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This article advances the historiography of port cities, waterfront trade unionism and imperial solidarity by comparing two distant places that, despite their colonial connections, are rarely juxtaposed: Britain and Australia. It investigates the relationship between the metropole and the periphery via the Great Dock Strike of 1889 in London (a 5-week dispute that ended in victory for the dockers) and the Australian Maritime Strike of 1890 (a 12-week strike that ended in defeat for the workers). This research shows how the responses to the strikes from the other side of the world reflected the characteristics of port cities and their waterfront workers. They were also largely determined by three neglected themes - the extent of colonial ties, the uses of the new telegraph network, and the impact of trade cycles - and how these themes influenced each other. The first theme develops and complicates Bernard Porter's argument that Britons were indifferent towards imperial affairs. On the one hand, this article confirms his position by showing the asymmetry of imperial relations between the outward-looking Australians and the mainly inward-looking Britons. On the other, it demonstrates how imperial connections led to solidarity, and how Britain's working-class leaders embodied an elitist imperial mindset. In doing so, this article draws new parallels between Britain's working-class leaders and colonial administrators. Despite their different roles and educational backgrounds, both groups - imbued with a sense of imperial superiority - demonstrated a similarly paternalistic approach in their work overseas. Therefore, imperial solidarity in port cities is a prism through which the prevalence and impact of the British imperial ethos - a far wider subject - can be illuminated and assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – Various challenges faced by non-academic personnel in Nigerian institutions, such as a lack of team spirit, inadequate salary, insufficient staff development programs, poor infrastructure, strike actions, insecurity, subpar health insurance, and limited career progression, prompted an examination of their effect on performance at the University of Ilorin. Aims(s) – This research aimed to investigate the influence of compensation structure, career development, and team spirit on the non-academic staff's performance. Design/methodology/approach – With a population of 1,600 and a sample size of 320, as established by Taro Yamane's sample size calculation, the study used a descriptive research approach. A questionnaire was used for data collection, and the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) program was used for basic regression analysis. Findings – The results showed that non-academic staff performance at the public institutions were positively and significantly impacted by compensation structure, career growth, and team spirit. The study successfully determined the impact of trade unionism on non-academic employee performance, emphasizing the positive effects of a sound wage structure, strong team spirit, and career advancement. Limitations of the study – The fact that the results are context-specific represents a major limitation. Originality/value – The results suggested that the public institutions should prioritize and assess team spirit, along with enhancing non-academic personnel's remuneration packages. Furthermore, career advancement was identified as a key factor influencing non-academic staff performance, emphasizing the importance of providing opportunities for professional growth and promotion to motivate employees to excel and contribute to the institution's success.

At the crossroads of artistic practice and activist action, popular dances and theatral shows contribute to both sociability and political action. During the interwar years, popular dances and theater shows are in the spotlight in the departments of Nord and Pas-de-Calais, which had a long-standing festive tradition. In a territory marked by coal mining and in which the mining companies and the Church strive to supervise the leisure and the life of the workers, the PCF and the organizations of the communist galaxy are interested in propaganda through entertainment, entrusted to small but active local groups.

This paper aims to understand the changing dynamics of internal labour market segmentation intertwined with the history of working-class struggle in an industrial belt in India's National Capital Region (NCR). Nuances of workers' class struggle in the automobile sector in Delhi-NCR over the last 15 years have shown that unity between permanent and contract workers was key to several successful struggles against worsening work conditions and management control within the global value chains of automobile production. Our fieldwork findings, along with direct and indirect political engagement in the region, reveal that increasing salaries and allotment of supervisory roles to small sections of permanent workers, coupled with the simultaneous fragmentation a lower strata of workers into multiple categories with very low salaries, benefits and heavy workloads, have been significant attempts by capital to break class solidarity among different sections of workers. Relatively pro-labour legislation and trade unions tend to concentrate in high-wage zones, while low-wage and precarious employment remains unprotected by such institutional mechanisms. Labour segmentation is inherent to capitalist exploitation, guarded by institutional mechanisms. Advanced mechanisation reduces distinction of skill requirements between highly paid permanent and lowly paid contract workers. In this context, labour segmentation is a political response to trade unionism from the side of capitalist management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates how trajectories and ideologies shape the international trade union activism among Volkswagen of Brazil metalworkers from 1999 to 2022. We analyzed five unions through interviews and documents. The Metalworkers Union of abc stood out in internationalization, while others exhibited different levels according to their histories and ideals, such as highlighted by the political confrontation theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, one year after a research that had as its main objective to analyze, comparatively, the cycles of sugarcane workers' strikes in Pernambuco, and metalworkers of São Paulo and ABC Paulista, that occurred in the late 1970s, we returned to the questions raised in the field and in the interviews with former union members and workers to understand the ways in which the dialogue between us and them has influenced the formulation of research problems and hence the effects of the presentation of our identities/positions during the field work and in the scientific text that came to be published. Our goal is not merely to recognize the implications of ethnographic authority, but to argue in favor of the analytical fertility of this mediation with "the other" in our scientific practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper offers a reinterpretation of Eduard Bernstein's theory of evolutionary socialism. It does so by examining the leading role that he envisioned for unions of skilled workers in the socialist movement. During his time in London in the 1890s, Bernstein's engagement with English Fabianism led him to emphasize the proletariat's differentiated nature. He claimed skilled workers most readily organized and became the first proletarians to develop class consciousness. Unskilled workers, on the other hand, remained largely unorganized and estranged from the socialist movement. Bernstein opposed the socialist political strategy of nationalization because it would subordinate unskilled workers to party revolutionaries rather than realize cooperative self-government in industry. This focus on promoting industrial self-government made Bernstein stress the importance of workers' further unionization and adoption of skilled unionists' method of collective bargaining. This would produce socialist cooperation because it facilitated cooperative wage determination. In Bernstein's view, skilled unionists influenced the socialist party to take political action to organize and elevate more proletarians to class consciousness. In contrast to those who claim Bernstein prioritized the party's autonomous ethical appeals and legislation, I emphasize his focus on union-party interactions and defense of unions as central for the advance into socialism's cooperative society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper briefly examines the studies that have focused on the agrarian organizations' role during the transition to democracy in Spain. The present review goes from the first contributions from the field of Sociology in the 1980s to the new approaches provided by Historiography from the 2000s onward. Likewise, this study has aimed to assess the explanatory virtues of existing research as well as the important shortcomings that still remain in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent debates about the most appropriate political agents for realising social justice have largely focused on the potential value of national political parties on the one hand, and trade unions on the other. Drawing on the thought of Murray Bookchin, this article suggests that democratic municipalist agents – democratic associations of local residents that build and empower neighbourhood assemblies and improve the municipal provision of basic goods and services – can often also make valuable contributions to projects of just social change. I identify a long-term and a more short-term argument for the value of democratic municipalist agency in Bookchin's thought and claim that the latter provides a compelling case for the valuable contributions this form of action can make to the achievement of a wide variety of visions of social justice. This provides a useful partial corrective to recent political theorising about the nature of the partisanship and trade unionism necessary to secure social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about Libyan trade unionism and its role in the Arab workers' movement. Drawing on a variety of archival sources, this article contributes a general overview of trade unionism in Tripolitania and Cyrenaica from the time of the British Administration (1943–1951) until 1957. In this period, the Libyan General Workers Union (LGWU) emerged as the main workers' organisation and the first trade unions laws were promulgated. Since 1957, with the establishment of the Petroleum Workers Union and the presence of foreigners working in oil companies, the LGWU's supremacy as a representative of Libya's workers waned, and Libyan unionism entered a new phase. This article chronicles the unknown history of Libyan trade unionism and highlights the significance of trade union internationalism, specifically, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions in Libyan labour affairs. This research discusses internal enablers as well as frictions within the labour movement, which ultimately hampered its social and political influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archivos de Historia del Movimiento Obrero y la Izquierda is the property of Archivos de historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This contribution explores the interplay between labour and feminist activism in Austria during the 1970s and 1980s. Focusing on the often overlooked nexus of the women’s liberation movement and the trade union movement, the analysis looks into the forms of organisation and protest used by women activists from various political affiliations on the left, including social democrats, communists and emerging alternative and green groups. These protests included the struggle for reproductive rights, conflicting ideas on the inclusion of domestic labour into labour activism, the significance of partnership as an activist concept, and the challenges of joint actions. The material is analysed using a combined source-critical and theory-driven approach, employing hermeneutic methods to reveal specific debates and the complex dynamics of cooperation and distinction in both labour and feminist activism. The study thus shows that the activism of women organised in communist, alternative (radical) left and socialist trade union contexts was part of the activist cycle of feminist movements in the 1970s and 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Franco’s death, Spanish trade unionism was completely transformed. These changes took place between 1977–1988 during a period that some refer to as the Trade Union Transition. The change in trade unionism required both institutional changes and changes in the trade union culture of the main trade unions at the time. This article outlines the main events of the Trade Union Transition and specifically investigates the transformation of the culture of Comisiones Obreras (CCOO) as the main trade union force of the time at various levels: organisational form, conflictivity, degree of participation, etc. The article attempts to demonstrate how the changes in CCOO’s culture reduced trade union conflict, a factor that contributed to reducing opposition to the economic changes promoted by the different governments, mainly those led by the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

the dominant presence of the leftist parties, and in particular of communism, over the Chilean trade unions organization has been an undeniable fact in the development of this social sector throughout the 20th century. Contrary to this trend, rail workers in Chile expressed a different position regarding the presence of communism in their ranks, which translated into rejection and reluctance toward this ideology. This article proposes that given the negotiating capacity that the railway workers were able to articulate with the authorities of their company and those of the country, they allowed themselves to dispense with the partisan support offered by the leftist groups to settle the conflicts that arose between capital and the working class, attenuating with this the influence of the communists within their guild. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The annals of working-class agitational endeavours in the early nineteenth century contain more than a sprinkling of rogues who ran off with money, and renegades who abjured their earlier beliefs. They also include a few turncoats and traitors who turned their backs on their former colleagues and went over to the 'other side'. This article explores the public careers of two reform-era renegades from the West Riding woollen textile district: John Tester and George Beaumont. Both were prominent local figures who turned coat in the pivotal year of 1834. An examination of the context and nature of their treachery attests to the importance but also the fragility of local leadership. The article argues that the special place that popular leaders held in their communities went beyond notions of fame and celebrity; but that this bond, once broken, was not easily repaired. Examining the villains as well as the heroes of labour history enables us to appreciate the local energies and tensions that underpinned popular movements and to put into context the resilience of leaders who lasted the course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the forgotten prospect of an industrial revolution in mid-Ulster to examine the nature of the Unionist administration and deploys 'history from below' to examine and understand the tensions and contradictions at the intersection between class and sectarianism. The analysis centres on the 'Coalisland Miracle', when Unionist insider, Sir Samuel Kelly, purchased a coal mine and various other local businesses in East Tyrone during the consolidation of James Craig's Protestant Parliament. Ultimately, Unionist dreams of a new industrial revolution resembled fevered delusions as the new polity endured precarious finances and interminable economic decline. The article also analyses how complex issues of class and sectarianism played out on the ground when Ulster's leading capitalist confronted a majority nationalist workforce in an area whose constitutional future appeared to hang in the balance, demonstrating how workers struggled to secure their meagre slice of the pie, while employers, managers and the state strove to defeat organised labour. An analysis of four labour disputes linked to Kelly's scheme reveals how sectarianism worked in employment practices, a subject much talked about but seldom supported by hard evidence. The article concludes by examining an extraordinary lockout at the Tyrone Colliery itself and a subsequent and unprecedented display of working-class solidarity in 1926, when Protestant and Catholic workers united after the much-heralded Coalisland miracle turned out to be little more than pie in the sky. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lan Harremanak - Revista Relaciones Laborales is the property of Lan Harremanak and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Beginning in the early 1970s, various communist groups decided to become active at the Bremer Vulkan shipyard. The article shows that they did not immediately go for confrontation to older trade union structures but were willing to change the movement from within. With the support of a wildcat strike at the shipyard in 1973, the New Left raised the question of alternatives. As a result, the Social Democratic works council chairman resigned because of a lack of support from his colleagues, and in 1974 some communists were elected to the works council. I argue that there was no division into old and new but rather a diverse field of actors: a disparate group of workers with different occupational status, and political approaches; works councils and shop stewards with close ties to Bremen's Social Democracy; and various communist groups that pursued very different policies and goals, sometimes joined forces, but basically fought each other—especially in conflicts—rather than taking joint action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Belgium, the cooperative movement developed since the last quarter of the 19th century as the backbone of a socialist workers’ movement where the party form will be both the fruit of a grouping and the centralizing and leading force of the other components that are mutuals, unions and cooperatives. Cooperatives are at the heart of the development of socialism in Belgium and give it significant economic power. Beyond a logistical aspect, for the Belgian socialists « [The cooperative] appears (…) as a kind of embryonic realization of socialism, which prepares minds to conceive a social order very different from the current capitalist regime ». The Belgian cooperative movement adopted the principles laid down by Rochdale’s pioneers, but added an obligation to join the Belgian Workers' Party (POB) and to allocate part of the profits to socialist propaganda. This addition clearly differentiates the Belgian cooperative model from that of other countries. Another specificity is to have developed almost exclusively on the consumption model, the few production cooperatives feeding it.

Copyright of Historia is the property of Historical Association of South Africa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the 1980s Margaret Thatcher's government attempted to reduce the economic power of the industrial working class by legislating against the trade unions and defeating the 1984–85 Miners' Strike, which saw her brand the miners as the 'enemy within'. At the time English football was an important part of male working-class culture, particularly for northern industrial workers and was coming under attack from the Government and press over football hooliganism. It has often been argued that Thatcher's trade union policies were designed to break the economic power of the industrial working class. If, through comparison, a link between this policy and the treatment of football supporters is found it will determine whether this conflict had a cultural aspect. Scholars have anecdotally made this link previously, but there has not been sufficient analysis of the comparison. This treatment will not analyse any actual links between the trade union movement and football supporters, but will focus on the Government and press treatment of football and trade unions and assess whether the Government was seeking to bind the two issues together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of association can include the right of labour unions to take collective action in the interest of their members. In this regard, it is presumed that unions increase worker freedom. However, there is little literature on how worker freedom as self‐actualization is linked to union collective action involving coalition‐building with civil society. This article uses the notions of freedom according to Berlin (1969) and MacCallum (1967) to assess the meaning of such coalition‐building for worker freedom. It then employs a radical democratic perspective (Laclau and Mouffe 2001) of union engagement with the Just Transition in New Zealand to explore how unions enhance worker freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente artículo describe y analiza las principales posiciones políticas y técnicas desarrolladas por los representantes de los grupos sindicales que participaron durante el diálogo social tripartito sobre formación dual llevado a cabo en Costa Rica en el 2017 y que fue mediado por la Organización Internacional del Trabajo. El artículo describe y analiza un momento clave en la historia de la educación técnica, específicamente sobre formación dual en las que tantos sindicatos, el gobierno y los empresarios discutieron diferentes posibilidades de implementar una formación basada en el trabajo. Los datos se recabaron a través de técnicas de recolección de datos cualitativas (entrevistas y observación) que se dirigieron a tres representantes de los sindicatos que sí quisieron participar en las rondas de negociación. Una de las principales conclusiones del artículo es que los sindicatos se centraron en el desarrollo de un concepto de formación dual basado en la gobernanza tripartita y en el reconocimiento de los derechos laborales de los estudiantes durante el tiempo de formación dual, lo cual suponía un reordenamiento jurídico y filosófico sobre el papel de la educación técnica y su vinculo con el mundo del trabajo. Estas visiones contrataron con la visión tanto de los empresarios y del gobierno debido a las implicaciones económicas de reconocer a un estudiante como trabajador.

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to investigate trade unionists leaders' perspective on Industry 4.0. Questionnaires and interviews were carried out. Two conclusions were pointed out: a fragmented understanding of the concept and the low participation of workers in the implementation process. Looking forward to a just transition, the improvement of either the conceptual grasp and the workers' participation are necessary.

This article analyzes what were the modes of political action deployed by the groups that led the Argentine trade union confederations (Confederación General del Trabajo and Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina) between 2007 and 2015. This period, coinciding with the two governments of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, witnessed different initiatives of union politicization. Using a qualitative methodological strategy and a theoretical approach focused on the multiple rationalities that operate in the realization of political actions in different arenas, we periodize the stage in three major moments and show the outcome of four forms of political action located in a continuum that goes from the separation to the overlap between unionism and politics: the purely corporate action, the dispute for political representation outside the Peronist spectrum, the dispute for political representation within the Peronist spectrum and the "politicization of the union". Likewise, we highlight the importance that the discussion on union autonomy and the links between unionism and politics gained in this stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to investigate the complex relationship between mutualism and trade unionism in Chile during the "long" first quarter of the 20th century (1900-1927), and attempts to provide evidence about contradictory processes that were experienced practically simultaneously. Based on the historiographical advances of the last three decades and the results of a new investigation, we endeavour to elucidate the phenomena of differentiation, convergence, association, and ruptures between these two forms of popular association. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conference Journal of Social Policy / Sosyal Siyaset Konferanslar Dergisi is the property of Journal of Social Policy Conferences/Sosyal Siyaset Konferanslar Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arxiu d'Etnografia de Catalunya is the property of Universitat Rovira I Virgili and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to analyse the trade union trajectory of the Movimiento Comunista (MC) and of the Liga Comunista Revolucionaria (LCR) within the Comisiones Obreras (CCOO), the main workers' organisation during the Transition. Both, the MC and the RCL actively participated in its construction, seeing the CCOO as the materialisation of the workers' United Front (FU). Both organisations maintained relations within the CCOO for many years. These relations went through moments of collaboration and sympathy, moments of distancing and later moments of stable alliance against the Partido Comunista de España (PCE) inside of CCOO. From this alliance came the Izquierda Sindical (IS), a trade union platform which for many years brought together trade unionists from the two organisations until its absolute dissolution at the end of 1991. The history of their trade union intervention can help to better understand the history of these organisations, which are still in the process of being re-discovered by the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is commonly assumed that the best way to strengthen workers’ voice in authoritarian contexts such as China is through the institutionalisation of collective interest representation. This article argues that this assumption oversimplifies and exaggerates the gains that can be expected, particularly when workers have previous experience in taking other forms of collective action. Revisiting the aftermath of the watershed 2010 strike wave in South China, it shows that trade union and collective bargaining reforms have had two constraining effects for workers. First, they were designed to curb rank-and-file activism; and second, they forced worker representatives to moderate their demands and practices. The article argues that these constraints are inherent in collective interest representation. In doing so, it challenges the prevailing consensus that collective interest representation strengthens labour voice in China, and two derived assumptions: the attribution of constraints on workers’ voice to authoritarianism; and the inferiority of autonomous forms of collective action to collective interest representation. These challenges are contextually supported by the failure of trade union and collective bargaining reforms to match the material and institutional gains achieved by workers’ autonomous action during the status ante. The article suggests that collective interest representation should be assigned a more modest role in the pursuit of labour voice, and that research should instead be recalibrated towards the study of different forms, logics and effects of workers’ collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the origins and development of trade unions in Spanish football. The origin of the Spanish Football Players' Union (Asociación de Futbolistas Españoles, AFE) and the process that led to the first footballers' strike held in March 1979 are specifically studied. Particular emphasis is placed upon the specific industrial and organizational contexts in which the AFE emerged, as well as on the structure, membership and leadership of this trade union. The paper argues that the AFE managed to wield considerable influence by directly challenging the authority of the controlling bodies represented by the Royal Spanish Football Federation (Real Federación Española de Fútbol, RFEF). The findings of this study shed light on the behaviour shown by RFEF, the media and football fans themselves in the face of the emergence of the football union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2016, new legislation governing strike ballots has made it more difficult for trade unions to achieve a mandate for industrial action. Such a mandate now requires that a majority of members vote in the ballot. This article argues that these balloting processes are undemocratic. The turnout requirement means that a mandate for industrial action does not simply depend on its level of popular support amongst union members. This has surprising consequences. Sometimes opponents of action would be better advised to abstain, rather than to vote against it. Thus, it is not always clear how they should vote. Whatever they do, their actions may be counterproductive. Further, even when they do know how best to promote their desired outcome, there may be a conflict between voting strategically and clearly expressing their true preferences. Consequently, there is no guarantee that the outcome of the ballot accurately reflects what people really want. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hegemony of the PSOE and the UGT during the Transition in Andalusia had greater difficulties in the agricultural sphere, where the FTT encountered strong competition in both the day labourer and self-employed farmer areas. The province of Almería contributed significantly to the development and expansion of socialism in agriculture, both in Andalusia and in the country, but its provincial implantation had greater problems. Our work aims to shed light on the implantation of the FTT in Almeria’s agriculture, its relationship with the PSOE and its importance in the Andalusian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We develop a 3 × 4 full‐employment small open economy model for examining the consequences of anti‐immigration policy against skilled labor adopted in the developed country on both national income and wage inequality in a source developing economy, keeping aside the aspect of immigration of unskilled labor. We find that both social welfare and wage inequality are likely to deteriorate when, ceteris paribus, the degree of distortion in the unskilled labor market is sufficiently high. In addition, through quantitative analysis we have recommended a couple of policies that are likely to lessen the adverse outcomes on both the economic indicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The depreciation of domestic work in Brazil causes sexism, racism, and class differences to intersect. Historically, Brazilian law has considered domestic work as a subcategory. The role of the collective organization of these female workers has been fundamental in addressing the disagreement over how domestic work is socially understood. In addition, it played an essential role in the resistance against the withdrawal of rights. This article aims to give these female workers a voice, and to record their understanding of work and care. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding of the concept of work is provided, including for unpaid care. In addition, the interviews convey both a need for the appreciation of domestic work and the awareness that “domestic work is the basis of society.”

Abstract As a cross-cutting issue encompassing all of society, the evolution of digital technologies is particularly challenging to traditional labour actors that are accustomed to physical work and face-to-face contact. This article discusses the distinctive possibilities of social media use as a forward-thinking global strategy for organised labour. After an initial clarification of useful concepts to consider in the digital age, we focus on the social media presence of trade unions, identifying the pros and cons associated with platform-based communication. Finally, the article debates the implications of social media platforms as tools to strengthen networks with nonunion actors and contribute to the amplification of the labour agenda. Through a comparative analysis of four trade union confederations, two from Brazil and two from Portugal, we argue that, despite the possibilities for outreach and interaction enabled by the new communication and information technologies, trade union confederations maintain constricted networks and an outdated top-down communications model.

Industrial relations are both a system of practices and rules in labour and employment relations and a field of research study For several years, these two fields have been undergoing a profound destabilisation, interpreted by some as a crisis. To understand the reasons for this, it is necessary to look back at the conditions and modalities of their constitution. But rather than concluding that they have disappeared, the article insists on a reconfiguration, which is also that of the productive models, institutions and actors involved.

Industrial relations refer to both a set of practices and rules governing labour relations and a research field investigating the latter. Their development went hand in hand with the implementation of post-war Fordist capitalism. Rapid changes in the working worlds and the questioning of institutions and work regulations for several decades, both in the Anglo-Saxon world and in Europe, have logically led to a decline of the paradigm of industrial relations. But how should we consider this present situation? As a disappearance or as a recomposition?

The Quebec model of industrial relations established in the 1960s led to a strengthening of unions both in workplaces and at the political level. Workers benefited from collective bargaining and unions became key political interlocutors. From the 1980s onwards, the changes in capitalism have weakened standard employment relations and hampered union organizing. Unions also lost their influence with respect to the state. Advances for workers were mainly gained through the protection of individual rights and struggles led by other social movements. This situation questions both the political strategies of the labour movement and the unions’ ability to represent the diversity of the workforce.

This article uses the life story of Alfred Makwarimba, the founding president of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions and a career trade unionist, to examine how trade unionism and its leadership in particular transformed under the impact of neoliberalism in Zimbabwe from the 1990s. Existing scholarship focusses on aspects of labour's political unionism during neoliberalism. This paper builds on this literature by exploring the endurance of workerism and varied agency of union leaders during this period. It argues that the neoliberal turn transformed trade unionism resulting in continuous struggles between government and labour, and within labour itself. For Makwarimba, neoliberalism gave him renewed agency and relevance. Data from interviews and secondary sources presented in this paper show that he maximised on the liberalisation of labour relations during the 1990s to reinvigorate and set his trade union career on a new trajectory from the decline of the 1980s. It also shows that while neoliberalism, indeed, radicalised labour politics, it also democratised unionism, enabling the flourishment of freedom of association and expression of individual abilities, capabilities and autonomy. The paper, thus, contributes to our understanding of trade unionism's struggles as it evolved from state corporatism to political unionism and the eventual emergence of workerism, all punctuated by internal fights, and incessant attacks from the state and capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Spain, the role of women within trade unions is little known. The purpose of this article is to describe the asymmetrical position of many women with respect to that of men in different facets of the life trajectory, that is, in the reproductive, productive and trade union work. It particularly analyzes the expressions of these inequalities in women who opted for professions in the field of social welfare and trade unionism, in the specific areas of health, education and social services. Traditionally feminized spaces and professions, in which their equivalence is not shown in the affiliation and leadership of trade union organizations. With the intention of understanding these manifestations, life history is used under the qualitative approach, a technique that allows transcending individual narratives to a collective experience. During the analysis, in which their biographies are traversed from domestic to professional places, it is observed how in the exercise of their union action converge those dynamics that have been legitimizing, over time, this gender differentiation. These are reiterated both in their formulas of internal trade union organization and in their participation strategies on employment and the labor market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses, from the trade union perspective, the proposal of the inclusive-participatory business model (IPM), designed and agreed upon by different people belonging to the political, trade union and business world of Euskadi. Despite the existence of various experiences in participatory companies in most countries of the European Union, in our country, this business model has had little development and practical implementation, being in the gestation process. The theoretical foundation of participation and the identification of existing models define the theoretical discussion. Through personal interviews with members of the most representative unions in the Basque Country (CCOO, CGT, ELA, LAB and UGT) and of the Association of Friends Arizmendarrieta (ALE) and Foundation of Arizmendarrieta, as the promoters of the IPM, the study provides a qualitative analysis of the potentialities and limitations presented by the model, as well as the identification of the key elements to be taken into consideration in its institutional and organizational design, with a view to its development in business praxis. Moreover, the work provides elements of analysis that can serve a more complete and informed debate on the participation of workers in the company and thus allow progress, from the trade union perspective, in the development of participatory company models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of H-Industria: Revista de Historia de la Industria Argentina y Latinoamericana is the property of H-Industria, Revista de Historia de la Industria Argentina y Latinoamericana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)