transformation and of war as direct and indirect violence tend to be more prevalent among anti-war supporters and Danish participants, and indicate that the values and ideas of peace and war that are most incompatible with support of warfare are equality, fear, and poverty. Results are discussed with respect to their theoretical contribution and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leonard Weiss: What Would States Sacrifice for Nonproliferation?; Page van der Linden: Disarmament alongside Deterrence; Lani Miyoshi Sanders, Sharon M. DeLand & Arian L. Pregenzer respond [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper rejects most aspects of John W. Lango and Eric Patterson's proposal that the United States should plan for a possible intervention in Sudan on secessionist and humanitarian grounds and announce this planning as a deterrent to the central government of Sudan attacking the people of South Sudan if they would opt in a January 201 1 referendum for independence. I argue that secession is not a just cause for armed intervention and that, rightfully, neither the American people nor many of its men and women in uniform would be prepared to engage in an intervention that might easily escalate. I also caution that American intervention against an Islamic regime might have high global security costs. For the sake of avoiding these negative consequences and harm to the people of Sudan, available nonviolent policy alternatives should be pursued. Still, I grant that the global community should intervene in Sudan if mass slaughter of civilians were to occur as a result of renewed hostilities between North and South Sudan. My objections to Lango and Patterson's intervention proposal appeal to jus ad bellum principles as well as just military preparedness (jus ante bellum) principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just War Theorists have neglected that a lack of "just military preparedness" on the side of a country seriously undermines its capability to resort justly to military force. In this paper, I put forth five principles of "just military preparedness" and show that since the new Obama administration will seek to maintain the United States' dominant military position in the world, it will violate each of the principles. I conclude on this basis that we should anticipate that the Obama administration will add another page to the United States' history of unjust military interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our main thesis is that the U.S. has a duty of justice to adopt an open-border policy with regard to economic migrants because it is significantly responsible for the unjust social and economic conditions that bring such migrants to its borders. From this perspective, President Bush's recent "guest worker" proposal is morally objectionable because it is designed more to serve U.S. business interests than the interests of the migrants. We address three objections to opening borders: it will worsen the economic condition especially of low-skilled native workers; it will harm developing countries by increasing the so-called "brain drain"; and it is preferable to discharge our responsibility to the global poor by increasing development assistance instead of adopting an open-border policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a transnational perspective of labor history in the United States. Challenges faced by labor historians; Impact of the collapse of socialism on classical labor historiography; Aspects of labor transnationalism.

Presents a bibliography of German-language publications on the US-American working class and labor movement from 1865 to 1914.

Bathing in thermal water has an impressive history and continuing popularity. In this paper a brief overview of the use of water in medicine over the centuries is given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Writer Melvyn Dubofsky's book "We Shall Be All: A History of Industrial Workers of the World," has become a classic work among labor historians. Written in an elegant and lively style, this monumental book offers readers a convincing impression of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and especially of the ordinary members and their worries, ambitions, and struggles. Admittedly, aspects of Dubofsky's analysis have been subject to debate, and some interpretations are questionable. This situation does not, however, diminish the importance of this book, reflecting compassion and commitment. Though the book has retained its importance, it is also a product of its time. The borders of the United States and Canada are also those of the narrative. Developments abroad are covered only in terms of their direct consequences for North America. Enemies have often accused the IWW of being "un-American." Dubofsky's "national" approach may stem from his effort to prove that the Wobblies were indeed "all American." This desire is understandable but is also a major limiting factor for two reasons: it neglects the transnational influence of the IWW and fails to provide comparisons with similar movements in other countries.

The article offers information on the topics that will be featured in the volume 12 issues of the journal "Radical Philosophy Review" that will be released in the U.S. in 2008.

Despite calls for political consensus, there is growing evidence that the public response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been politicized in the US. We examined the extent to which this polarization exists among the US public across two national studies. In a representative US sample (N = 699, March 2020) we find that liberals (compared to conservatives) perceive higher risk, place less trust in politicians to handle the pandemic, are more trusting of medical experts such as the WHO, and are more critical of the government response. We replicate these results in a second, pre-registered study (N = 1000; April 2020), and find that results are similar when considering partisanship, rather than political ideology. In both studies we also find evidence that political polarization extends beyond attitudes, with liberals consistently reporting engaging in a significantly greater number of health protective behaviors (e.g., wearing face masks) than conservatives. We discuss the possible drivers of polarization on COVID-19 attitudes and behaviors, and reiterate the need for fostering bipartisan consensus to effectively address and manage the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research demonstrates that news-related social media posts using negative language are re-posted more, rewarding users who produce negative content. We investigate whether negative material from external news sites is also introduced to social media through more user posts, offering comparable incentives for journalists to adopt a negative tone. Data from four US and UK news sites (95,282 articles) and two social media platforms (579,182,075 posts on Facebook and Twitter, now X) show social media users are 1.91 times more likely to share links to negative news articles. The impact of negativity varies by news site and social media platform and, for political articles, is moderated by topic focus, with users showing a greater inclination to share negative articles referring to opposing political groups. Additionally, negativity amplifies news dissemination on social media to a greater extent when accounting for the re-sharing of user posts containing article links. These findings suggest a higher prevalence of negatively toned articles on Facebook and Twitter compared to online news sites. Further, should journalists respond to the incentives created by the heightened sharing of negative articles to social media platforms, this could even increase negative news exposure for those who do not use social media., (© 2024. The Author(s).)

Background: While distant metastases in primary bone sarcomas have been extensively studied, the impact of isolated regional lymph node (LN) metastasis on survival remains unknown. In patients with primary bone sarcomas, we sought to assess the prevalence of isolated regional LN metastasis and the survival of this population., Methods: A total of 6651 patients with histologically-confirmed high-grade osteosarcoma, Ewing sarcoma, or chondrosarcoma were retrieved from the SEER database. We defined four subgroups for our analysis: localized disease (N0 M0), isolated regional LN metastasis (N1 M0), isolated distant metastasis (N0 M1), and combined regional LN and distant metastasis (N1 M1). Disease-specific survival (DSS) was assessed using the Kaplan-Meier method., Results: Prevalence of isolated regional LN metastasis (N1 M0) was highest in Ewing sarcoma (27/1097; 3.3 %), followed by chondrosarcoma (18/1702; 1.4 %) and osteosarcoma (26/3740; 0.9 %). In all three histologies, patients with isolated regional LN metastasis had a worse 2-year, 5-year, and 10-year DSS than those with localized disease. Chondrosarcoma patients with isolated regional LN (N1 M0) metastasis had a significantly higher DSS in comparison to those with only distant metastasis (N0 M1) at the 5- and 10-year marks; for osteosarcoma and Ewing sarcoma, only a pattern towards higher survival was seen. Risk factors for presenting isolated regional LN metastasis included tumor location in lower-limb (OR = 2.01) or pelvis (OR = 2.49), diagnosis of Ewing sarcoma (OR = 2.98), and tumor >10 cm (OR = 1.96)., Conclusions: Isolated regional LN metastases in primary bone sarcomas is an infrequent presentation associated with worse survival than localized disease., Level of Evidence: III., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest Each author certifies that there are no funding or commercial associations (e.g., consultancies, stock ownership, equity interest, patent/licensing agreements, etc.) that might pose a conflict of interest in connection with the submitted article related to the author or any immediate family members., (© 2024 Elsevier Ltd, BASO ∼ The Association for Cancer Surgery, and the European Society of Surgical Oncology. All rights are reserved, including those for text and data mining, AI training, and similar technologies.)

Background: The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic disrupted the lives of people with diabetes. Use of real-time continuous glucose monitoring (rtCGM) helped manage diabetes effectively. Some of these disruptions may be reflected in population-scale changes to metrics of glycemic control, such as time-in-range (TIR). Methods: We examined data from 65,067 U.S.-based users of the G6 rtCGM System (Dexcom, Inc., San Diego, CA) who had uploaded data before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Users associated with three counties that included the cities of Los Angeles, Chicago, and New York or with five regions designated by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) were compared. Public data were used to associate regions with prepandemic and intrapandemic glycemic parameters, COVID-19 mortality, and median household income. Results: Compared with an 8-week prepandemic interval before stay-at-home orders (January 6, 2020, to March 1, 2020), overall mean (standard deviation) TIR improved from 59.0 (20.1)% to 61.0 (20.4)% during the early pandemic period (April 20, 2020 to June 14, 2020, P  < 0.001). TIR improvements were noted in all three counties and in all five CDC-designated regions. Higher COVID-19 mortality was associated with higher proportions of individuals experiencing TIR improvements of ≥5 percentage points. Users in economically wealthier zip codes had higher pre- and intrapandemic TIR values and greater relative improvements in TIR. TIR and pandemic-related improvements in TIR varied across CDC-designated regions. Conclusions: Population-level rtCGM data may be used to monitor changes in glycemic control with temporal and geographic specificity. The COVID-19 pandemic is associated with improvements in TIR, which were not evenly distributed across the United States.

We present novel rearing records of Agromyzidae (Diptera) from throughout the United States. We describe leaf mines or other larval habits for 27 species, plus five others whose identification is tentative, and another five that are identified only to genus due to the absence of male specimens. We review host and distribution data for the known species, reporting 26 new host species records (including the first rearing records for Phytomyza flexuosa Spencer, P. notopleuralis Spencer, and (tentatively identified) Ophiomyia frosti Spencer) and 25 new state records (including the first USA records for P. krygeri Hering, P. thermarum (Griffiths), and (tentatively identified) Liriomyza cracentis Lonsdale). We also describe and provide natural history information for the following 13 new species: Haplopeodes loprestii Eiseman Lonsdale, Liriomyza euphorbivora Eiseman Lonsdale, L. hypopolymnia Eiseman Lonsdale, Melanagromyza arnoglossi Eiseman Lonsdale, M. gentianivora Eiseman Lonsdale, M. hieracii Eiseman Lonsdale, M. rudbeckiae Eiseman Lonsdale, M. urticae Eiseman Lonsdale, M. verbenivora Eiseman Lonsdale, Ophiomyia nabali Eiseman Lonsdale, O. rugula Eiseman Lonsdale, Phytomyza flavilonicera Eiseman Lonsdale, and P. triostevena Eiseman Lonsdale.