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Background: Several have claimed that the overreliance on benzodiazepines for many approved and off-label uses poses substantial human and social consequences comparable to those observed with the opioid epidemic. In light of these problems, alternatives are required to properly manage patients. Numerous states now permit the use of medical cannabis to treat conditions, such as chronic pain, that were traditionally treated with benzodiazepines, opioids, or both. As patients and physicians seek alternative treatments, little is known about whether the presence of cannabis laws helps to alleviate the burdens caused by these more traditional medications owing to the displacement of benzodiazepines and/or opioids toward cannabis. Methods: Using data from multiple years of the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (2017, 2018, 2019), the effect of Medical Marijuana Laws (MMLs) on benzodiazepine and/or opioid use and misuse is examined while controlling for a variety of demographic characteristics. Supplemental analysis also is performed including the 2020 and 2021 survey years. Results: MMLs did not affect lone, legitimate benzodiazepine usage, but lower use of opioids and combinations of benzodiazepines and opioids was observed. MMLs appear to help attenuate benzodiazepine and/or opioid misuse to a substantial degree. Additional results suggest that the presence of an MML was related to annual, varying decreases in the use and misuse of benzodiazepines, opioids, and their combination across the years of data evaluated. Conclusions: MMLs may serve to attenuate the consequences of benzodiazepine, opioid, and their combined use and/or misuse to varying degrees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criminal violence frequently increases within jurisdictions following the implementation of self-defense laws. One explanation for this finding is a firearm amplification effect, whereby criminal offenders increasingly use firearms as a direct response to the amplified threat engendered by citizens. Using longitudinal data drawn from the National Incident-Based Reporting System for 95 cities situated in 15 states, we investigate whether the passing of a stand your ground or castle doctrine law amplifies the likelihood of gun use by criminal offenders. Results from a panel analysis show a marked rise in gun use among criminal offenders following the imposition of both types of self-defense laws. These findings furnish empirical support for the firearm amplification thesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A unique dataset is analyzed to investigate the effect of a criminal suspect's prior criminal record on the probability of arrest. Multivariate logistic regression results show that a criminal suspect with a prior criminal record is approximately 29 times more likely than a suspect without a criminal record to be arrested by police. While findings also reveal that Black suspects and Black suspects with a prior criminal record do not have an enhanced proclivity of arrest, Black suspects with a prior criminal record who target White victims are almost three times more apt to be arrested. When juxtaposed with the finding in the baseline model of a substantive relationship between a suspect's race and the likelihood of arrest absent the control for prior criminal record, our results suggest that any correlation evinced between a criminal suspect's race and the likelihood of arrest without controlling for the suspect's prior criminal history may be spurious due to omitted variable bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Many Americans rely on opioids at varying dosages to help ameliorate their suffering. However, empirical evidence is mounting that opioids are ineffective at controlling non-cancer related chronic pain, and many argue the strategies meant to relieve patient suffering are contributing to the growing opioid epidemic. Concurrently, several states now allow the use of medical cannabis to treat a variety of medical conditions, including chronic pain. Needing more exploration is the impact of cannabis laws on general opioid reliance and whether chronic pain sufferers are opting to use cannabis medicinally instead of opioids.Methods: This study investigates the effect of Medical Marijuana Laws (MML)s on opioid use and misuse controlling for a number of relevant factors using data from several years of the National Survey on Drug Use and Health and multivariate logistic regression and longitudinal analysis strategies.Results: Results provide evidence that MMLs may be effective at reducing opioid reliance as survey respondents living in states with medical cannabis legislation are much less apt to report using opioid analgesics than people living in states without such laws, net other factors. Results further indicate that the presence of medicinal cannabis legislation appears to have no influence over opioid misuse.Conclusion: MMLs may ultimately serve to attenuate the consequences of opioid overreliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth with access to illicit handguns have an enhanced proclivity to engage in armed criminal violence and self-harm. While theft has been identified as a pathway for youth to gain access to handguns, little is known about whether and to what extent stolen guns represent a viable channel toward putting youth and others at risk. To evaluate this, several data sources and methods are used to evaluate whether handgun thefts occurring within proximity to a school predict self-reported ease of handgun acquisition among young people. Multilevel results fail to show any relationship between the availability of stolen handguns, measured in three different ways, and middle and high school youths' self-reported access to handguns. Microlevel characteristics are predictive of gun access among youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debate persists as to the amount of influence criminal history should have in determining the severity of imposed legal sanction for a criminal offense. One position maintains that the punishment for repeat and first-time offenders convicted for the same type of offense should be similar, whereas an alternative viewpoint argues that the state should sanction repeat offenders more harshly. We contribute to this discourse by investigating whether the amount of weight given to an offender's prior criminal record in sentencing affects the likelihood of repeat offending. Although initial findings showed that a substantive negative bivariate relationship existed at the county level between the weight-accorded prior criminal record in sentencing and repeat offending, this association disappeared in a more sophisticated nonlinear multilevel analysis. Our findings suggest that sanctioning repeat offenders more harshly than first-time offenders for similar offenses has little effect on attenuating repeat offending once other factors are controlled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a previous study, we found that solo-offending was the primary form of offending among all ages including juveniles. We also observed that the relationship between age and crime, notwithstanding whether it was co-offending or solo-offending, was invariant across sex, race, and offense type. Based on these results, we concluded that group offending was merely incidental in circumstance and thus of little etiological significance. Zimring and Laqueur take exception to our study. Their reanalysis of our data disaggregated by offense type showed that co-offending was the dominant form of offending among juveniles for most serious crimes. However, as we discuss in this commentary, there are a number of problems with Zimring and Laqueur’s offense-specific analysis that invalidates their findings and conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: A number of states in the United States legally allow the use of cannabis as a medical therapy to treat an illness or to alleviate symptoms. Concern persists as to whether these types of laws are increasing juvenile recreational cannabis use. It is also plausible that medical cannabis laws engender an escalation of illicit non-cannabis drug use among juveniles because cannabis is frequently considered to be a gateway drug.Methods: This study uses longitudinal data drawn from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health for the 50 U.S. states and a cross-sectional pooled-time series research design to investigate the effect of medical cannabis laws on juvenile cannabis use and on juvenile non-cannabis illicit drug use. Our study period encompasses five measurement periods calibrated in two-year intervals (2002-2003 to 2010-2011). This research design is advantageous in that it affords us the ability not only to assess the effect of the implementation of medical cannabis laws on juvenile drug use, but also to consider other state-specific factors that may explain variation in drug use that cannot be accounted for using a single time series.Results: Findings show that medical cannabis laws amplify recreational juvenile cannabis use. Other salient predictors of juvenile cannabis use at the state-level of analysis include perceived availability of cannabis, percent of juveniles skipping school, severity of perceived punishment for cannabis possession, alcohol consumption, percent of respondents with a father residing in household, and percent of families in the state receiving public assistance. There is little empirical evidence to support the view that medical cannabis laws affect juveniles' use of illicit non-cannabis drugs.Conclusion: Based on our findings, it seems reasonable to speculate that medical cannabis laws amplify juveniles' use of cannabis by allaying the social stigma associated with recreational cannabis use and by placating the fear that cannabis use could potentially result in a negative health outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although temperature aggression theory maintains that a high temperature engenders more aggressive behavior by irritating individuals, routine activity theory asserts that violent crime increases as temperature rises because of enhanced interaction among the public in outdoor settings. We investigate the effect of maximum daily temperature on whether crime victims are physically injured during the commission of an outdoor criminal offense in Cleveland, Ohio. We focus on violent crimes occurring outdoors because most U.S. households have central air-conditioning or room air conditioners. Two autoregressive integrative moving average (ARIMA) analyses provide support for routine activity theory because although maximum daily temperature has a strong positive effect on the frequency of violent crimes occurring outdoors, it has little influence on the physical injury of crime victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study utilizes meta-analysis to synthesize estimates of the impact of public defenders and assigned counsel on the severity of imposed legal sanction at several decision points encountered by criminal defendants as they progress through the criminal justice system. While public defenders and assigned counsel have some notable effects on specific court outcomes such as pretrial detention and sentencing, the meta-analysis results show that they are just as successful overall as private attorneys in representing their clients' interests. The defendant's indigent status most likely explains why the clients of public defenders and assigned counsel may sometimes confront more severe sanctioning because the effects of pretrial confinement reverberate throughout the entire criminal justice system. The frequently observed deleterious consequences associated with pretrial confinement have engendered repeated calls to eliminate cash bail in determining pretrial release. • Indigent defense attorneys are just as successful overall as private attorneys in representing their clients. • Defendant's indigent status explains why they sometimes confront more severe sanctioning. • The deleterious consequences associated with pretrial confinement have engendered repeated calls to eliminate cash bail in determining pretrial release. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From January 1979 to December 2009, the Maoist insurgent Shining Path committed a total of 9,034 violent acts in a concerted attempt to topple the Peruvian government. These acts of violence included bombings, armed assaults, and assassinations. The Shining Path's leader Abimael Guzmán was captured by the Peruvian government on 12 September 1992. Using quarterly data and an interrupted times-series AutoRegressive Integrative Moving Average (ARIMA) study design, we investigated the effect of Abimael Guzmán's capture on the ability of the Shining Path to wage its war against the Peruvian government. Maximum-likelihood results revealed that the frequency of terrorist acts committed by the Shining Path dropped by 143 incidents per quarter a short time after Guzmán was captured. The analysis also evinced a positive relationship between the lethality of attacks and the frequency of the Shining Path's terrorist activity. We conclude that targeted capture shows some promise as an effective counterterrorism strategy, at least for terrorist groups such as the Shining Path that have a top-down type of organizational structure. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Self-help theory posits that a negative perception of police engenders firearm violence rather than simply amplifying individuals' ownership of firearms for self-defense. A racially diverse police force may help decrease firearm use among Black citizens because marginalized groups in society often view a governmental institution as legitimate and impartial when the racial composition of the institution mirrors the population it represents. Analyses using multilevel data show that as the racial diversity of a city's police department increases, Black criminal offenders are much less likely to use a firearm in an aggravated assault and in a violent crime. These findings buttress the claim that the institutional legitimacy of a police agency can be enhanced by descriptive racial representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 1, 2005, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the execution of offenders under the age of 18 at the time of their criminal offense was unconstitutional. Although many welcomed this decision, some individuals still remain concerned that the elimination of the specter of capital punishment will inevitably increase homicidal behavior among juveniles by reducing the prospect of deterrence. Using monthly data from the Supplemental Homicide Reports and a multiple time-series research design, the authors investigate the impact of the Roper v. Simmons decision on homicides perpetrated by juveniles in the 20 states affected by the law. Maximum likelihood results reveal that the repeal of the juvenile death penalty has had no effect on juvenile homicidal behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nexus between urbanity and crime is interpreted as being congruent with either social breakdown or subculture theory. Each of these perspectives offers differing conceptualizations of the causal mechanisms responsible for this linkage, but adjudicating between them has proven exceedingly difficult because their respective predictions are similar. Each theory posits that an urban environment amplifies criminal activity. Using data derived from the FBI's National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), this study contributes to the literature by investigating whether urbanization influences co-offending behavior. The determination of whether urbanity affects co-offending has theoretical relevance because social breakdown theory argues that urbanity produces interpersonal estrangement that impedes the development of friendship networks needed to facilitate group-based criminal offending. Conversely, subculture theory postulates that an urban environment propagates deviant subcultures that act to engender group-based rather than individualist criminality. Multivariate regression results furnish evidence supporting social breakdown theory by demonstrating that urbanity decreases co-offending behavior. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Two divergent perspectives have been articulated in the literature regarding the effect that an unbalanced sex ratio is speculated to have on male-on-female intimate partner violence. Evolutionary psychology proffers that a high sex ratio (i.e., more men than women in the population) propagates competition among males for female mates. This competition for female mates is thought to engender sexual jealousy among men, which in turn results in male-on-female intimate partner violence. In contrast, the Guttentag and Secord thesis argues that a high sex ratio acts to attenuate rather than amplify male-on-female intimate partner violence because the relatively small number of women in the population makes them more highly valued and respected by men. Using data culled from the Federal Bureau of Investigation's National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) and the Census, we investigate the relationship between the sex ratio and male-on-female intimate partner violence. We define male-on-female intimate partner violence as violence occurring within a marriage or boyfriend/girlfriend type relationship. Multivariate regression results furnish evidence supporting evolutionary psychology by demonstrating that a high sex ratio increases male-on-female intimate partner violence. Results also show that male-on-female intimate partner violence is higher in cities where more women work. Such a finding further buttresses the logic associated with evolutionary psychology because participation in the workforce is theorized to afford a woman a greater opportunity to meet and interact with men other than her husband or boyfriend. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The primary objective of this study is to determine the effect of a victim's race on the likelihood of him or her being seriously injured during the commission of an interracial crime. We also assess the probability of a homicide occurring during an interracial crime. A multilevel city analysis shows that black offenders are no more apt than white offenders to injure their victims seriously during an interracial robbery or rape. A black offender also does not have a greater proclivity to kill his or her victim during the commission of an interracial crime. Some evidence suggests that white victims are more likely than black victims to suffer serious physical harm during an aggravated assault. Results also reveal that contextual factors related to racial animosity, such as residential segregation, white-to-black economic inequality, and black-to-white unemployment, fail to have any moderating effect on either the severity of victim injury or the likelihood of a homicide occurring during an interracial crime. Overall, the results generated in this study tend to cast doubt on the validity of racial animosity theory. Our findings also lead us to question the veracity of the often made claim that black-on-white crimes are punished more severely because these types of offenses are somehow more heinous in circumstance. At least in regard to serious victim injury and victim death, black-on-white crime is no more violent than white-on-black crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is proffered rather frequently that co-offending is the dominate form of criminal offending among juveniles because of the enhanced salience of peer pressure during adolescence, and that this enhanced propensity to co-offend is pivotal for understanding the age-crime curve. Using National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) data for 2002, the authors conduct an analysis of 466,311 criminal arrests drawn from seven states. Their findings indicate that co-offending patterns by age are not noteworthy in elucidating why participation in illegal activities rises in adolescence, peaks in early adulthood, and then declines thereafter. Once co-offending is differentiated from solo offending, with solo offending representing the bulk of criminal activity among all age groups, including juveniles, a curvilinear relationship remains between age and solo-offending and between age and co-offending. These nonlinear associations are not conditioned by an offender's sex, race, or by offense type. The authors also analyzed co-offending crimes reported to police. In many types of crimes, offenders and victims come into contact, thus allowing for the estimation of the perpetrator's age notwithstanding whether an arrest was made. The findings generated in this supplemental analysis are similar to those produced using the arrest data. The results of this study have consequential theoretical implications not only because they cast doubt on the assertion that differences in co-offending levels between juveniles and adults account for the age-crime curve, but they also contravene the widely held belief that most juvenile offenses are perpetrated in the company of others rather than by individuals acting alone. Based on the new data reported here it appears that group offending is merely incidental in circumstance and thus of little etiological significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social scientists remain unsure as to whether divorce acts to alleviate domestic violence or whether ex-spouses become the targets of the displaced violence. Using data from the National Incident-Based Reporting System and the Census, this study investigates the relationship between the divorce rate and the domestic crime rate. The study contributes to the literature by distinguishing between spouse and ex-spouse victimization and by using a comprehensive measure of domestic crime. Results show a strong positive effect of the divorce rate on spouse and ex-spouse victimization. The length of time a married couple must be separated prior to finalizing a divorce was also found to amplify the spouse victimization rate. This finding suggests that mandatory separation periods may need to be eliminated or shortened in length to help attenuate crime between married couples seeking a divorce. Overall, these results support the view that divorce acts to shift domestic strife to ex-spouses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state of California passed the Smoke-Free Workplace Act on January 1, 1995. This legislation effectively banned indoor smoking in all public and private workplaces including restaurants. Many restaurant owners, especially owners of restaurants that served alcohol, opposed the ban for fear that their businesses would be affected adversely because of the loss of patrons who smoked. Using an interrupted times-series autoregressive integrative moving average study design, the authors assess the effect of California's indoor smoking ban on revenue rates for all restaurants, for non-alcohol-serving restaurants, and for alcohol-serving restaurants. Results showed that revenues for alcohol-serving restaurants dropped by about 4% immediately following the establishment of the indoor smoking ban. However, this reduction was temporary because revenues for alcohol-serving restaurants quickly returned to normal levels. Findings also revealed that the indoor smoking ban had little observable impact on the revenue rate for restaurants overall and for non- alcohol-serving restaurants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The current study used data drawn from the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) and the census to investigate the relationship between indicators of interracial and intraracial economic inequality and violent crime rates, including White-on-Black, White-on-White, Black-on-White, and Black-on-Black offenses. Multivariate regression results for ninety-one cities showed that while total inequality and intraracial inequality had no significant association with offending rates, interracial inequality was a strong predictor of the overall violent crime rate and the Black-on-Black crime rate. Overall, these results were interpreted as consistent with J.R. Blau and Blau''s (1982) relative deprivation thesis, with secondary support for P.M. Blau''s (1977) macrostructural theory of intergroup relations. The findings also helped to clarify the unresolved theoretical issue regarding which reference group was most important in triggering relative deprivation among Blacks. It appeared that prior studies were unable to find support for the relative deprivation thesis for Black crime rates because of data and methodological limitations. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

While past research has considered the effects of police organizational characteristics on various outcomes, including arrest rates, relatively little research has explored the role of the racial composition of the police and its association with race-specific arrest rates. Furthermore, no research has explored the association between arrest probabilities for Black and White offenders and police organizational factors. Using data from the 2000 National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), the 2000 Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS), and the 2000 decennial Census, the present exploratory study employs multilevel modeling to examine the association between police organizational factors including the percentage of the police force that is Black and arrest probabilities for offenders involved in 19,099 aggravated assaults and 100,859 simple assaults across 105 small cities. Results show that for simple assaults, the relative size of the Black police force is associated with the risk of arrest for both Black and White offenders. Furthermore, departments with relatively more Black police officers are found to have the largest gap in the arrest probabilities for White and Black offenders, although Whites are more likely to be arrested for assaults than Blacks, regardless of the racial composition of the police. Results also show those departments with more written policy directives, relatively larger administrative component, a higher educational-level requirement, and centralized police departments have the highest arrest probabilities. Implications of these findings and recommendations for further research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the new National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), this study analyzed the impact of a criminal offender''s sex on the likelihood of arrest for 555,752 incidents of kidnapping, forcible rape, forcible fondling, robbery, aggravated assault, simple assault, and intimidation in nineteen states and the District of Columbia during 2000. The data used in this study advanced the literature by enabling the authors to determine the likelihood of arrest for males and females based on sex-specific offending as reported by crime victims. Controlling for offense seriousness and a variety of other factors, logistic regression results showed that the probability of arrest for females was 28 percent lower for kidnapping, 48 percent lower for forcible fondling, 9 percent lower for simple assault, and 27 percent lower for intimidation than for males. A supplemental analysis also revealed that Black females had a higher probability of arrest than did White females for aggravated and simple assault. No discernable impact of an offender''s sex on the prospect of arrest was noted for the crimes of forcible rape and robbery. Overall, these findings suggest that the lower arrest rate for females is partly the result of leniency shown women by law enforcement personnel. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

We develop a conceptual model articulating the mechanisms by which racial threat is theorized to affect social control, focusing specifically on the influence of the relative size of the black population on the likelihood that the police will arrest a black citizen suspected of a violent criminal offense. A multilevel analysis of 145,255 violent crimes reported to police in 182 cities during 2000 shows only qualified support for racial threat theory. Controlling for the amount of race-specific crime reported to police, our findings reveal that black citizens actually have a lower probability of arrest in cities with a relatively large black population. This finding tends to cast doubt on the validity of the racial threat hypothesis. No evidence buttresses the claim that economic competition between whites and blacks affects arrest probabilities. However, results show that in cities where racial segregation is more pronounced blacks have a reduced risk of being arrested relative to whites. Crimes involving black offenders and white victims are also more apt to result in an arrest in cities that are racially segregated. These findings support the view that racial segregation is an informal mechanism to circumscribe the threat of potentially volatile subordinate populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the results of a study which examined the deterrent effect of capital punishment in the U.S. The deterrent effect of capital punishment remains a topic of contentious debate. Advocates of the deterrence thesis maintain that the death penalty acts as an effective deterrent because individuals are free-will actors who rationally weigh the probable benefits and potential liabilities before engaging in criminal activities. Another important facet of the deterrence theory is that the threat of punishment must be communicated to the populace. The state's sanctioning of criminal offenders serves as an example to those who have not yet committed a crime, instilling in them sufficient fear to deter them from partaking in illegal activities. However, despite plausibility of the deterrence thesis, many social scientists are still unconvinced that capital punishment deters people from committing murder. The threat of the death penalty, especially when the likelihood of execution is extremely small, is not seen as having the same motivating power as the offender's desires at the moment of the crime. Some also argue that executions escalate violence levels in society by devaluing human life and by legitimizing lethal violence.

Although blacks are arrested disproportionately for most types of violent crimes, disagreement persists as to the extent to which official arrest data are indicative of differential offending behavior or selection bias on the part of law enforcement personnel Using data from the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), we assess the effect of an offender's race on the probability of arrest for 335,619 incidents of forcible rape, robbery, and assault in 17 states during 1999. The baseline model for these comparisons is the equiprobability hypothesis that relative to violation frequency as reported by crime victims, the likelihood of arrest for white and black offenders is roughly equal. Multivariate logistic regression results show that the odds of arrest for white offenders is approximately 22% higher for robbery, 13% higher for aggravated assault, and 9% higher for simple assault than they are for black offenders. An offender's race plays no noteworthy role in the likelihood of arrest for the crime of forcible rape. These findings suggest that the disproportionately high arrest rate for black citizens is most likely attributable to differential involvement in reported crime rather than to racially biased law enforcement practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigates the impact of Florida's repeal of its mandatory motorcycle helmet-use law, effective July 1, 2000. Objective of the law; Comparison of mean changes between preintervention and postintervention periods for serious injury and fatality rate series; Maximum-likelihood coefficients for the motorcycle serious injury.

Using data drawn from the Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring Program, from the Drug Enforcement Administration''s System to Retrieve Information from Drug Evidence, and from the 1990 Census, this study examined whether an arrestee''s probability of testing positive for cocaine use varied across aggregate levels of cocaine price. Results from a Hierarchical Generalized Linear Modeling analysis revealed that in cities where the price of cocaine was relatively high, arrestees had a lower probability of testing positive for cocaine use. Specifically, a 10 percent increase in the price of cocaine was associated with a 3 percent decrease in the odds that an arrestee would test positive for cocaine use. Findings also showed that individuals arrested for income-generating crimes did not have a higher probability of testing positive for cocaine when the price of cocaine was relatively high. Thus, it appeared that higher cocaine prices were not inducing users to amplify their criminal activity in order to finance a more costly drug addiction. Finally, results failed to furnish support for the hypothesis that individuals substituted opiates or marijuana when cocaine became more expensive. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Develops composite measures on substance abuse treatment needed among adults in Florida. Presentation of an empirical component of community planning; Determination of the level of need for the substance abuse treatment of community residents; Benefits of the methodology in the allocation of finite substance abuse treatment resources.

Efforts to apply racial threat theory to explain interracial violence in America are restricted to historically dated events such as lynchings or to relatively infrequently occurring events such as race riots, hate crimes or interracial homicides. The present study extends extant research by using county-level data, drawn from South Carolina's National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), race-specific voting data, and demographic data to investigate the relationship between racial threat and interracial and intraracial violent crimes. Results from a pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis show that one dimension of racial threat, economic competition, has a modest substantive effect on interracial crimes involving white perpetrators and black victims--as economic competition increases between whites and blacks, whites commit more violent crimes against blacks. Political threat has no statistically discernable effect on the white-on-black crime rate. Further, neither measure of racial threat, economic competition nor political threat is associated with the black-on-white crime rate, the white-on-white crime rate or with the black-on-black crime rate. The implications of these findings for racial threat theory are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often proffered that as a fiscal crisis worsens, the capitalist state increasingly relies on incarceration to better manage labor surplus. Using a multilevel study design, we analyze the interplay between the employment status of male criminal defendants charged with burglary and armed robbery and the unemployment rate on pretrial incarceration. We theorize that in cities with high unemployment, unemployed criminal defendants will be more likely to be incarcerated before trial. Additionally, because the state's punitive apparatus is thought to be geared specially to control that segment of the surplus labor population which is most threatening to established interests, we examine whether unemployed African-American defendants are more apt to be incarcerated before trial in cities with a high enemployment rate. Results shoe that the unemployment rate moderates the relationship between employment status and pretrial incarceration. In cities with high unemployement, unemployed defendants have a substantially higher probability of pretrial detention. This effect withstands the introduction of control variable measuring a variety of individual and contextual factors. No support is found for the social dynamite thesis. That is, unemployed African-American defendants do not face a higher probability of pretrial confinement in cities with a high umemployement rate. We conclude that pretrial incarceration in determined, to a large extent, by the interaction between a defendant's employement status and aggregate labor market condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using four years of county-level data drawn from the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) for South Carolina and a pooled cross-sectional time-series research design, we investigate whether gun availability is related to violent crime, gun crime, juvenile gun crime, and violent crimes committed with a knife. We contribute to the literature by distinguishing between illegal and legal gun availability and by using a comprehensive measure of gun crime. Results show a strong positive relationship between illegal gun availability and violent crime, gun crime, and juvenile gun crime. Little or no effect for the legitimate gun availability measure is observed in any of the estimated models. Findings also reveal that illegal guns have little influence on violent crimes committed with a knife. Offenders seem not to be substituting knives or other cutting instruments when illegal firearms become less available. A supplemental analysis also indicates no evidence of simultaneity between gun availability and violent crime. The strong and consistent effect of illegal rather than legal gun availability on violent crime has important policy implications, because it suggests that greater attention should be directed at devising ways for legitimate gun owners to better secure their weapons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Features a study which determined whether an emergency cellular telephone program in the state of Tennessee decreased the alcohol-related fatal crash rate. Details on Tennessee's emergency cellular telephone program; Data collection from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System; Variables used in the study; Reduction in the monthly percentage of alcohol-related fatal crashes upon implementation of the program.

Using longitudinal data calibrated in daily intervals and a vector ARMA (VARMA) study design, we investigate the causal relations among the number of crimes reported to the police, the frequency of arrest, and the number of defendants held in pretrial jail confinement. Results show a lagged negative effect of frequency of arrest on reported crime. As the number of arrests made by police increases, the number of index crimes reported to authorities decreases substantially the following day. Additionally, the analysis reveals a significant positive contemporaneous relationship between criminal activity and arrest levels. No feedback effects among the three variables are noted. In sum, our findings add empirical support to the thesis that the instantaneous and lagged relationship between crime and clearances are of opposite sign. That is, criminal activity increases arrest levels instantaneously, or at least relatively so, while the negative effect of arrest levels on crime levels transpires more gradually. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors explore the relation among social demographic characteristics, occupational prestige, and anti-Semitism in America. The National Opinion Research Center's General Social Survey (1986) data are used to assess Americans' attitudes toward Jews. The results suggest that respondents' age, gender, and educational level are important predictors of anti-Jewish sentiment. The influence of age, however, contravenes previous research in that young Americans report themselves to be anti-Semitic. Reanalysis of these same data, focusing on Americans' attitudes toward Israel, suggests that age is an important factor for explaining anti-Zionism. Implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assesses the impact of the mandatory sentencing law `three strikes and you're out' on the serious crime rate and on petty theft rate in California. Chronic or habitual offenders as targets of mandatory sentencing laws; Data and analytic strategy used in the study; Reasons why the three strikes law had little effect on serious crime.

The article presents a response to a comment on the article The Impact of Sentencing Guidelines on Jail Incarceration in Minnesota which applied an autoregressive integrated moving average analysis to estimate the impact of Minnesota's sentencing guidelines effective in May 1980, on the number of convicted felons sentenced to jail. The analyses on the article are flawed and the procedures they advance for handling imbedded missing data in the dependent series are neither supported in the literature nor logically sufficient, valuable lessons can be drawn from the exchange. Linking determinate sentencing reform to prison populations can have unintended consequences. Specifically, determinate sentencing reforms that place limits only on the growth of prison populations may result in substantial increases in jail use and thereby may erode policymakers' efforts to produce desirable long-term effects on overall incarcerated populations. Further, the organizational imperative to maintain the prison population at an acceptable level may supplant the more distant, more abstract goal of equity in criminal sentencing. Broad sentencing reform efforts that include constraints on jail use are warranted.

Although available empirical evidence suggests that Minnesota's Determinate Sentencing Law has had little effect on prison incarceration, it is still uncertain whether the sentencing guidelines affected jail use. A few recent studies imply that the guidelines have had a positive effect on jail incarceration rates. Accounts have pointed to preexisting trends, more severe sanctioning of repeat property offenders, and judicial concern with prison overcrowding as possible underlying causes of this observed increase. Using longitudinal data and an ARIMA study design, we investigate the validity of these competing explanations. Our findings show that the onset of the sentencing guidelines increased judicial use of the jail sanction beyond the effect of preexisting trends. In addition, the effect of mitigated dispositional departures from the no prison/prison outcome on jail use is salient only when prison population levels are high. This latter finding supports the thesis that judicial concern with prison overcrowding motivated judges to circumvent the guidelines in order to shift the burden of incarcerating offenders from the state to the local level The policy implications of these results for determinate sentencing reform are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using an interrupted time-series design, this research note analyzes the long-term effect of Minnesota's sentencing guidelines on reducing unwarranted disparity in sentencing outcomes that fall within their scope of authority. Unwarranted disparity is defined as residual variation not attributable to legally mandated sentencing factors. Findings suggest that although the sentencing guidelines initially reduced disparity for the no prison/prison sentencing decision, inequality began to revert to preguideline levels as time passed. Further analysis revealed that the guidelines had a permanent impact on reducing disparities in decisions on the length of prison sentence. Overall we observed an 18% decline in disparity for the no prison/prison outcome and a 60% reduction in inequality for the judicial decision as to length of prison sentence, Two explanations for the reversionary trend in the no prison/ prison series are highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents information on a study conducted on whether there is an increase in the jail capacity in Orange County, Florida. Background information on this study; How is this study carried out; Results of the study.

Empirical evidence shows that unemployment influences levels of incarceration. Theory attributes this relationship to the state's attempt to control labor surpluses. Studies testing the Rusche and Kirchheimer (1939) thesis yield questionable results, however, because they rely on convicted offender data. Using longitudinal data and a Box-Jenkins Autoregressive-Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) modeling method, we investigate the effect of unemployment rates on pretrial incarceration rates. We include controls for arrest rates, jail capacity, and three court processing variables. Although our preliminary bivariate analysis revealed that the aggregate unemployment rate was significantly and positively related to pretrial incarceration for misdemeanors, this correlation became nonsignificant in the ARIMA analysis. The relationship between unemployment and the incarceration rate for pretrial felony defendants was also nonsignificant. Taken in total, our results suggest that the Rusche and Kirchheimer thesis overstates the importance of unemployment in explaining levels of incarceration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study advances the literature by examining the effect of carbon monoxide emissions on the degree of physical violence exhibited by a criminal offender during the commission of a criminal offense. A multilevel analysis is conducted to probe the relationship between carbon monoxide levels and whether a criminal offender physically injures his or her victim. The offender-level data are drawn from the National Incident-Based Reporting System and represent 139,709 single offender/single victim crime incidents for 109 cities in 22 states during 2015. Carbon monoxide concentration and city-level contextual control variables are drawn from other sources. Results show that while carbon monoxide emissions have little effect on the overall level of physical violence displayed by a criminal offender, both the offender's race and sex moderate the relationship between air pollution and victim injury. As carbon monoxide levels rise in a city, both black and male offenders are more likely to injure their victims physically. We theorize that black and male offenders are more vulnerable to the violence-inducing effects of air pollution because of pronounced racial and sex differences in carbon monoxide exposure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dwelling in a violence-plagued neighborhood may amplify obesity by engendering psychological distress or by cultivating a sedentary, homebound lifestyle. This relationship is speculated to be especially relevant for black and Hispanic citizens because they are much more likely than whites to live in violence-beleaguered neighborhoods. Results from two multilevel analyses of 12,645 residents living in 34 New York City neighborhoods show that, while the violent crime rate does not have a direct effect on obesity, it does condition the relationships between race, ethnicity, and obesity. As the violent crime rate rises in a neighborhood, the probability of both a black and Hispanic resident being obese increases, controlling for both individual and neighborhood factors. The BMI of black and Hispanic residents is also higher in neighborhoods beset by violence. These findings suggest that violent crime may be a salient but unappreciated factor in explaining both racial and ethnic differences in obesity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is proffered that incarcerating offenders will not attenuate criminal activity because new offenders are readily available to supplant those who are imprisoned. This situation, referred to as offender replacement, is mostly applicable for drug selling crimes where a market for illegal drugs exists. We hypothesize that if the incarceration of established drug offenders attenuates competition and creates a fertile environment for novice drug dealers to enter the market, a rise in the drug incarceration rate should increase the likelihood of first-time drug selling behavior. Using a multilevel modeling procedure, we find that a one-unit increase in the drug incarceration rate results in a 15% rise in the odds of a first-time offender being prosecuted for a drug-selling crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nexus between lethal violence in the drug market and drug-selling behavior remains a topic of interest among social scientists. Although the current body of literature demonstrates strong empirical evidence of systemic violence, questions still endure as to the underlying causal mechanisms responsible for this violence. This study uses 10 years of prosecution data aggregated at the county level to investigate whether drug-related homicide is predictive of first-time drug-selling offending. Results from a pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis suggest that new entrants are using lethal violence to penetrate the illegal drug market. As drug-related homicides increase, the percent of first-time offenders being prosecuted for a drug-selling offense increases markedly. This relationship persists even after controlling for non–drug-related homicide. This finding suggests that lethal violence is being used primarily by new drug sellers, possibly to help them gain entry into a competitive drug market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A contentious issue regarding immigration is the contempt that many natives hold for immigrants. Studies report that enhanced job competition, the potential for cultural misunderstandings, and security fears are salient in predicting native population discontent for immigrants. However, the threat posed by terrorism has been overlooked in prior research. Using data drawn from twenty mostly European countries and a nonlinear hierarchical modeling statistical procedure, we find that acts of terrorism are associated with a substantive decrease in the desire for outgroup immigration. No effect of terrorism on ingroup immigration is observed. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using six years of data (2011–16) drawn from the Global Terrorism Database and from other sources for 127 countries, a pooled cross-sectional time-series research design is employed to investigate whether the health of a country's labor market influences the number of terrorist incidents a country experiences. Results show a strong negative relationship between labor force participation and the frequency of terrorist incidents. Neither the youth unemployment rate nor the unemployment rate has a notable influence on predicting acts of terrorism. Findings also reveal that the percent of a country's population living in urban areas does not condition the relationship between labor force participation and terrorism. The observed effect of labor force participation has methodological consequences for how a country's labor market ought to be conceptualized in future research studies on terrorism. Such a finding also has relevant policy implications because it suggests that greater attention should be directed at devising ways for countries to enhance employment opportunities not only to improve economic conditions, but also to assist in the reduction of terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public regularly encounter law enforcement. In an era of the Blacks Lives Matter movement and associated discord with law enforcement, understanding the contours of police--public relations and its potential consequences are paramount. Using national level data of police stops, we attempt to identify factors that influence attitudes of respect and legitimacy toward the police. Findings reveal that, among other things, race impacts perceptions of law enforcement through the interracial characteristics of encounters, a context in which some citizens are more likely to question police legitimacy even after controlling for other salient factors. Policy considerations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the association between police organizational and environmental factors and police misconduct using data derived from the new National Police Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project (2009–2010). Our use of this data set affords us the opportunity to measure police misconduct with much greater breadth than in previous studies. A negative binomial regression analysis of 497 city police departments shows the following organizational characteristics—organizational size, the presence of a full-time internal affairs unit, and in-service training—salient in predicting police misconduct. The violent crime rate is the only environmental variable that influences police misconduct. These results not only highlight the importance of organizational structure in influencing police officer misconduct but they also suggest that a police department has at its disposal the ability to institute organizational changes that can help attenuate the occurrence of police misconduct. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The absence of a consistent positive effect of the unemployment rate on the crime rate is perplexing, but it may be partly due to the countervailing effect of guardianship. Using weekly state-level data and a pooled cross-sectional time-series research design, we investigate whether the unemployment rate influences residential burglary. This study contributes to the extant literature by distinguishing between weekday residential burglaries, or those burglaries that occur between the hours of 6 am to 6 pm on weekdays, from weeknight/weekend burglaries. If unemployment increases guardianship because previously employed individuals are now at home during the workday protecting their possessions, the expectation is that the unemployment rate will have an instantaneous negative effect on residential burglaries that transpire during normal working hours. Results buttress the logic associated with the guardianship thesis in that a rise in the unemployment rate only engenders a decrease in weekday residential burglaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]