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The author presents a highly personal case for considering Andrey Platonov as the third person of a 'holy trinity' of writers from early twentieth-century Russia. Where Chekhov foresaw huge social upheaval (but died before seeing it) and Gorky staged the beginnings of insurrection, Platonov explores the fallout of the Revolution. The malign impact of Gorky's doctrine of Socialist Realism on Platonov's life and work is tracked. The challenges of adapting Platonov's fiction to the stage are examined, and a case study offered of the new play Bliss, based on 'The River Potudan', which premiered in Platonov's hometown of Voronezh, in June 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this 1964 essay, Roman Rosdolsky takes issue with E.H. Carr's and Isaac Deutscher's observations on the role of chance in history and instead argues for a Marxist understanding of the dialectical interplay of necessity and chance, of long-term trends and historical events, and of objective and subjective factors in history. He draws on the thought of Hegel, Marx and Engels, Plekhanov, Trotsky and many others in making his argument, and he illustrates it with numerous examples from Austrian, Chinese, French, German, Russian and Ukrainian history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil executions in Imperial Russia were punitive ceremonies that were staged before crowds and presaged a sentence of penal labour and lifelong exile in Siberia. Intended to underline the absolute supremacy of the autocracy, they choreographed the public humiliation of the criminal and collective condemnation from the crowds who gathered to witness the stripping away of the rights and entitlements that gave civil life in the autocracy its meaning. Many took place without incident, and followed the ritual of debasement and expulsion endorsed by the state. Yet when at the civil executions of revolutionaries during the reign of Alexander II both convicts and spectators departed from the state's script of public humiliation and orderly opprobrium, the performance of monarchical power and autocratic justice proved liable to subversion. Russian radicals sometimes succeeded in hijacking the ceremony to denounce despotism and proclaim an alternative vision of activism, solidarity, and revolution. In so doing, they contested the autocrat's position as the source of status, rights and, ultimately, of sovereignty. Building on studies of law, punishment, performance, and the revolutionary movement, this article demonstrates how radicals and their supporters recast "scenarios of power" as "scenarios of rebellion". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Britain in the fin de siècle was home to many significant communities of political émigrés. Among Russian revolutionaries who made London their home were Sergei Stepniak and Feliks Volkhovskii, forced to flee Russia as a result of their revolutionary activities in the 1870s. Britain became a symbol of liberty in their writings as a source of comparison with tsarist rule. These comparisons also supported their justifications of the use of terrorism by Russian revolutionaries when writing for audiences with concerns about the use of terrorism in Britain. The emphasis on Russian otherness in these comparisons also helped to justify their opposition to Russian imperialism, while at the same time praising a benevolent imperialism rooted in social and cultural activism. Their thought represents a blending of liberal and socialist ideas employed to place the Russian experience beyond the scope of modernity and liberal political understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the attempts (and failure) of Russian revolutionaries to mobilize the peasantry in the decade leading to the Soviet revolution of 1917. Peasants, who had been emancipated from serfdom only four decades earlier, in 1861, were still largely propertyless and poor. This would, at first glance, make them a ripe target for revolutionary activity. But peasants were largely refractory. We explain this lack of revolutionary spirit through two models. First, despite their lack of education and political awareness, the peasants were rational in their refusal to participate in revolutionary activity; they engaged in a cost–benefit calculus which pushed them away from revolt and political organization. Second, based on the Wildavsky–Thompson cultural types, Russian peasants were largely fatalist: they believed they had no influence on the world, so it was not worth attempting to change it. This paper sheds light on some aspects of the Russian revolution, but also encourages further research in history and economic sociology on the interaction between culture and incentives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Leo Tolstoy's view of the Russian revolutionary movement. Taking as a focal point the writer's lifelong interest in the Decembrist uprising of 1825 and particularly in the personalities of the gentry revolutionaries, the article argues that Tolstoy's fascination for these figures was due to their superior moral qualities, rather than to their political and socioeconomic doctrines. Following Alexander Herzen, Tolstoy came to regard the Decembrists as full-fledged individualities and "beautiful souls" (in Friedrich von Schiller's sense of the term). Thus, Tolstoy's much debated "conversion" and subsequent attempts to transform literary art into a medium of religious and moral reform (and thus a peaceful cultural revolution) can also be viewed as extensions of his project of self-understanding and self-formation according to the model of kalokagathia provided by Russia's aristocratic revolutionaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rosa Luxemburg was one of the most significant political theorists within the Socialist International movement during the turn of the nineteenth century. Her career included writings addressing various political issues such as nationalism and Marxist orthodoxy. One of her more significant approaches to revolutionary strategy was the use of mass strikes to attack both political and economic national institutions as a means for bringing down imperialistic capitalism. This article examines, from a transnational perspective, the development of her acclaimed The Mass Strike, the Political Party and Trade Unions (1906). Specifically, four “geo-moments” were used to analyse how her conception of mass strikes evolved from her early roles as a strike organiser in Warsaw to participation and assessment of the 1905 Russian Revolution that resulted in her Mass Strike pamphlet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

100 years after the Great Russian Revolution it is time to evaluate the impact of this epoch-making event on the politics and development of the Global South. Part I, published in the December 2017 issue of ROAPE, provided deliberations on historical and geo-political aspects of the Revolution. Part II deals with some of its influences on development theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European civilization is based on the continuous conflict between the awareness of the universally valid laws, on the one hand, and the experience or requirements of the individual, on the other. This conflict is the source of the genre of tragedy. Modern era is characterized by the always stronger defense of the individual rights. The fact that even the strict rule of general requirements could not overshadow the individual voice is demonstrated by the example of Russian literature of the revolutionary period (A. Platonov, I. Babel, M. Tsvetaeva, V. Shklovsky). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russian Populists of the 1870s generation who remained in the country after 1917 struggled to find a place in the new society but also to defend their legacy as genuine revolutionaries who had pursued a different path from that of the Bolsheviks. Working collaboratively with others of his generation, many of whom were now members of the Society of Former Political Prisoners and Exiles (OPK), Nikolai Charushin wrote his memoirs (O dalekom proshlom, 3 vols, 1926-31) in close collaboration with several other surviving figures in that generation and under duress, to 'get history right' and provide an authentic rendition of their life experiences. The authors deploy the tools of memory and generational studies to show how a joint process of memoir writing evolved into one of collective auto/biography. This close study and comparison of the text of Charushin's memoirs with those of others of his generation, of their unpublished correspondence -- including previously overlooked letters of Vera Figner -- and of the activities of the OPK sheds light on the 'memory wars' of the early Soviet era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks on the memoir of Vladimir Lenin, the late Russian communist revolutionary and leader of the Soviet Union who died in Moscow, Russia in 1924. It states that the Lenin's Mausoleum located in Moscow was constructed as a place of memory and serve as example of warped mourning, political theology of Lenin. An overview on Lenin's contribution in the Russian government, is also emphasized.

The article presents the author's views regarding the condition of present communism in Russia. An overview on the initial displacement of methodological principle for existing communism or socialism, is provided. Also emphasized is the conflict between state and revolution behind the orthodox Marxist-Leninist time of the October Revolution.

The article reflects on the intellectual heritage of Russian Revolution in 1917. An overview on the historical impact of socialism into the revolutionary tradition in the country, is provided. Also emphasized is the contribution of Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) to the anti-fascist struggle before 1945.

The article discusses the life and works of Victor Serge, the late Russian revolutionary and writer. Information about his writings which depicts truths about Revolution and promotes freedom and equality in the country, is highlighted. Also emphasized is Serge's involvement in the country's political activity in 1919.

Rosa Luxemburg is not a marginal, but a marginalized protagonist in the history of 20th-century political thought. In this essay, strategies of marginalization employed by Luxemburg's editors in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in their 1951 edition Rosa Luxemburg, Ausgewählte Reden und Schriften (Rosa Luxemburg, Selected Speeches and Writings), published by the Marx-Engels-Lenin-Institut beim ZK der SED in Berlin are revisited and deconstructed. A bold strategy of infantilization was employed in order to marginalize this political thinker and save only the historical icon, a female patron saint of the revolution, for collective memory. Whilst the GDR struggled hard to come to terms with Luxemburg's legacy, she was almost forgotten in the Bundesrepublik. Only when her incisive comment about the freedom of dissent from 'The Russian Revolution' was reappropriated as the slogan of the Eastern German Civil Rights Movement did Luxemburg re-enter public memory in the West. The revival of scholarly interest in Rosa Luxemburg that we currently see holds promise not only for radical thinkers, but also for international lawyers and historians. But, in a strange continuation of patterns of historical bias, her marginalization continues - this time from a transnational perspective. A fresh engagement with Luxemburg requires and allows for a more nuanced image of a theorist of revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jewish speech was heard in Russian revolutionary contexts as characterized by emphatic tones, rhetorical questions, an argumentative stance, and sarcasm, all performative elements of Jewish English (JE) as well. I examine depictions of Jewish Russian (JR) in the world of the non-Jewish Socialist Revolutionary (SR) leader Victor Chernov. This article first introduces Chernov, then analyzes his depictions of JR, and finally looks at transcripts of speeches by SR leaders for evidence of Jewish speech style. I use speech length, bold-face, exclamation points, and question marks as proxies for the heightened emotion and argumentative stance associated with JR. My analysis indicates no significant difference between the speech of Jewish and non-Jewish SR leaders as a whole, but shows that Chernov's own speech contains a significantly higher than average use of these elements. This result complicates the notion of ethnolect and suggests that individuals' evaluations of other people's language should be examined in light of their biographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the Russian nuclear physicist, Soviet dissident and human rights activist Andrei Sakharov as a Russian revolutionary. It states that Andrei never finds the truth as simple but he supported the human rights and was ready to loose his everything. He was a name and fame in Russia because of his intellectual and professional revolutionary. Sakharov after the Russian Revolution went into the Soviet military and desired for intellectual freedom and showed his legacy of genius.

An essay is presented on the global circulation of information and the socialist communication strategy of Professor José Carlos Mariátegui in Peru. Also cited are the topics tackled by Mariátegui in his teaching like the Russian Revolution and the Social Democratic Party of Germany, and the globalization of communication networks in the mid-nineteenth century.

The article discusses the terrorist tendency the revolutionary movement in Russia. It provides a background of the organised revolutionary activity of the Social Democrats on Russian soil which started in 1895. It cites the adoption of the German Social Democracy by Russian Social Democrats at the beginning of the movement. The article also explores the place of terrorism in the movement as a matter of honor.

Vera Zasulich's shooting of Trepov, a governor of St Petersburg who had ordered the flogging of a political prisoner, in January 1878, catapulted her to international fame as a revolutionary heroine, a reputation that she put to good use by becoming one of the five ‘founding parents' of Russian Marxism that created the ‘Group for the Emancipation of Labour' in 1883. But her act of self-sacrifice also triggered, to her dismay, the institutionalisation of individual-terrorist tactics in the Russian Populist movement with the creation of the ‘People's Will' (Narodnaya Volya) Party in 1879. The organisation went into decline after the killing of Tsar Alexander 11 in 1881, and Populism itself was increasingly superseded by Marxism as the hegemonic force on the left with the rise of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP). But individualterrorist tactics reappeared with the creation of the Socialist Revolutionary Party in 1902, prompting Zasulich to write an article for Die neue Zeit, the theoretical organ of German Social Democracy, in which she both condemned the Neo-Populist tendency as deleterious to the rising labour movement and supported the organisational plans for the RSDLP sponsored by the Iskra group, developed at length by Lenin in his book What Is to Be Done?, published in March 1902. This article provides the background to Vera Zasulich's article ‘The Terrorist Tendency in Russia' (December 1902), setting it against the history of the Russian revolutionary movement from 1878 to 1902. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accounts of terrorism, which locate the emergence of the concept in the French Revolution, tend to accept two premises. First, they assume that the concept of terrorism names a particular form of violence. Second, they regard Robespierre as the first practitioner of terrorism, thus suggesting an understanding of the term as state violence. While this article substantiates the second premise by way of a discussion of the first systematic articulation of terrorism by Tallien in 1794, it problematises the first premise through an examination of archival evidence from the period between 1794 and 1797. By identifying a variety of conceptual uses of terrorism as a form of government, political philosophy and political identity, I argue for an expansion of the conceptual space within which terrorism is primarily understood as a form of violent action. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a report from a June 30-July 1, 2017 conference in Würzburg, Germany on the history of anarchists and socialists in the 19th and 20th centuries. Topics of presentations delivered include support of Russian revolutionaries living in the U.S., the social networks of exiles Rosi Wolfstein and Paul Fröhlich, and the history of the Kusbass industrial colony.

In December 1889 The Times carried a report detailing the killing of a group of Russian political exiles in Yakutsk, Siberia. Public outrage at this atrocity was compounded two months later with news of the flogging and suicide of female political prisoners in another Siberian penal colony. These events sparked a series of international protests, and the British reaction culminated in a march and rally in Hyde Park. This article examines the causes and timing of this outburst of militancy and draws attention to the wide range of organisations and individuals who were responsible for the growth of support within Britain for the cause of the Russian ant-tsarist opposition. Drawing on Russian and British archival documents and contemporary press reports, it throws fresh light on the Siberian events themselves as well as on the convergence in London of a range of disparate political groupings determined to show a unified front in support of their Russian brethren. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Representations of the experiences of past and present Russian prisoners' women relatives in Russia are explored. The annals of Russian national history glorify the handful of wives who voluntarily chose to share Siberian exile with their husbands who were punished for the anti-monarchist uprising in December 1825. A survey of images of prisoners' wives demonstrates how Russian cultural mythology has promoted a powerful, stereotypical image of the 'Decembrist wife' as the epitome of marital love, devotion and personal sacrifice. On the basis of various historic, literary, documentary and Internet sources, as well as interviews with current Russian prisoners' women relatives, the formation, articulation and enduring vitality of the 'Decembrist wife' discourse in Russia is examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a response to various responses presented elsewhere in the issue to the author's article "Democratic Revolution in Permanenz," which appeared in the October 2012 issue and reviewed the book "Witnesses to Permanent Revolution: The Documentary Record," by Richard Day and Daniel Gaido. It comments on Day and Gaido's response article concerning the thought of Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky and the theory of permanent revolution. The thought of other Russian political thinkers and revolutionaries, including David Ryazanov, Georgii Plekhanov, and Vladimir Lenin, is also addressed.

The Russian Revolution, being part of the revolutionary tradition of the exploited and oppressed, encompasses sufferings, horrors and tragedies, but also unfulfilled promises, hopes and revolutionary inspirations. The subversive heritage includes, among others, the largely neglected radical critiques of the Russian Revolution that preceded analogous Trotskyist endeavours. All these forgotten critiques, unrealised potentials and past struggles could act as a constantly renewed point of departure in the fight for human emancipation. This essay examines the two radical currents of anarchism and Council Communism and their critical confrontation with the Russian Revolution and the class character of the Soviet regime. First, it outlines the major anarchist critiques and analyses of the revolution (Kropotkin, Malatesta, Rocker, Goldman, Berkman and Voline). Following this, it explores the critique provided by the Council Communist tradition (Pannekoek, Gorter and Ruhle). The essay moves on to provide a critical re-evaluation of both anarchist and councilist appraisals of the Russian Revolution in order to disclose liberating intentions and tendencies that are living possibilities for contemporary radical anti-capitalist struggles all over the world. It also attempts to shed light on the limits, inadequacies and confusions of their approaches, derive lessons for the present social struggles and make explicit the political and theoretical implications of this anti-critique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author considers the moral economy of terrorism in late imperial Russia during the early twentieth century. It focuses especially on the writings of French Algerian existentialist author Albert Camus on Russian terrorist Ivan Kaliaev of the Combat Organization of the Russian Socialist Revolutionary (SR) Party and political theorist Michael Walzer in his book "Just and Unjust Wars: A Moral Argument with Historical Illustrations." It explores how terrorists determined the timing of their acts of violence based on the presence of innocents, or people not the target of their political assassinations. Other topics include notions of collateral damage, terrorism in the press, and myths associated with terrorist-martyrs.

The essay explores Russia's religious toleration and civil rights policies during the reign of Tsar Alexander II. Philosophical concepts forwarded by English philosopher John Stuart Mill regarding freedom of confession and freedom of conscience were adopted by Russian radicals. However, such ideals posed issues to groups that sought to gain support of peasants. The author focuses particularly on the revolutionary group Land and Freedom (Zemlia i volia) during the 1860s.

The article discusses the role of children in resistance movements in late imperial Russia and the Russian revolution of 1917-1921. Particular focus is given to how the presence of children affected the lives of adult revolutionaries and the movement itself. According to the author, children presented serious risks to the movement but sometimes served as useful and enthusiastic helpers. It is suggested that including children in the history of the revolution offers further insights into the everyday lives of revolutionaries. Other topics include parenthood, childcare, and children's underground activities.

The article presents a reprint of the article "Lev Aleksandrovich Tikhomirov," by Aleksandr Repnikov, which first appeared in Russian in the No. 4, 2011 issue of "Voprosy istorii." It explores the life and works of revolutionist Lev Aleksandrovich Tikhomirov who was born in Gelendzhik, Russia. It analyzes his diaries, correspondence and memoirs which are kept at the State Archives of the Russian Federation. It discusses the greater authority that Tikhomirov enjoyed among revolutionaries.

In 1900-1904 neo-Slavophiles stood in the forefront of the Liberation movement against the Russian ancien regime, but the revolution of 1905-07 undermined their political position as an 'influential minority' and broke down fundaments of their ideology. This article discusses the reasons behind the Slavophiles' inability to adapt themselves to changing political reality through the example of Sergei Sharapov, a popular journalist and an ideologist of the 'people's monarchy', a theory which failed to reconcile its Messianic principles with parliamentary rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The memoirs of Ivan Chugurin translated below are of interest because they are written by someone who lived through some of the most crucial moments in the history of the Russian revolutionary movement. Chugurin's narrative takes us through the 1905 revolution in Sormovo and Nizhnii Novgorod, culminating in the overthrow of the tsarist regime in February 1917. He is able to provide insights into the development of Social Democracy in Sormovo, the 1905 events there, the Longjumeau party school, and the part played by Bolshevik organisations in the February revolution. In his revolutionary career Chugurin made the acquaintance of several prominent figures in the Russian revolutionary movement and is in a position to describe his encounters with Lenin, Plekhanov, Sverdlov and Martov. What lends particular authenticity to these memoirs is that they are an unvarnished factual account of events, with very little in the way of ideological colouring. The memoirs, which appear to have been written in the 1920s, were discovered by Professor Vladimir Sapon in the Nizhnii Novgorod archives. The translation is by James White and Vladimir Sapon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a profile of the Russian revolutionary political dissenter Ivan Dmitrievich Chugurin, highlighting his life in the first decade of the 20th-century, becoming involved in the political resistance movements of the two decades before the October Revolution in 1917. Accounts are given describing Chugurin's early discovery of the revolutionary movement in 1902, his entrance and cooperation in the Menshevik revolutionary group in Sormovo, Russia, and his later leadership in the Revolution itself.

A sentence of exile was a regular feature of the Russian revolutionary's underground career. In order to survive this punishment and continue their struggle against Tsarism, revolutionaries relied on help from their fellow exiles, their party, the Political Red Cross and, often, their families. Historians have rarely acknowledged the role of kin in supporting the revolutionary movement and very few studies have noted the attempts by families to mitigate the worst aspects of a sentence of exile. This article explores the ways in which spouses and siblings, parents and children obtained concessions from the Tsarist authorities regarding their loved ones' sentences of exile, helped off-set the poverty to which many exiles were reduced, and, above all, combated the sense of loneliness and depression to which those in exile were exposed. This article argues that such familial support had a collective and positive impact on revolutionaries' experience of exile. More broadly it provides an illuminating case study of the blurred space between public and private which the revolutionary occupied and highlights the way in which the movement depended on help from sympathizers and family members in order to function effectively on a daily basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the roles of gender and dress in contributing to the perception of terrorist acts in revolutionary Russia. The author sees the terrorist assassin and victim as symbolically involved in a contest of legitimate violence between the popular will and the regime. With the advent of women political terrorists, the violence was said to be made more spectacular. The notion of a renunciatory dress code followed by female assassins dressed to kill and die is explored against the backdrop of the lavish costumes parties staged by the tsar.

The article discusses the activities and mythology surrounding the Socialist Revolutionary (SR) party and in particularly its leftist terrorist leader Mariya Spiridonova, tracing her beginnings in the radical subculture of Underground Russia. The "shesterka" group of terrorists Spiridonova formed with five other women is described together with the group's role in the revolution of 1905-1907. The author speculates on the motives of these women and their finding of social, intellectual, and emotional fulfillment in taking up revolutionary terrorism.

An introduction is presented to this May 2010 issue, which focuses on terrorism in general and specifically on terrorism in late Tsarist Russia, the tradition of Russian nihilists and anarchists, and the Socialist Revolutionaries' role in terrorism.

Pavel Dmitrievich Kiselev (1788-1872) ranks among the most outstanding Russian statesmen of his age. During a long life he served three emperors as military commander, key administrator and distinguished ambassador. But early in his already brilliant career he risked losing everything through potentially compromising friendships with several of his staff officers who were Decembrists, in particular with Pavel Pestel', the republican ideologist of the Southern Society. By exploring Kiselev's ten years as chief-of-staff at Tul'chin from 1819, the article seeks to clarify the extent of these links, Kiselev's motives for them, and the danger they posed to his standing at court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about an incident in the life of the early 20th-century Russian revolutionary Grigori Zinoviev, also known as Ovsei-Gershon Aronovich Radomysl'skii. It focuses on his arrest in St. Petersburg, Russia in March 1908, and release two months later. The successful petitions of his wife, Lilina, to the Russian authorities for his release are described. A general depiction of the role which such family petitions played in the treatment of political prisoners is offered, and the importance of such social structures in the success of the Russian revolution is analyzed.

This article discusses the issue of false identities in revolutionary Russia. It goes beyond the subject's usual confines in the Stalin period and traces the roots of this social phenomenon to late imperial Russia, as well as examining its continuous effects during the early decades of Bolshevik rule. The examination outlines the lives of several obscure characters between the revolutionary period of 1905 and the first half of the1930s in order to define certain common characteristics that might help identify this group of revolutionary impostors as a social prototype. The article is based on a random sample of 33 personal files from the archive of the Society of Former Political Prisoners and Exiles of the Soviet Union that concern expelled members and rejected candidates. Of these, approximately half were cases of common criminals posing as former revolutionaries and political prisoners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How was terrorism first remembered when it surged up from the Russian underground in the third quarter of the nineteenth century? In this article, Lynn Ellen Patyk argues that memory is indispensible to terrorism and that historians' attribution of the "invention of modern terrorism" to Russian revolutionaries in the mid-nineteenth century is as much a testament to these revolutionaries' mnemonic savvy as to their tactical innovation. The revolutionary-litterateur Sergei Stepniak-Kravchinskii (1852-1895) was at the avant-garde of this innovation, and this article analyzes his mastery of the implicit mnemonics of the terrorist deed and then of its literary commemoration in Underground Russia: Revolutionary Profiles and Sketches from Life (1882). Stepniak-Kravchinskii uses historical narrative to perform essential plot revisions and linguistic reclamations (for example, of the word Nihilist) and employs the device of "personal recollections" to authenticate and lend emotional and sensual immediacy to his representation of "the Terrorism" and its place of origin, Underground Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

V. L. Burtsev is renowned as a spy-buster, the 'Sherlock Holmes of the Russian Revolution', as a consequence of his role in 1908 in revealing Evno Azef, head of the SR terrorist organization, to be a police agent, as well as other similar feats. However, little is known of Burtsev's earlier role as one of the tsarist regime's most feared opponents - a role that saw him hunted and harried throughout Europe from the moment of his arrival in emigration in 1888. Drawing on a number of previously unpublished Russian and French archival documents, this article presents a chronicle of the Russian Department of Police's pursuit of the unfortunate revolutionary and demonstrates also the willingness of the major European powers to participate in this harassment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]