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In the period following World War II, the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia, under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito, experienced a pivotal moment in its history due to the split with the Cominform and the subsequent break in relations with the Soviet Union, leading to a profound military and foreign policy transformation in Belgrade. This period can be seen as a continuation of the rebellious pragmatic line that had already been outlined during World War II, when Yugoslav communists, in contrast to the Eastern Bloc countries, gained power almost independently through their own struggle. The realization that external powers, in this case the Soviet Union, could not simply dictate domestic or foreign policy decisions was crucial for Belgrade's strategic shift. Threats of a military attack from the Eastern Bloc forced the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia to seek aid and support, particularly military, from the West. These activities were particularly evident on the diplomatic front. This research reveals the complexity and dynamism of Yugoslav foreign policy, which Belgrade faced in its efforts to maintain its sovereignty. In this context, the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia gradually became an example of how to maintain a delicate balance between the superpowers. This shift and the steps taken by Belgrade are key to understanding Yugoslavia's role in international relations and its status during that period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Il segreto delle delibere durante il conclave, assieme alle aspirazioni di alcuni cardinali furono oggetto di grande interesse presso la corte di Filippo II. Da Roma, il cardinal Pacheco era in contatto con il segretario Gonzalo Pérez e, dopo il suo decesso, con Antonio Pérez suo figlio. Altri corrispondenti erano Luis de Requesens, el Comendador Mayor de Castilla e, incidentalmente, Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle. L’investigazione si è basata su due fasi fondamentali: la consultazione delle filze AGS Est. Leg. 899-903, appartenenti al fondo Roma, contenenti le lettere cifrate e decifrate, riguardanti la corrispondenza tra Luis de Requesens, Comendador Mayor de Castilla e il sovrano spagnolo; e le lettere cifrate di altri corrispondenti quali i cardinali Pacheco e Granvelle, arrivati a Roma agli inizi di 1566. Dopo aver trascritto le parti decifrate delle lettere cifrate, che consiste nell’assegnare i segni della chiave all’alfabeto, al sistema sillabico di bilettere e trilettere e al sistema lessicale, è stata ricostruita la chiave del sistema di cifre usato dai personaggi che erano a Roma e quelli che risiedevano presso la corte la Madrid. Parole chiave: Linguaggio segreto, XVI secolo, Roma, conclave, diplomazia.

Quando nel 1335 si consegnò ad Azzone, la città di Vercelli produsse due atti: il primo, noto alla storiografia, è il verbale di assemblea del 26 settembre con cui il consiglio urbano formalizzò la decisione presa; il secondo, inedito, è una scrittura che venne prodotta direttamente nel palazzo del dominus a Milano il primo giorno di ottobre, con cui venne registrata la consegna del potere nelle sue mani. L’analisi di questo documento, lungi che rappresentare un semplice affondo erudito, permette di osservare dinamiche ancora, nella piena metà del Trecento, ancora tutte in evoluzione, inerenti ai temi dello sviluppo dei nascenti stati regionali e delle pratiche scrittorie e diplomatiche che ne sostanziarono lo sviluppo.

Abstract The place of theatre in the Aeschines-Demosthenes dispute: the diplomatic perspective In all studies on the affinities and intersections, both thematic and performative, between oratory and theatre, the contrasting orations of Aeschines and Demosthenes concerning the embassies to Philip of 346 BC and the mutual accusations about the handling of negotiations hold an essential place. In this set of speeches, which includes – in addition to Aeschines’ Against Timarchus and the two orations On the False Embassy (343) – those of 330 Against Ctesiphon (Aeschines) and On the Crown (Demosthenes), the theatre and its performers are, however, represented ambiguously, if not negatively. This essay aims to highlight how this apparent paradox finds a possible solution by considering the concrete role that Athenian theatre and actors played in the difficult negotiations between Athens and Philip. The diplomatic perspective allows us to shed more light on the motivations that led the two rival orators to use theatre as a weapon to fight each other.

Nel 2008, John Watkins ha annunciato l’avvento di una “new diplomatic history”. Il suo manifesto ha riscosso un grande successo perché giunto nel momento propizio. Una rinnovata storia diplomatica si sta rivelando sempre più centrale nel contesto di una storia politica più sensibile che mai verso il modo in cui pratiche culturali e strutture sociali influenzano le molteplici e variabili interazioni politiche. D’altra parte, a partire dal 1989 gli IR studies stanno affrontando nuove sfide: la diplomazia contemporanea si sta distanziando dal modello westfaliano tradizionale, e sia accademici che professionisti sono alla ricerca di nuovi paradigmi e strategie per gestire le sfide della globalizzazione. Prendendo le mosse dal caso di studio dell’Italia tra il tardo Medioevo e il primo Rinascimento, il contributo intende esplorare questo contesto teorico concentrandosi sugli elementi fondamentali alla base della formazione dello stato moderno e della diplomazia moderna, come la sovranità e la territorialità.

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Starting from the historical work of Memnon’s of Heracleia, which has been handed down to us by Photius’ excerpta, we can reconstruct the role of the polis of Heracleia Pontica, in the complex historical period after Alexander’s III death. With this paper, I will analyse the tyrannical period, and in particular Dionysius’ tyranny. During his tyranny, Dionysius of Heracleia Pontica was able to realize a complex network of relationships; he succeeded in making the city an undisputed protagonist of that historical period. He knew how to juggle the struggles among the Diadochoi and he was able to forge relations with some of them, and with some poleis of the Black Sea area, like Sinope, aiming to increase his power and that of his homeland.

This contribution examines the work of Josip Smodlaka, a Croatian lawyer and diplomat who travelled to Rome at the end of the Second World War on a secret mission under the instructions of Josip Broz - Tito and Edvard Kardelj. The purpose of the mission was to assess whether there could be a direct agreement between Yugoslavia and Italy regarding the new border and, above all, the allegiance of Trieste. His mission, however, proved to be fruitless as no agreement was reached. None of the parties involved was prepared to make any compromises. While Italy refused to recognise or at least repent for the crimes they had committed during the Second World War, Yugoslavia was unwilling to accept the terms laid out by Italy, which insisted on first resolving the issue of the deportations from the Julian March. The failure of Josip Smodlaka's mission, which lasted from October 1945 to January 1946, was thus also the failure of the first attempt to reach a direct agreement between Yugoslavia and Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses Slovenian–German relations, with a particular focus on the period between December 1990 and June 1991. The author takes a look at the positions that the Federal Republic of Germany assumed with regard to the plebiscite in Slovenia and recognition of Slovenian independence, as well as the circumstances (national and international) that led Germany to these positions. The article finds that as late as the spring of 1991 the official German policy was preserving the integrity of Yugoslavia, while it was already aware this might be an unrealistic wish. This is why it foresaw Slovenian and Croatian independence as one of the possibilities. When war in Slovenia broke out, Germany saw that Yugoslavia was gone, so it took a completely different stance than only weeks before. This was also reflected in its active engagement for swift international recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Al centro di questo studio è la figura d’Isabel d’Aragona (1270-1336), infanta aragonese e regina consorte del Portogallo, e il ruolo da lei effettivamente giocato nello scenario politico del suo tempo, dentro e fuori i confini del suo regno. Dotata di un ingente patrimonio sin dal 1282, anno del matrimonio con il re Dinis di Portogallo, soltanto dopo aver dato alla luce l’erede al trono la sovrana iniziò a intervenire in modo più deciso sulla scena politica, nazionale e internazionale, detenendo un potere reale ed effettivo che esercitò con consapevolezza ed in autonomia rispetto al coniuge. In seguito la guerra civile, durante la quale si assisté al duro scontro tra il re e il principe ereditario sostenuto dalla madre, rivelerà il protagonismo della regina Isabel, ma, allo stesso tempo, i limiti della sua azione politica.

Diplomacy has played a key role in conflicts since ancient times. Over time, the role of diplomatic agents has changed, to take on, gradually, greater importance especially in wartime. This article focuses on the activities of the Italian foreign service in World War II and on the role of diplomats during the civil war that followed the fall of Fascism and the subsequent armistice with the Allies. In this dramatic context, some diplomats confirmed their loyalty to the king, while others joined the new-born Italian Social Republic (R.S.I.), a puppet state ruled by Mussolini under the protection of Nazi Germany. Somewhere, two Italian diplomatic representations coexisted shortly. A page in the history of diplomacy, unknown to wide audience, that this contribution aims to bring to light. The article strives to draw conclusions on the implications and consequences of this 'diplomatic civil war' on post-war Italian foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[it] L’articolo prende in esame i documenti conservati che riportano le istruzioni impartite dalle autorità di tre poteri cristiani (Corona d’Aragona, Firenze e Venezia) ai loro ambasciatori diretti al sultanato musulmano mamelucco (Egitto-Siria, 1250-1517). Lo studio comparativo di tali fonti rivela come l’interazione con il sultano e i suoi funzionari fosse programmata nelle sue diverse fasi e secondo differenti modalità di comunicazione, sia verbali (messaggio orale e scritto) sia non verbali (regali, cerimoniale). L’analisi della funzione pratica e teorica delle istruzioni conservate mostrerà come questi documenti contengano indizi essenziali per decifrare i principi e le strategie che stavano alla base del dialogo diplomatico tra le potenze cristiane e i Mamelucchi.

La villa suburbana quattrocentesca denominata Bicocca degli Arcimboldi, ora inglobata nel quartiere omonimo della città di Milano, ospita nel portico ciò che resta di un perduto ciclo pittorico dedicato alla missione diplomatica compiuta nel 1488 in Ungheria per conto degli Sforza dall’allora proprietario, il futuro arcivescovo Guidantonio Arcimboldi. L’articolo intende fare luce sugli eventi che hanno ispirato la decorazione pittorica e indagare le possibili motivazioni dietro la scelta di un simile soggetto da parte del committente, oltre ad analizzare, attraverso il confronto con due celebri testimonianze pittoriche coeve, come all’epoca tali temi fossero rappresentati.

Il presente articolo analizza il ruolo svolto dai vescovi galiziani nell’ambito delle trattative diplomatiche tra Suebi e Romani durante gli anni Trenta del V secolo. In questa disamina, particolare attenzione viene riservata da un lato all’ipotetica collaborazione tra priscillianisti e Suebi, dall’altro alla contrapposizione tra priscillianisti e cattolici nel contesto del conflitto tra il nascente regno suebo e l’agonizzante Impero Romano d’Occidente.

These article presents for the first time the text of the commission written by the Government of Florence to the ambassador Pandolfo di Giannozzo Pandolfini, that was designated to speech to the duke of Provence, Renée d’Anjou, in 1461 about an issue of piracy in Mediterranean Sea. Infact a pirate, called Scarincio, has devasted Florentine ships in the name of the duke of Provence. In consequence of this act, Pandolfo Pandolfini was sent to require an immediate intervention to stop the attacks of the pirate. These commission is relevant because it reveals the effective reason of the expedition, not only of Pandolfini but also of Filippo de’ Medici, that was sent to the duke too. It also adds new suggestions about diplomacy in the complex contest of political affairs in Fifteenth-century Europe and it notices the role of these kind of written commission in the messengers’s communication.

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Copyright of Mediterranea - Ricerche Storiche is the property of Mediterranea-Ricerche Storiche and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L’articolo presenta la decrittazione e ricostruisce il contesto storico di una lettera cifrata di Federico re di Napoli ai Re Cattolici, conservata nel ms. Espagnol 318 della BnF, per la cui cifratura è stato utilizzato insolitamente il cifrario in dotazione all’ambasciatore spagnolo a Napoli nello stesso periodo, Joan Ram Escrivà.

It was during the 15th century, the golden age of Italian diplomacy, that the role of resident ambassadors was gradually codified. They were sent by the Italian powers and they had the delicate task of being correspondents of the complex diplomatic relations between states for their masters. Starting with the study of the letters that the ambassadors used to sent to their masters during their missions, the main objective of this paper is to illustrate practices and customs that ruled their arrival and reception in the host state. The three delegations examined here, Francesco Maletta’s and Zaccaria Barbaro’s in Naples and Leonardo Botta’s in Venice, offer the chance to discover and see through the eyes of a fifteenth-century emissary a fundamental part of the Italian medieval diplomacy practice.

This paper attempts to describe the political situation in Italy in the summer of 1471, when Borso d’Este, recently promoted to duke of Ferrara, got sick, therefore the other Italian states started to organize the succession. Being difficult to obtain information about the illness of Borso, Mantua and Milan decided that they would support Niccolò d’Este as successor; he was son of a Gonzaga princess, but had only few supporters in Ferrarese. On the other hand Venice supported Ercole d’Este, brother and intimate of Borso and much stronger than the rival into the town. We can follow the development of the situation reading the letters of Niccolò Ariosti, father of the famous poet Ludovico, who was partner of both Este and Gonzaga families. When Borso finally died, on August 20th, Milan and Mantua became aware of the weakness of their candidate and Ercole easily achieved the lordship over Ferrara.

The present article proposes the edition and study of the only letter sent by a Venetian consul in Castile found until now. We reconstruct the life course of its author, Angelo Venier, and Luca Falier's, a Venetian merchant with interests in Andalusia, named in the letter. The richness of contents allows us to deal with many different and complex issues, such as Venetian private navigation in the Iberian peninsula; juridical mechanisms for the resolution of conflicts between foreign merchant nations in Castile; the Genoese situation; Venetian perspectives in Andalusia; and merchant and private businesses of other Venetians in Seville. The image that arises is much more detailed than what we knew up to this moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Reti Medievali is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Falklands War changed diplomatic relations between Argentina and Great Britain. In any case, the progress that took place before and after the conflict were insufficient compared to the main objective of Argentina: to talk about the Falkland Islands sovereignty dispute. This, in turn, boosted an “informal” diplomacy. The “flexibility” and the willingness to talk promoted fruitful informal meetings where both positions had, as a fundamental objective, to reconcile positions.

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Copyright of Synergies Italie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Synergies Italie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni is the property of Editrice Morcelliana S.p.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Drawing on an analysis of mostly unpublished primary sources held by the British National Archives in London, this paper shows the work of the Inter-allied Plebiscite Commission, which operated between July and November 1920 in the area where the Carinthia plebiscite was held, and problems, it was facing. The Plebiscite Commission successfully carried out its primary job, which was defined by the Treaty of Saint-Germain, that was to conduct the plebiscite. At its meetings the Commission passed provisions and agreements that interfered especially in the administration of the plebiscite area, which it was not allowed to do by the Treaty. On the other hand it had the power to take measures to ensure free, fair and secret ballot. At the meetings, it is observed agreements on several occasions the Yugoslav representative disagreement with the passed agreements as well as the disparity between the French and the Italian representative. The doings of General Rudolf Maister were also troubling to the Commission, what was repeatedly complained by the British representative of the Commission Sydney Capel Peck, who was also its president. He also demanded his removal from the plebiscite area. There are no reports of Maister's presence in October and that suggests that Peck was successful in his request. In addition to the minutes of the Commission's meetings, British sources also provide us with an insight into the correspondence between the British representative and the Foreign Office. On this basis there is possible to determine the consistency of the British representative regarding the sending of data of the situation in the plebiscite area, his observations and internal comments by the officials of the British Foreign Office. This is especially interesting due to the fact that the British representative often had a key role by the passing of the Commission's agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of eHumanista is the property of Professor Antonio Cortijo-Ocana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of eHumanista is the property of Professor Antonio Cortijo-Ocana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mediterranea - Ricerche Storiche is the property of Mediterranea-Ricerche Storiche and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article delves into the process of setting up an independent diplomatic apparatus of the Republic of Slovenia. It aims to shed light on the role of Slovenian paradiplomats (particularly business representatives) in the country's independence process, as well as highlight the importance of diplomats who worked in the Yugoslav service and helped lay the foundations for the diplomacy of independent Slovenia. The article brings three fi ndings. First, business representations abroad played an extremely important role in the outset of forming Slovenia's diplomacy. Second, Slovenians in the federal foreign ministry provided great support by working hard to provide Slovenia with as much information as possible for shaping its position in the independence process and the mustering of international support for recognition. Third, the beginning of independent Slovenia's diplomacy required much enthusiasm and diplomatic innovation, which faded into history when they were limited by the framework of the entire system, once the diplomatic apparatus was formed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article picks up the documents kept in the main British archives in London (The National Archives), with the intent to look back for hundred years and trace some considerations on the context that brought Italy, Great Britain, Russia and France to sign the Memorandum of London (known as the Pact of London) on April 26, 1915. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]