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In most countries, the challenge of balancing national energy needs against environmental constraints and climate change impacts is complicated by constraints on available energy resources and political tensions among stakeholders. One might think that a nation fortunate enough to have renewable energy resources sufficient to provide for any conceivable energy demands in the foreseeable future would find these social stresses reduced. Chile, however, provides a case study of the counterexample: Its renewable energy resources – if fully exploited – are sufficient to satisfy Chile’s electricity needs well into the remainder of this century. But because of the politics surrounding energy and the environment, this country has great difficulty in incorporating its abundant existing natural resources in a plan that would meet anticipated energy demand. But Chile could meet its energy needs and climate change obligations by pairing the country’s large renewable energy resources with the types of energy storage facilities that have proven practical and economical elsewhere in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Chile faces its most crucial re-foundational moment since the recovery of democracy in 1990. A constitutional convention composed of a majority of nonpartisan members and dominated by no single group will write a new constitution to replace the one enacted in 1980 by Augusto Pinochet. Will this process bring social norms in tune with formal institutions, or will the result be a polarized politics and deeper crisis? This political moment presents great challenges, but it is also an opportunity to resolve a longstanding political conflict and build a more democratic and stable future for the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are two milestones that marked Chilean politics during 2020: the COVID-19 pandemic, and the constitutional plebiscite. While the former was an absolutely unexpected phenomenon that forced an important turn in the country's political agenda, the result of latter was foreseeable yet surprising. In fact, the plebiscite was likely to end in a triumph of the option in favour of constitutional change, but the forcefulness of the result was surprising. In this article we look at both milestones in detail. On the one hand, we examine how the government in particular, and the political system in general, reacted to the emergence and development of the pandemic. On the other hand, based on a representative face-to-face survey of the population - which was carried out just after the plebiscite - we empirically show that the "Reject" vote is largely explained by the factors used in comparative studies to predict support for populist radical right (PRR) forces, while the "Approve" vote is characterized by high heterogeneity in ideological and sociological terms. In summary, the evidence presented here reinforces previous findings that show an increase in tensions within the centre-right bloc and, in turn, suggests that in Chile the conditions are ripe for the establishment of a populist radical right force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Administrative capacity depends on the nature of the state of which the administrative system is an integral part. In recent years, there has been a revival of debates on the role of public administration under developmental states in Southeast Asia and Latin America. A major analytical component of developmental states has been their administrative capacity and how to build it. There are significant variations in administrative capacity among developmental states caused by divergences in their historical, economic, political, and cultural contexts. This article compares two cross-continental cases (Singapore and Chile) with regard to the formations of developmental states shaping their administrative systems and capacity-building initiatives. It examines the divergences in their state formations and the contextual factors affecting their administrative capacity. The article concludes by making some generalizations, offering an analytical framework for further research, and suggesting policies needed for building effective administrative capacity. Points for practitioners: This article highlights the significance of administrative capacity-building for development. It explores how this capacity is shaped by the formation of the state under which public administration functions. In explaining this relationship between state formation and public administration, the article specifically focuses on the "developmental" state, compares two cross-continental cases (Singapore and Chile) as regards how these two developmental states differ and cause variations in their administrative systems, and explains the major contextual factors leading to such variations. This understanding is crucial to designing effective policies for building administrative capacity in any country depending on its state formation and context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the joints between pedagogy, psychology and politics in Chile during the twentieth century, trying to understand its current evolution in relation to Non-Formal Education (NFE). To do this, first, an historical review of some pedagogical, psychological and politic arguments that have profiled this meeting it's offered. Then, an evaluation of the discussion around the concept of NFE is concluded by identifying two rationalities, that we call the Rationality of Complement (CR) and the Rationality of Transformation (TR), that have struggled to become hegemonic in the articulation of the NFE's field. Finally, based on that recognition, a set of elements its proposed for the analysis of NFE modalities in the country and, from its consideration, a new possible articulation in between the psychological, pedagogical and political fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Chile returned to democracy in 1990, centre-left governments have tried to reform the provisions on collective bargaining, strikes and unions established by the Pinochet dictatorship. Between 2015 and 2016 President Michelle Bachelet made the latest attempt to reform them. Despite favourable conditions, the changes were modest. This article explains why this is so. Drawing upon the notion of 'associational power' and through comparisons with labour reforms in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, this article suggests that the imbalance between workers' and employers' collective power is key for explaining why pro-labour reforms fail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With countries like Chile facing secularisation, some research predicts religious‐secular cleavages will 'dealign', while other research suggests these cleavages will persist so long as religious‐secular divisions are reflected among presidential candidates. Using surveys of first‐round voting intentions in the five most recent presidential elections in Chile, the analysis shows that religious‐secular divisions in voting appear when candidates are divided clearly along religious‐secular lines (and not when divisions among candidates are blurred). These findings suggest researchers need to account for the impact candidates' positions have on the appearance of religious‐secular divisions before declaring that dealignment has occurred. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chile initiated a constitution-making process in late 2019, after the major political parties signed an agreement to respond to the massive demonstrations that took over the streets in October of 2019. Dominant trends in Chile and Latin America's constitutional thought typically examine this type of process through the lenses of the constituent power or transformative constitutionalism. The authors of this essay offer a different view. They argue that Chile's constitution-making process, as designed by the multiparty agreement, manifests a double aversion: to avoid the Bolivarian way of constitution-making—including its associated constituent power narrative—and to put an end to the institutional and symbolic legacy of the Pinochet regime. In attempting to stay clear of these two negative models, the authors argue that the rules of the constitution-making process have adopted the main features of the post-sovereign model of constitution-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the repercussions of the process of de-Stalinization in the Communist Party of Chile and its youth wing. Initiated in 1956 by Nikita Khrushchev's "Secret Speech" to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, de-Stalinization has been understood by some scholars of European Communism as signaling the terminal crisis of International Communist Movement. By focusing on Chile, this article broadens the discussion on the international repercussions of de-Stalinization to include Latin America, whose social and political realities differed from that of Europe. It argues that de- Stalinization put forth a new and improved version of Communism, which helped the Communist Youth of Chile recruit new members. Influences coming from the Soviet Union during the process de-Stalinization were crucial in the development -on the part of Chilean Communists- of an alternative youth culture, which began to take root in Chile in the 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following document is a translation of a report on the finances of the Communist Party of Chile, produced by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on December 17, 1946. It contains information about the Party's financial status, constitutional framework, mechanisms of financial control, methods of raising funds, expenditures, and capital investments, as well as about some party enterprises. The information concerns mainly the years 1944, 1945, and 1946. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The philosophical criticism elaborated by Nietzsche and Benjamin to the historical narrative, was the foundation that shaped a narrative based on collective memory, gave an account of a past of shared oppression, and led to the creation of a social project of equality elaborated by the resistance, dissident to the program of the ruling hegemony. This essay proposes a theoretical discussion, to demonstrate that the origin of the notion of memorys of resistance is found in the criticism of the historical narrative. Likewise, suggests an empirical study that analyzes the news discourse of the Chilean official press, associated with the commemoration of the "day of the young combatant", from 1986 to 2000, to demonstrate subversion and insurgency as a strategy and achievement of the memorys of resistance respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss the characteristics of a sociability space in Gran Concepción under the Chilean dictatorship. Taller de Análisis Social y Sindical (TASYS), which emerged in 1978 as a meeting space and training for the world of workers. over the years, TASYS became one of the main places for resistance and local opposition to the regime of Augusto Pinochet, where it was not only a matter of organizing and educating workers and settlers, also resisting and denouncing the economic measures and repressive policies of the civil-military dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to explain the logic of the appointment process for officer and commander of the National Guard in Chile, in the mid-nineteenth century. The study of the recommendations for these civic positions, reviewed in the General Archive of the Army and in documents of the Ministry of War, indicates that public order would not reside as much in the imposition of the State as in the willingness of decent men to collaborate. In effect, local powers assume the positions and mobilize their social resources, recommending those who have the capacity to ensure tranquility in their territories. This 'logic of the acquaintance' would explain the functioning of the National Guard in the diffuse boundaries between State and society and would show that this is not a consolidated State but one in construction that, despite its precariousness, well uses the strengths of the local social fabric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research identifies the political discourse on the popular sectors and the proposals of their education in the newspapers La Aurora de Chile, El Monitor Araucano and El Semanario Republicano during the Patria Vieja. It is evident the pedagogical-political use of the press and the pretension to forge the political legitimacy of the new authorities in a context of change and revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research reviews the relationship between the Communist Youth of Chile and the university student movement between 2000 and 2011, identifying the transformations in the communist identity generated by this process. In addition, elements of the organization's influence on this student movement were identified. The changes experienced from this relationship highlight the relevance that the student space acquired for the JJ.CC. which developed political-programmatic proposals that aimed the questioning of neoliberalism in education. For their part, the JJ.CC. developed a pragmatic sense of their political work from the need to open to other actors, which brought the organization out of the isolation in which it moved during the first years of the 1990s and 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes the relation between the impact and meaning in Chile of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the construction and propaganda function of the Soviet Union in the local intellectual and political environment during the decades of 1930 and 1940. For this, it focuses on the editorial work that, in such decades, the Ukrainian immigrant Boris Orjikh fulfilled. The article highlights the factors that, according to our vision, explain both the popularity of the Soviet experience in the public opinion and within the state administration, as well as the durability of the Soviet in the imaginary of an important part of the Chilean left. In addition, the text also reports on the appearance of a certain political-editorial practice and its contribution to the development of the communist culture during the first half of the last century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is conceived to analyze the idea of University formulated by the communist academic Hernán Ramírez Necochea, who holds that the University was a space of ideological dispute with the "ruling" class and North American "cultural imperialism". To confirm this hypothesis, the relationship between the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) and the University between the 1950s and the early 1960s was investigated. Then, the academic and political biography of Ramírez Necochea was reviewed, and, finally, an analyze his conception of university through the revision of memories, unpublished documents, historical production, interviews, communist press and university press was made. This work is inserted in the disciplinary theoretical of the new political history and intellectual history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ricardo Fonseca's funeral was not only the posthumous tribute to who had been General Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party. In the context of the political proscription that affected the communists, the organization of the funerals, in mid-1949, became an effective political tool that sought to influence that complex scenario, demonstrating the strength that could still be deployed and reinforcing its own party identity, affected by its virtual marginalization of political life. This was expressed in the thorough preparation of the funeral, the monumental character that adopted the ritual and the impact it had on other political actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the role of social movements and environmental organizations in crafting contingent coalitions to advance renewable energies in Chile. Until recently, Chile presented several conditions predicting the continuation of an arm's‐length energy policy and a deregulated energy market heavily concentrated on environmentally and socially unfriendly sources. However, gradual but transformative policy change in the last decade has made the country a world leader in renewable energy development. Studying two key moments in energy policy reform, we argue that the contingency of the coalitions that social movements and environmental organizations forged was crucial to the advancement of renewable energy policy and the transformation of the energy sector in the country. The paper advances our understanding of policy change in contexts of high path dependency and status quo bias, and builds the concept of "contingent coalitions," unifying similar but scattered and under‐theorized notions that capture the fluid dynamics of coalition formation and policy change in environmental policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By examining the Manifesto Project data for post-transition Chile, we show growing convergence in the electoral competition strategies between the centre-left and centre-right coalitions. While the former is characterised by inertia, the latter is marked by gradual yet relentless programmatic moderation. To interpret these results, we rely not only on theories of salience and party adaptation, but also on the cartel party thesis. This contribution reinforces the findings of increasing literature on post-transition Chile that reveals growing collusion between the mainstream left-wing and right-wing coalitions, which have increasing difficulties channelling demands emanating from below and therefore providing adequate political representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the role of school in different forms of expected political participation of 8th grade students in Chile. The massive students' public demonstrations in Chile in the last ten years and the low rate of young voters' turnout in elections have raised the question about young people's preparation to participate as citizens in society. The results show that students' civic and political background has the greatest influence in political participation, while the influence of school is mainly related to school governance and teacher practices. This discussion focused on the challenges that these results could mean for schools in Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on major issues that affected the lives of indigenous peoples in Chile in 2018. Topics discussed include the reelection of Sebastián Piñera as president, the murder of Mapuche member Camilo Catrillanca and its impact on the inter-ethnic conflict between the state and the Mapuche people in Araucania, and the criminalization of indigenous protest.

Generally, successor plebiscites to define the continuity of a dictator in power are analyzed from the point of view of the competition between authoritarian and democratic elites. Less space is given to the study of public opinion, due to the absence of surveys that the very authoritarian regimes very often prohibit. Thus, the case of Chile is exceptional. The Center for Studies of Contemporary Reality (CERC) conducted surveys prior to the successor plebiscite held in 1988 to decide the continuity of General Pinochet in power for eight more years. Based on this information, we identified the political and social determinants that explained the triumph of the opposition. Through a series of binomial and multinomial models, we verified that the "No" option had greater support among men, young people and people of low socioeconomic status, clearly marking a continuity with the voting patterns for the center-left parties before the 1973 coup d'état. Moreover, we maintain that the "No" option was the preferred one even before the broadcast of television propaganda. Thus, the case of Chile is useful to evaluate electoral behavior models in undemocratic scenarios, identifying the long and short-term factors that explain political outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universum is the property of Instituto de Estudios Humanisticos Juan Ignacio Molina, Universidad de Talca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the transformation of Chile's intelligence community following the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet and the transition of Chile into a democracy focusing on the democratic reform of intelligence. Topics include human rights violations under Pinochet's regime, establishment of the Department of National Intelligence (DINA) in Chile, and strengthening of democratic civil-military relations.

The article discusses the quest for self-determination by the Rapa Nui people of the Easter Island against the imposed regime of the Chilean government. Topics covered include the conflict over the reclamation of ancestral lands and ancestral valuables without consulting the Rapa Nui people, the criminalization of Rapa Nui leaders and the proposal of Chilean President Michelle Bachelet to build a marine conservation park around Rapa Nui in partnership with Pew Charitable Trusts.

An introduction is presented in which the authors discuss various reports within the journal on topics including competition laws and policies in developing countries such as Mexico and China, Chilean antitrust policy, and technocracy in relation to China's industrial policy.