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This article examines a voting rights campaign known as "Blocks for Freedom" that was launched in 1966 to help a group of rural African American women in Clay County, Mississippi, protect their right to vote. These Black women faced significant obstacles to vote even after the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Local white vigilantes and county administrators used violence and the threat of informal economic sanctions to punish Black citizens who registered to vote. "Blocks for Freedom" sought to circumvent these limitations by creating jobs for Black women that would offer a living wage and protect their ability to cast ballots. Led by poor women in Mississippi and civil rights advocates in New York City, this innovative campaign shows how grassroots activists encountered voter suppression techniques employed to dilute the Black vote after the Civil Rights Movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'end demand' approach to prostitution has been popping up in Europe through the anti-trafficking debate and receives increasing attention on the international agenda. It is well recognized that improving workers' rights, increasing unionization and collective bargaining coverage are effective strategies for tackling trafficking. However, with regard to sexual exploitation, focus is not on these strategies but instead on the abolition of the entire sex industry with the help of criminal justice systems. In first decade after the Palermo Protocol (2000), international organizations (IGOs) promoted a human rights-based approach to tackling trafficking, aiming to balance the criminal justice focus of the protocol. This work guided states on how to maintain and protect human rights while combating human trafficking. However, the explosive issue of sex work/prostitution was minimized, with IGOs avoiding the topic due to the fragile consensus about the definition of human trafficking and state obligations. Meanwhile, sex workers' collectives and unions globally and throughout Europe developed their own strategies on how to address widespread criminalization, discrimination, violence and exploitation, with no or very limited funding and resources—and without recognition of their work, experience and expertise. This article presents how the European Sex Workers' Rights Alliance (ESWA) and other sex workers' rights civil society organizations have sought to challenge the harmful impacts of the 'end demand' discourse and the criminalization of sex work in the name of anti-trafficking in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that love and care, and more specifically, the hope of a new world, were central to the ethos of the US Civil Rights movement of the late 1960s and the decolonial projects inspired by it. Starting from the work of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and other central activists of the era, this article explores how hope guided their visionary work. This article examines what differentiates the forms of hope deployed by civil rights activists and those of more recent US nationalist movements. This piece also traces the work of US third-wave feminists in creating a theory around radical hope, and the creation of what I define as a standpoint of hope: a type of consciousness that rejects the consumption of hope for selfish purposes and promotes a style of life that looks after the most vulnerable beyond one's own group. As the article explains, hope works multi-dimensionally, as it can help people navigate their everyday struggles, envision a different outcome, and critically analyze their own history and experiences of oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay proposes the theory of voluntary prosecution in the context of animal rescue and animal rights movement. It defines voluntary prosecution and provides a historical context for voluntary prosecutions including the trial of African American activist Susan B. Anthony for unlawfully voting in the 1872 election and the 1952 trial of gay rights activist Dale Jennings for lewd conduct with an undercover male police officer. It discusses the movement for open rescue by animal activists.

Martin Luther King Jr. appealed for social scientists to reflect on the normative questions of what morality ought to be and what the aims of science ought to be. To avoid rendering social science irrelevant, 1960s moral psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg agreed with King when he argued that morality should be based on a philosophical ideal rather than an adjustment to society. Kohlberg's definition of morality meant that Black protesters could be exemplary. By the 1970s, Kohlberg worked in schools to promote children's knowledge of racial justice and achieve institutional reform, such as integration and affirmative action. Subsequent work challenged Kohlberg's definition of morality and instead claimed morality meant adhering to group-defined standards. Rather than being seen as more moral and mature, Black civil rights activists came to be seen as possessing a different morality of care that refused to assimilate to White American moral norms. Later, Haidt claimed that a “great synthesis” of empirical work led to a definition of morality as adherence to cultural standards. This definition of morality led Haidt to describe the morality of Black protesters as deficient and mentally ill. The latter approach assumed science aims to achieve racial harmony and spoke against affirmative action. The change in the description of civil rights protesters as exceptional, different, and then mad results in a change in normative assumptions rather than a new synthesis of empirical findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second half of the twentieth century, Edward W. Brooke became one of the best known and most highly respected African American political leaders in the nation. He believed that he could achieve more for civil rights within the Republican Party than without. For Brooke, Republican Party membership was more than a tool to ensure reelection in Massachusetts, where African Americans comprised only 2 percent of the population. As a Republican, he shaped the civil rights legislative agenda. Brooke has fallen so far out of the dialogue of mid-twentieth-century civil rights leaders because he felt uncomfortable being compared to his contemporaries in the Black Freedom Struggle. Instead, he advocated a third path—one of bipartisanship, cooperation, and enlightened policymaking. This article pursues these answers through an analysis of the late senator's commitment to government reform, bipartisanship, and protection of civil rights during his tenure as attorney general of Massachusetts from 1963 to 1966. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Years of Glory: Nelly Benatar and the Pursuit of Justice in Wartime North Africa" by Susan Gilson Miller is a historical account of Nelly Benatar, a Jewish civil rights lawyer and activist, who played a pivotal role in saving hundreds of lives during World War II. The book explores Benatar's contributions to the refugee crisis and her efforts to forge connections among influential people and organizations. It also delves into the political and cultural tensions in Morocco under Vichy rule and the impact of anti-Semitism on Benatar's recognition throughout history. The study highlights the relevance of Benatar's story to contemporary refugee crises and emphasizes the importance of remembering and learning from the past. [Extracted from the article]

This text examines the perspectives of Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois, two influential civil rights leaders, on the relationship between racial justice and the environment. Both leaders recognized the economic factors that marginalized Black Americans from the land, with DuBois highlighting the spiritual connection between nature and Black Americans. However, racism hindered their ability to fully engage with the outdoors. The text emphasizes the significance of intersectional justice and provides suggestions for addressing environmental racism and advocating for environmental reparations. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the benefits of spending time in nature for overall health and well-being. It discusses the historical belief in the healing power of nature and recent scientific research supporting its benefits. The article also addresses the lack of formal recognition and research on this health behavior and the disparities in access to nature, particularly among racial and ethnic minority groups and lower-income individuals. It introduces new technologies, such as NatureScoreTM and NatureDoseTM, that aim to quantify and promote nature exposure for health promotion. The article concludes by suggesting various ways individuals and employers can incorporate nature into their daily routines. Additionally, the text discusses the perspectives and actions of civil rights leaders Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois in relation to racial equality and the environment. Both leaders recognized the importance of nature and the environment in their work, although they had differing approaches to achieving equality for Black Americans. The text also explores the benefits of nature prescriptions and the use of psychedelic medicines in mental health treatment. Nature prescriptions involve healthcare providers prescribing time spent in outdoor spaces to improve specific health conditions, and research has shown that spending time in greenspace can have numerous health benefits. The use of psychedelic medicines, such as psilocybin and ketamine, has shown promise in treating mental health conditions, but more research is needed to fully understand their therapeutic potential. Combining psychedelic therapy with nature-based therapies has shown to be complementary and may enhance the therapeutic effects. [Extracted from the article]

This essay makes three points on the contemporary racial backlashes' impact on racialized organizations. First, Derrick Bell's notion of interest convergence—which argues that diversity policies did not spring from the goodness of white people's hearts but were a face‐saving political necessity—helps to explain why the current assault on racially ameliorative policy has been so effective and why the retreat from diversity may worsen. Conservative activists are attempting to force interest divergence, as the historical conditions leading to affirmative action and diversity policy have disappeared. Second, Powell's decision in Regents of University of California versus Bakke, which made diversity orthodox, was facilitated by interest convergence. Diversity emerged as a deeply reformist organizational strategy designed to manage civil rights activists' revolutionary calls for a fully inclusive society. Third, interest divergence and the retreat from diversity have major implications for deepening racial inequality in organizations. By attempting to ensure interest divergence, contemporary right‐wing movements hope to make the currently implicit white dominance of mainstream organizations (Ray 2019b) explicit again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Harriet Tubman, a hero of the abolitionist movement and early civil rights advocate, suffered a head injury in childhood and subsequently developed sleep attacks associated with visions that were extensively documented in historical accounts. Her contemporaries perceived these visions together with unpredictable and unavoidable urges to sleep as manifestations of her deep faith, rather than as symptoms of an illness. While religious perspectives remain crucial to understanding Tubman's sleep-related experiences, some may consider them insufficient in view of modern medical advances. We propose the parallel explanation that her sleep attacks, usually attributed to temporal lobe epilepsy, actually represent a hypersomnia that is most consistent with the modern diagnosis of post-traumatic narcolepsy. Using historical analysis as well as current understandings of sleep medicine, we aim to shed light on this under-recognized aspect of Tubman's life. In addition, this case study allows us to review the potential long-term effects of severe traumatic brain injuries; consider a differential for excessive daytime sleepiness and hypnagogic hallucinations; and familiarize readers with the pathophysiology, diagnosis, and treatment of narcolepsy. Whether her symptoms are viewed through the lens of the past or measured against current biomedical standards, Tubman demonstrated an inspiring ability to persevere despite intrusive sleep episodes and to realize her dreams for the betterment of others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At first glance, perhaps nothing seems more mundane and apolitical than a purse. But purses have always been much more than a fashion accessory. This article analyses how southern Black women – both the legendary and the lesser known – in the 'classical' phase of the Civil Rights Movement used purses to appear as respectable ladies' when their dress and comportment were under close surveillance. Yet they simultaneously used their purses as private, female‐controlled spaces that aided them in achieving a wide variety of social, economic and political objectives. In fact, many southern Black women used their purses to hide critical items needed to prepare themselves and protect their bodies as they voted, sat‐in, rode on public transportation and integrated schools. Using oral histories, memoirs, newspaper and magazine stories and photographs, this article argues that Black southern female activists used purses primarily as 'toolkits'. In the process, it reveals that Black southern women's participation in the armed self‐defence movement is far more significant than scholars have appreciated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital platforms such as Uber, Rappi or Airbnb impose a labor model where workers are not recognized as such and do not have minimum rights. They are part of platform capitalism, a form of capital that uses digital technologies to impose a precarious employment relationship. However, faced with this model, application workers are beginning to organize and demand rights. In this article, I examine the ideology that platforms promote and the resistances of app distributors. I argue that, in the face of the imagined individualism of digital platforms, delivery workers are recreating forms of community. They have not been passive or totally subaltern but are displaying different forms of antagonism and autonomy. This paper is based on qualitative research with interviews of key informants and analysis of the documents of collectives and groups of Mexican delivery workers, both in Mexico City and in New York. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This short essay reflects on desires for body modification expressed by civil rights activist Pauli Murray and jazz innovator Ornette Coleman to offer some preliminary thoughts on the concept of "nonbinary Blackness." It compares the different ways Murray and Coleman negotiated the "glandular imaginary" that informed mid-twentieth-century ideas about sex, gender, and identity, and influenced decisions they made about their own bodies. The transmasculine Murray reconciled to living as a woman once medical examinations determined that there was no hormonal or gonadal cause for her/their masculine identifications, while Coleman, a seemingly cisgender man, drew creative insight from his decision to undergo the genital surgery of circumcision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay recounts the life and work of Caribbean American choreographer-anthropologist-social activist Pearl Primus, focusing on her dance creation "Michael Row the Boar Ashore." Topics discussed are creative history of Primus, her significance to American dance and cultural-political history, expressive possibilities Primus offers to the figure of the African American mother consumed by torment in the aftermath of the 1963 bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama.

The African American church (AAC) is an anchor institution in disinvested communities. Retrenchment of government support has increased the need for AAC collaborative activity. Given this need, we interviewed 10 African American pastors (AAP) in Little Rock, Arkansas, a city with a long history of racial division. This purposeful sample is embedded in a longitudinal community-engaged research project that began in 2012 in order to understand and improve collaboration across congregations. This goal of this analysis was to understand the power dynamics of AAP communication in collaborative contexts. Using a critical race approach to dialectical tensions, we identified four tension framing practices: (a) dependency-independency through selection and paradox; (b) spiritual-physical through authoritative texts; (c) collaboration–non-collaboration through inclusion-exclusion; and (d) the past-present through Civil Rights icons. These findings extend theory and research by illustrating how race and faith shape collaborative processes that contribute and constrain community development praxis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil rights advocate and law professor Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term intersectionality, defining it in 2020 as "a lens, a prism, for seeing the way in which various forms of inequality often operate together and exacerbate each other. We tend to talk about race inequality as separate from inequality based on gender, class, sexuality or immigrant status. What's often missing is how some people are subject to all of these, and the experience is not just the sum of its parts." This lens has also expanded to pedagogy and practice, especially as we engage with our responsibility as educators in ensuring that through our content area, we establish equity-centered learning environments for all. In this article, we offer our personal insights as to how intersectionality interrogates our philosophy and practice within the choral arts both within our own identities and the identities of our students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the transatlantic connections between the United States and Great Britain in relation to antiracism and anti-oppression movements from the end of the U.S. Civil War to the creation of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. It discusses BLM within a white supremacist climate and explores the historical implications of colonialism.

Annette Joseph-Gabriel and Tiffany Florvil consider Black women's internationalism beyond the Americas, focusing on individual women in West Africa and Germany, respectively, who explicitly wrote themselves into a transnational racial community. Florvil similarly evokes transnational feminist community-building practices in her discussion of Afro-German activist and writer May Ayim, whose politics and poetics emerged from ongoing affective collaborations with Afro-Caribbean women writers Audre Lorde and Maryse Condé. The activism of the Black women Florvil dubs "quotidian intellectuals" sought first and foremost to produce racialized political identity in Germany - to combat the marginalization of nonwhite citizens as "Other" while refusing the self-serving discourse of color-blindness professed by the German state (6). Both Joseph-Gabriel's and Florvil's respective studies, by contrast, are situated in or in explicit relation to European nation-states. [Extracted from the article]

The Chinese Party-state's repression of politically sensitive social organizations is well-known. Less known, however, is how the central state has governed a broader range of social organizations that have violated laws or regulations and are hence considered "untrustworthy" in the context of the social credit system. Analyzing over 22,000 entries of social organizations on the Ministry of Civil Affairs' National Social Organization Credit Information Public Notification Platform, this study examines which social organizations are publicly designated as untrustworthy—and why—as well as punishments and possibilities for redemption. The study finds that, on the one hand, the Xi Jinping administration has increased governance transparency by selectively publicizing untrustworthy organizations through the social credit system and standardizing their punishments. On the other hand, the administration continues to be opaque about its treatment of more politically sensitive organizations, such as those advocating for civil rights or representing marginalized communities. By maintaining an incomplete public list of banned organizations, the Party-state preserves maximum discretionary power over the most politically threatening sector. This governance approach breaks from the past in rendering civil society more legible while continuing the Party-state's tradition of flexible control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the study of the figure of unfair dismissal and its consequences in the Spanish labor legal system. It is also analyzed the contradiction of this with the ILO Convention 158 and the revised European Social Charter, using that as an argument for de lege ferenda proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Meanwhile, African American politicos co-opted and diluted the most popular aspects of the agenda, which ultimately helped relegate Black Power politics to the margins of history. As Rhonda Y. Williams does in Concrete Demands: The Search for Black Power in the 20th Century (2014), Moore parses through and complicates perspectives that portray Black Power as more rhetoric than action. Moore presents the events surrounding the 1972 National Black Political Convention (NBPC) in Gary, Indiana, as a cataclysm that marked the effective end of Black Power politics. [Extracted from the article]

The article describes the impact of the summer camp hosted by the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee during the 1950s-1960s, including the idea of the summer camp as a 'safe space' to nurture young activists, the merger of Camp Koinonia, an interracial camp, with Highlander and the struggles of the camp against racism.

Moore presents the events surrounding the 1972 National Black Political Convention (NBPC) in Gary, Indiana, as a cataclysm that marked the effective end of Black Power politics. As Rhonda Y. Williams does in Concrete Demands: The Search for Black Power in the 20th Century (2014), Moore parses through and complicates perspectives that portray Black Power as more rhetoric than action. Meanwhile, African American politicos co-opted and diluted the most popular aspects of the agenda, which ultimately helped relegate Black Power politics to the margins of history. [Extracted from the article]

Doris Derby's photographic archive offers a powerful perspective on the civil rights movement that has yet to be critically or academically engaged with. Derby, an activist, photographer, and educator who has appeared in such texts as Hands on the Freedom Plow (2010) and in such collections as Julian Cox's Road to Freedom (2008), is a gateway figure to a richer, more nuanced visual history of the movement. This article utilizes original interviews, archival material, and a survey of secondary literature to call for increased consideration for Doris Derby's work. Derby's womanist perspective challenges the dominant visual rhetoric of the movement and advocates for increased consideration of the everyday activism of African American women. Men, women and children – but especially African American women – are presented in Derby's lens as dynamic agents of change. Derby's work challenges the dominant canon of the movement, which frequently relies on charismatic male leadership and black victimization. Instead, considering Derby's photography broadens our understanding of what everyday resistance in the civil rights movement was like for thousands of African Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reveals the perils and promise of the disorderly distributed archive of some Black women activists, using Queen Mother Audley Moore as a guide. Topics discussed include Moore's theorizing and activism, biases in archivists' collection practices, and Moore's absence or marginalization in Communist Party archives.

This article extends the theoretical discussion of counterpublics and applies the concept to an authoritarian context. The article contends that it is necessary to distinguish between the counterpublic oriented by liberal ideology that criticizes authoritarianism at an abstract level (Counterpublic I) and the counterpublics that are concerned with substantive inequality (Counterpublic II). To illustrate the approach taken, the articulation of rural migrant workers' rights between 1992 and 2014 is documented, demonstrating that, in the 1990s and early 2000s, most public discussion on the issue tended to reduce workers' rights to civil rights. It was not until the late 2000s that alternative forms of rights, such as social rights, were thematized. As the article argues, this was because the power balance between Counterpublic I and Counterpublic II had been changed. The empirical study explains the transformation and highlights the heterogeneity within Counterpublic II by comparing the diverse strategies employed by different actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moreover, Hernández asserts that those in the United States cannot comprehend Mexican history without learning about the history of the Mexican Revolution and argues that it was a cataclysmic event that "remade Mexico... [and] also remade the United States" (7). As Hernández underscores, the FBI weaponized against them and other political "radicals" and anarchists to protect US economic interests in Mexico. Lytle Hernández argues that those in the United States cannot understand US history without a knowledge of Mexican history, which is often treated as a footnote in schools. [Extracted from the article]

Despite a growing body of scholarship on the importance of armed resistance during the Civil Rights Movement, women's participation in armed resistance plays little or no role in most histories of this controversial aspect of the struggle. But Black women's contributions—as theorists, leaders, and actors—are key for rethinking the importance of armed resistance to the movement. Black women responded to the brutal violence that served as a tool for the psychological and physical intimidation of those who challenged white supremacy. I argue that Black women's practice and philosophy of armed resistance was rooted in tradition that extended from freedom fighters like Harriet Tubman to women who were activists and leaders in the Civil Rights Movement and beyond. This article examines Gloria Richardson and the movement for economic equality in Cambridge, Maryland, analyzing why she and those she led rejected nonviolence as the sole tactic or strategy for achieving their goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Zimbabwean Catholic Bishops' Conference issued a pastoral letter on 14 August 2020. Its title, "The March is not Ended", echoed the words of the late American civil right activist and politician John Robert Lewis. In the introduction, the bishops reminded their fellow citizens that "Peace building and nation-building are never completed tasks. Every generation has to establish national cohesion and peace". In using the biblical text from Micah 7:1–6 where the prophet denounced corruption and oppression in his own days, the bishops took a swipe at Zimbabwean political leaders. African politicians never take responsibility for their misrule of the continent, which has kept Africa largely underdeveloped. The perplexity of the situation in Zimbabwe is reflective of similar situations in other parts of sub-Saharan Africa where leaders look the other way and shift blames. This research undertakes to explore how the Catholic Church in Africa has fared in its prophetic mission in relation to the political-cum-socioeconomic questions on the continent. It will acknowledge instances where the Church, through certain prelates, has proven itself to be a moral conscience. It will also indicate how the efforts of African bishops closely align with those of Pope Francis in relation to the prophetic mission of the Church as a defender of truth, human rights and social justice. Contribution: Africans, like most people in the world, have a very simple vision of the good life: to live in reasonable material comfort and in peace. This research is essentially anchored within Catholic social teaching. It underscores how the Catholic Church in Africa has defended and continues to uphold the rights of the people to actualize their aspiration of a simple good life in a hostile and self-serving African political and socioeconomic context. It notes that the Church cannot take the place of political leaders because its role is basically the promotion of the common good, which includes public order and peace, development, equality, justice and solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Role-play was a popular educational strategy within the American civil rights movement. Many civil rights activists performed the movement in private before performing it again in public. Compared to the scholarship on the role of music in the civil rights movement, the importance of drama has been understudied. The history of role-play as an educational strategy provides new insights into the relationship between performance and nonviolent activism, and offers an alternative genealogy of applied theatre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nevertheless, Amanda Brown makes an important contribution to both fields with I The Fellowship Church i , a four-chapter intellectual history of the Church for the Fellowship of All Peoples and its remarkable founder, the African American theologian, mystic and social thinker Howard Thurman (1899-1981). Although other historians, notably Quinton Dixie and Peter Eisenstadt, have examined Thurman's Indian sojourn in detail, Brown might have expanded her analysis here to embed Thurman more thoroughly within this transnational history. Brown next returns to the US, where Thurman co-founded the Fellowship Church in San Francisco with the Presbyterian minister Alfred Fisk. [Extracted from the article]