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The author discusses the role of provinces in the development of national governments in early modern Europe. He mentions the use of annuities by rulers to raise money, the takeover by provincial parliaments of the management of public debts, and how these developed into taxation through the collective interest of the parliaments.

The adequacy of the norm to the socio-economic context of the society in which it rules is an indispensable requirement for its effectiveness, a premise that the leaders of the Cuban revolution took into account to erect the revolutionary process, thus, all economic, social movements that were experienced in the nascent years of the Cuban revolution were legitimized, with the promulgation of the 1976 Constitution as a maximum expression, legislative support for the fundamental principles of the Cuban revolution, ending the period of provisionality and beginning the institutionalization of Cuban State. A historical contextual analysis, taking into account the peculiarities of the economic, political and social stage, of the laws enacted after 1976, demonstrates our government's intention to legally support the principles and achievements of the Cuban revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on labour and parliamentary politics in the early Free State of Ireland. Topics discussed include the historical analysis of the Irish Labour Party’s parliamentary launch; the party’s participation in the post-revolutionary Irish general election of 1922; and the abstention of anti-Treatyites that provided greater legitimacy to the parliament.

The article discusses the changes in relations between religion and the society, associated with the rise of relations between church and state. It examines the influence of politics to the religion wherein the members of the Church hierarchy were offered political positions in parliament. It also cites the close alliance of the state and the Orthodox Church.

Legislatures in separation of powers systems like the US are often portrayed as having far greater capabilities and willingness to change defence policy than are parliaments in Westminster systems. This paper uses principal‒agent models and hypotheses on legislative will to review the role of defence committees in the US Congress and Britain’s parliament during each country’s most recent, significant change in civil‒military relations. Congressional committees drafted the 1986 Goldwater‒Nichols Act over the objections of the president, fundamentally changing US civil‒military relations. We would expect the British House of Commons to be at the opposite end of the spectrum, unable and unwilling to act without the prime minister’s blessing. At first glance, this is indeed what happened during Britain’s 2011 Defence Reform effort. Parliament took no concrete, independent action. A closer examination, however, suggests that parliamentary committees helped set the agenda for the 2011 reforms. These results point to the need to carefully assess both legislative capabilities and will when examining the role of legislatures in foreign policy, as well as the indirect means by which parliaments affect security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about Tahitian letters written between 1819 and 1821 that were written by King Pomare II of Tahiti. Topics discussed include Tahiti becoming a modern Christian kingdom and adopting the legislative assembly and a code of laws, the code of laws strengthening the power of the king and not being changed by the London Missionary Society till aftwer the king's death, and the story behind the king's name changing to Pā.

The article considers the Solemn Covenant issued by the Superior Board of Governors of Quito in 1812, and the census directed by Torivio Montes, in 1813, as the first step of the introduction of the Cadiz Constitution in the Audience of Quito, following the defeat of the Junta of Quito. These two policy instruments are valued in terms of the imaginaries of citizenship that they molded in terms of political representations they attempted to institute and the concept of territory as fundamental in shaping the institutional dynamics of local authorities which have aspirations to centralize power. Both instruments are considered as tools in terms of building central powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates the complexity of the foreign policy involvement of the British parliament during the 20th century. Parliamentary government as such provides some procedural means for involvement in foreign policy debate, in Britain as well as in other countries. Researchers have, nevertheless, often argued that parliaments play a limited role in foreign policy. Approaching our topic by combining the analysis of policy documents with more discourse-oriented analysis of parliamentary debates, we argue that noticeable, but not straightforward, parliamentarisation of foreign policy took place in the course of the 20th century. The aftermath of the First World War led to reconsiderations of the degree of parliamentary supervision of foreign policy. The emergence of international organisations, and, recently, European integration, have also complicated parliamentary participation in foreign affairs. The parliamentary oversight of foreign policy is no longer limited to the national level, which has, in the British case, led to calls to reinforce the sovereignty of the national parliament. On the domestic level, parliamentary debates on foreign policy need to be contextualised with extra-parliamentary public discourse. The relation of parliament to civil society at large, especially non-governmental organisations and the media, has created multi-sited debates, further strengthening democratic control of foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of the Scottish parliament have paid little attention to shire elections because of an apparent lack of local source material. This article explores some of the reasons for this perception and argues that sheriff court records contain considerably more evidence than has been appreciated hitherto. It demonstrates that these records provide details of the electoral process, the regularity of elections, the numbers of electors, external interference in elections and internal divisions within the electorate, local responses to national political events, and attitudes to representation through such things as levying taxes locally to reimburse representatives' expenses. It challenges the once widely-held view that the lesser nobility, who comprised the electorate, were uninterested in parliamentary participation, suggesting instead that the statute of 1587, by which shire representation was established, was reasonably successful. Finally, it considers the potential for further research in these and other records which, it is argued, will provide a much deeper understanding of 17th-century Scotland's parliamentary history in particular and political history in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions regarding the origin and evolution of legislative institutions are at the heart of comparative legislative studies. Much research in this area focuses on the US Congress; in contrast, comparative studies of European democracies have been more limited. Addressing this imbalance, this special issue showcases newly emerging research on legislative organisation in Europe. In doing so, it brings together contributions that explore the rationales behind the emergence of, and variation in, national European voting practices, investiture rules, minority rights, committee power, agenda control, debating rules and individual MPs’ rights. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article explores the role of the revolutionary council and parliament led by Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, in the confirmation by King Henry III of the Magna Carta royal charter in 1265. Emphasis is given to topics such as the reform of central and local government, the political legitimacy of monarchy, and garnering public support and witnesses for royal proclamations.

Although ‘Burke and Irish history’ is a theme which has long been known to modern commentators, it has not necessarily been addressed sufficiently. This essay seeks to put forward a more comprehensive account of Burke's views on Irish history than has previously been offered by scholars. According to Burke, the protection of Christianity had brought flourishing science to seventh- and eighth-century Ireland. Nevertheless, the nation was plunged into a barbarous state after the invasions of the Danes and other northern tribes. Burke's sympathy with the Brehon law was possibly unique, although he was not uncritical of it. Unlike the Irish patriots, his chief concern with historical Ireland was not the origins of the Irish legislature. He was rather most interested in the religious affairs which had continued to plague the nation during history. Throughout his career, Burke considered the Irish Rebellion of 1641 to have been ‘provoked’, and continuously endeavoured to remove the penal laws imposed on the Roman Catholics after the Williamite Conquest of 1689–1691. In his view, despite the substantial increase in prosperity after 1688/9, the series of religious persecutions, as well as other oppressive policies, had still obstructed the further progress of Irish society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article reconsiders one aspect of Christopher Haigh's influential article 'Anticlericalism and the English Reformation'. His article argued that anticlericalism in early 16th-century England had been exaggerated, mislabelled and (in effect) invented as a scholarly construct. Dr Haigh proceeded to dismantle the foundations of anticlericalism in literature, in litigation, and in legislation. Evidence of anticlericalism in parliament, he maintained, was discontinuous, opportunistic and unrepresentative. This article suggests, however, that Haigh's claim makes insufficient allowance for the scarcity of the sources, underestimates the degree of continuity before and after 1529, and fails to take into account the inherently public character of parliamentary petitioning. It proposes, instead, that the challenging of the Church's wealth, the criticizing of clerical abuses, and the questioning of ecclesiastical jurisdiction recurred in early Tudor parliaments, and that the significance of such thwarted attempts at legislative reform crossed sessions and became cumulative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gentleman usher of the black rod has long been acknowledged as an officer of the house of lords. Yet he was in origin an officer of the order of the Garter with no necessary connection with parliament. This note aims to throw light on the process whereby this association came about. By 1509, the house of lords had the services of an usher of the parliament chamber, a post always held in conjunction with an office in the royal household. By 1558, this post was being exercised by one of the gentlemen ushers daily waiters, who had been granted the office of black rod as an additional perquisite in 1554. From this point it became customary for the offices of black rod, daily waiter and usher of the parliament chamber to be held by one man. This association was broken in 1620, when the then usher relinquished the office of daily waiter but retained his parliamentary functions together with the office of black rod. In 1631, a decree was promulgated annexing the office of black rod to that of one of the gentlemen ushers daily waiters but it was only from 1660 that this became fully effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sudden collapse of Mali's democracy in 2012 revealed the fragility of the state's legitimacy and authority. This article argues that the decay of democracy was linked to the weakness of the country's legislature. Malian MPs collectively failed to scrutinize an increasingly discredited executive and parliamentarians typically operated in isolation from the vast majority of citizens. As a result, rising levels of popular discontent were rarely channelled into the formal political process, and the interests that did enter the political arena were largely restricted to the personal support networks and electoral constituencies of individual MPs. The prevalence of these particularistic interests undermined collective parliamentary scrutiny of matters of national interest. By demonstrating the link between these failures and the collapse of Mali's democracy, this article contributes to the expanding body of literature examining the limited role of African parliaments in processes of democratic consolidation. In doing so it confirms the challenges that executive dominance poses to democratization, while highlighting the importance of representative legislatures to Africa's democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a report on a conference on the history of parliaments and parliamentary government in Europe, convened in Den Haag (The Hague), Netherlands, from May 30-June 1, 2013. Topics of discussion included the emergence of representative government in the 19th century, democracy and political extremism in the interwar period, and politics in Europe since the end of World War II.

This article discusses the Mississippi College Law Library's Mississippi College Legislative History Project, a video archive that provides recordings of the daily sessions of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. It explores the lack of legislative history materials in the state as well as the recent history of live webcasting of the Legislature. The usefulness of the project to the legal profession and to citizens interested in the working of state leaders are described.

The article reviews the conference, "Herrschaft und Verwaltung in der Frühen Neuzeit," on the subject of political administration in early modernity, held from October 19th to October 20th, 2012, in Essen, Germany. Topics discussed include the constitutional function of the church in the monarchy of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles VI in the region of southern Holland (1706-1720), the relationship between local and regional rulers with their subjects in the Hessen-Kassel region of Germany around 1668, and a comparison of Court-Parliament relations in England, Sweden and Prussia in the 18th century.

Parliaments in many countries have been using their power in order to govern. Until 1961, the bicameral system had been discussed by public opinion in Turkey. Turkish community met with some new governmental institutions by the 1961 Constitution. One of them was the Republican Senate actualy it was similar Ottoman Ayan that worked as the second division of Turkish Grand National Assembly between 1961 and 1980. It was a legislative assembly that was formed by members of the National Union Committee, members were selected by the president and members were elected after general elections. The fundamental functions of the Senate were to check and to balance practices and operations of governments. Furthermore, it was supposed that the Senate would have played a significant role in order to solve some serious social problems. In this article, scope of activities and arrangements of the Turkish Senate, which had an important place in Turkish parliamentary system, were scrutinized in the light of political, social and economic developments that were experienced throughout between 1961 and 1980 in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on a symposium on the Immerwährender Reichstag (Everlasting Imperial Congress) of the Holy Roman Empire between 1663 and 1806, held in Salzburg, Austria, on September 23, 2011. Topics discussed included the historiography of the Holy Roman Empire, the relationship between the congress and the free imperial cities of Germany, and diplomatic relations between the Holy Roman Empire and France.

The article discusses the history of green political organizations in Greece, focusing on the implications that the Ecological Greens may have for environmental politics in the nation. Numerous challenges have faced green parties seeking to affect change through parliamentary representation. One example of such a party was the Prasini Politiki, a member of the European Federation of Green Parties which was involved in environmental activism. In 2002 Prasini Politiki, along with other environmental groups and individual activists, came together to found the Ecological Greens. In 2007, Greek Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis called for an early election, in which the Ecological Greens were able to establish a strong electoral presence.

Between 1898 and 1918, voters in 20 American states adopted constitutional amendments granting citizens the power of the initiative. The embrace of direct democracy by voters invites inquiry into why some state legislatures opted to delegate to citizens the power of the initiative, while others did not. Drawing on an original data set, this article uses Event History Analysis hazard models to explain the puzzle of why legislatures might devolve institutional power to citizens. Our longitudinal, macrolevel analysis of socioeconomic and political forces reveals that political considerations-interparty legislative competition, party organizational strength, and third parties-are the most powerful predictors of a legislature's decision to refer the initiative to the ballot. Although several of our findings comport with the conventional wisdom explaining the adoption of the initiative during the Progressive Era, others are surprising, offering us new theoretical insights into why and when legislative bodies might be willing to divest themselves of their institutional power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shakespeare's history plays in general, and "Henry V" in particular, grant a good deal of attention to Parliament. The injunction by the opening Chorus of Henry V, "Into a thousand parts divide one man," echoes Speaker of the House Edward Coke's anecdote about the origins of a bicameral Parliament, in the course of which he recounted a knight's purported remark that "his Majestie and the lordes there every one being great persons represented but themselves, but his commons though they were inferiour men yet every one of them represented a thousand men." "Henry V," like Shakespeare's earlier histories, explores the relationship between theatrical and parliamentary forms of representation. Recognizing the ways in which the plays both draw upon and challenge Elizabethan ideas about parliamentary representation casts new light on the relations between nobles and commoners in Shakespeare's histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the different views towards parliament, poetry and civil service during the reigns of Richard II and Henry IV in England. Poetry during Richard II's reign expressed dissatisfaction with the parliament and considered it as a threat to the king's authority. Likewise, the regime of Henry IV believed that the parliament was not doing enough to amend the problems of the kingdom. Henry IV, however, decided to adopt the right of the parliament to criticize the government.

Explores the nature of the meetings conducted by the members of the Scottish Parliament from 1567 to 1639 in separate estates while parliament was current. Significance of the meetings for the legislative process; Assessment of how Parliament should be understood; Structure and nature of Parliament before 1639; Meetings of the Lords of the Articles; Issue of multicameralism.

Analyzes the tripartite struggle for political power among the townsmen, the nobility and the church which occurred in the cortes/parliament of 1295 over the reign of Fernando IV in the Kingdom of Castile-Leon. Status of politics in the Kingdom of Castile-Leon at the inception of the reign of Fernando IV; Role of Maria de Molina, Fernando IV's mother in the consolidation of his position as king; Prejudices of the townsmen on the nobility and the clergy.

Examines the history and functions of the Brunei State Council which ran from 1907 to 1959. Role of the British Resident in the council; Composition of the council from 1907 to 1955; Instances where the local power elite reacted unfavorably to British actions; Council under the reigns of Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin and Sultan Haji Omar Omar Ali Saifuddin III.

Discusses the causes and consequences of the conflicts between France's Louis XV and the parliaments during the third quarter of the eighteenth century. Origins of the dispute in Franche-Comte; Reaction of the government and the Parisian magistrates.

Presents a historical context for reelection rates and congressional turnover through citizen legislatures and incumbent processes since the founding of American democracy. Indirect elections of senators in the House of Representatives; Mandatory rotation of offices; Transformation into the industrial nation-state; 18th century Republicanism; Dangers of political careerism.

Discusses the American Continental Congress' adoption of the Articles of Confederation in the 18th century. Arguments about the Articles of Confederation drafted by John Dickinson's Committee; Solution of the Articles of Confederation which led to the Northwest Ordinance of 1787; Ways in which the language of the Articles foreshadows the language of the Constitution drafted by the Convention of 1787.

States that the 93rd Congress of the U.S. will be remembered as one of the authentic congressional reform congresses. Improvement of congressional structure particularly in the House of Representatives; Reassertion of the balance between the executive and legislative branches; Restructuring of the budgetary process; Features of the Impoundment Control Act.

Deals with the English version of the parliamentary memorandum, Modus Tenendi Parliamentum. Reconsideration of the question of the date of the treatise; Versions of the Latin treatise; Arrangement of parliament into six gradus; Possible adaptation from an Irish original written in the second half of the fourteenth century; Delivery of rolls of parliament into the treasury.

Examines the relationships between American colonial assemblies and their constituents, and the changes in those relationships over time, by focusing on three very dissimilar colonial legislatures. Virginia House of Burgesses; Massachusetts General Court; Pennsylvania Assembly; Different regions and types of colonies.

Focuses on the French revolution of 1830 and parliamentary reform. Decision of the Polignac's ministry to issue ordinances curbing the independence of the French chamber and the press; Norman Gash's assessment of the influence of the revolution on the general election; Influence of the French revolution; Chronological correlation between the climax of the Swing riots and the fall of the Wellington government.

The article lists several illustrations issued within the periodical.

An appendix is presented of private acts for members of the British parliament in the early 16th century.

A subject index for the 2015 issue of the journal "Parliamentary History" is presented.