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Recent research on unregulated population movements suggests that illegal migration and undocumented migration for labor and other purposes is on the rise in Northeast Asia, and is demanding the attention of regional policy-makers. The last decade has also witnessed an increase in the criminalization of migration in the lucrative form of human trafficking, often related women and girls for prostitution. This paper reviews the scholarly debate on the linkages between security and migration, including how illegal migration has been incorporated into the discussion on traditional and non-traditional security, and human security. The emergence of illegal migration as a security issue in the European Union is discussed before a consideration of whether, and how, illegal migration has been defined as a "security" issue among politicians and policy-makers in Northeast Asia. The so-called Copenhagen School?s framework of "securitization" is discussed in relation to how securitization could be applied to specific cases of illegal migration and unregulated population flows within and from Northeast Asia. Finally, the paper draws some conclusions regarding the implications and lessons for regional cooperation on illegal migration in Northeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War Nordic cooperation blossomed and Nordic identity was strong but defence was left outside of the Nordic framework. After the end of the Cold War, Nordic cooperation waned and it was largely replaced by cooperation within the EU framework. During the past couple of years, however, the Nordic defence cooperation has been boosted by a number of initiatives and common projects. The paper tries to analyse this recent rise of Nordic defence cooperation. Theoretically the article revolves around the question of how material and identity factors explain security cooperation in today's Europe. During the Cold War it was easy to explain that identity was important in low politics cooperation between the Nordic countries but geostrategic factors and national interests based upon them determined (the lack of) defence cooperation. Even today, Nordic defence cooperation is justified more by costefficiency and geographical proximity than by common identity. The argument of the paper is that Nordic identity nevertheless plays an important role in motivating defence cooperation. It is not driven by pure cost-efficiency or strategic calculation. The role of identity needs however to be understood not as a kind of independent force but as part of the political process. Nordic identity explains the rise of Nordic defence cooperation in three ways: it facilitates informal cooperation between defence officials at various levels, it is easy to sell it politically to domestic audiences and it is not seen as contradicting European or NATO cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper represents the early stages of a new project that explores Sino-EU cooperation and competition on the African continent. Existing literature which explores China's growing influence in Africa has been characterised by an exclusive focus on China's policies vis-à-vis Africa, and has been frequently undergirded by a growing anxiety that Western influence is in danger of being undermined. This paper seeks to problematise these assumptions by exploring whether the EU and China, who both aspire to attain a 'responsible' identity in the international community, may cooperate in their respective development and security policies towards the African continent. The main focus of the paper is on how the EU has attempted to influence Chinese development aid policies towards Africa. In this paper, I argue that China's quest for recognition as a 'responsible great power' has made it susceptible to Western pressure to alter its 'irresponsible' aid policies. I explore the degree to which the EU has acted as a 'socialiser' in getting Beijing to accept and internalise international norms that govern developmental aid, as well as the limitations to the EU's influence. The paper also makes a contribution to its field by generating implications for understanding the moral authority the EU possesses in the Asia-Pacific region (usually seen as a sphere of American influence and strategic interest) and the 'target audience' for China's quest for recognition as a 'responsible great power'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the benefits of bridging the debate between rationalism and constructivism to European foreign policy analysis. It is suggested that European Foreign Policy is driven by two interdependent forces, which are defined as security and normative considerations. Security policy is, in this paper, regarded as predominantly driven by intergovernmental and rationalist processes whilst norms are the focus of a communitarian and constructivist approach to European Foreign Policy. The predominance of these two processes is however constantly in a flux, depending on the foreign policy issue at hand and the behaviour of the actors involved. Many regard rationalist and constructivism approaches to foreign policy analysis as opposites. This paper seeks to argue otherwise.The EU is here seen as both an arena and an actor. Foreign policy makers are perceived to be acting along a continuum, moving from the logic of consequentialism to the logics of arguing and appropriateness, as they are been socialised into the foreign policy processes. It is however argued that this movement can in some cases be reversed in which actors move back to favouring a rationalist logic of consequentialism depending on the foreign policy interest at play. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'National Vision' of the Bush Administration with regard to homeland security aimed to 'prevent the entry of terrorists and the instruments of terror while facilitating the legal flow of people, goods, and services'. International implications of homeland security measures have resulted in the emergence of new class of foreign policy makers: Customs and Border Protection, Transportation Security Administration, and other units in the Department of Homeland Security whose exposure to international partners increased considerably. This paper challenges a reader to make a certain conceptual shift and look at homeland security as a foreign policy issue as well as the internal security one. The analysis of transatlantic homeland security progresses in two steps. First, it explores the post-September 11th development of homeland security cooperation between the US and the EU in order to identify challenges to the transatlantic governance of homeland security. Then, the attention is paid to internal challenges stemming from domestic politics on each side but also to external ones posed by the international environment and third parties. Issues under discussion in this paper include aviation security and customs cooperation which represent most impressive but at the same time most problematic dimension of the contemporary transatlantic homeland security cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper approaches the issue of forecasting in international affairs theoretically and empirically. In the theoretical section, the paper discussed the epistemological and normative problems arising when attempting to forecast international events, but concludes that forecasting is both scientifically rewarding as well as normatively desirable. It then proceeds to argue that constructivist theories of strategic culture and norms regarding the use of force can act in conjunction with insights about capabilities and future security challenges as a mid-range theory to account for the evolution of the EU as a security actor. This proposition is elaborated empirically by drawing on the empirical findings of comparative strategic culture research to generate some forecasts concerning the goals the EU is likely to pursue and the capabilities it is likely to acquire. It does so by highlighting opportunities for foresighted policy as well as dangers inherent in ignoring some of limitations in terms of future capabilities and common will. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally accepted that a political entity which has reached a certain level of maturity evolves from the "frontier era", characterised by an absence of regulation and a kind of anarchy, to the "boundary era", characterised by order and stability. However, my paper shows that the European Union has initiated a certain return to the "frontier era" in its security relation to the external world. Firstly, at the internal level, the borders between member states are hardly more than administrative divisions, whose interest in terms of security tends to fade. Secondly, the external outline of the EU is a legal and political boundary, i.e. the external limit of the sum of the member states. Its defence is currently guaranteed, and its value in the framework of the new security policies is limited by the fact that security should now be searched upstream, outside this boundary. Finally, there exists a very frontier between the EU and the outer world, a wide space (mainly maritime) separating the EU from the rest of the world. Its strategic depth should contribute to the security of the Union (projection), but as the first frontline, this marginal zone should also be secured itself against incoming transnational threats. The aim of the paper is to discuss the way the EU exercises its power beyond its external boundary, as well as to consider the evolving EU's geopolitical vision. Thus, my research leads to a reflexion on the geopolitical implications of a broadened security agenda for the EU. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I present a new model for relations between the EU and its neighbours. I argue that, against the background of the growing challenges of the European Neighbourhood Space, there is a need to think about a new model for the relations between the Neighbourhood Partner States and the EU. The model should enable a significant upgrade of the political and security relations, as well as those in the economic, research, cultural and social/human fields. The paper departs from the assumption that, the time has come to implement the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) principles and ideas and to accelerate the discussions on the development of a new strategic model. Drawing on the ENP experience, the Barcelona Process and the new Eastern Partnership initiative, this paper proposes the creation of what it calls the "Advanced Partnership" (AdP) Model. The paper exposes and analyses this new model, and further discusses common tools needed to confront political, social and security challenges in the European Neighbourhood Space. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy security has always been an important issue in energy policy debates but it gained salience in the 21st century. We can observe three changes in the attributes of energy security that have partly redefined the concept. First, skyrocketing prices, network failures and the increasing dependence of European countries on imports have shifted the objectives of energy policy away from the sole focus on market liberalization towards the security of energy supply (economic attribute). Second, the debate around climate change has added a strong environmental dimension to energy security (environmental attribute). Third, energy security is increasingly construed as a global problem requiring supranational coordination (political attribute). This paper examines the concept of energy security in the European Union, where the framing of energy security implies the interconnectedness of market liberalization, climate change regulation and external governance. Is there a true paradigm shift in the European energy policy? Does the move from a planned, monopolized energy system to liberalized markets really impact on energy security? How do climate change, national and supranational issues contribute to reframing energy security? The paper tries to answer these questions by tracking the evolution of the economic, environmental and political attributes of energy security in the EU context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will aim to provide an interim report on a project that is examining the evolution of EU foreign and security policy over the ten year period, from 1999-2009, that will mark Javier Solana’s period in office as the EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The paper will examine the reasons for Solana’s appointment and his early work on the creation and development of ESDP including his negotiation of a satisfactory security relationship between the EU and NATO. The paper will also examine the proposals in the CFSP/ESDP area that emerged from the European Convention and which were eventually incorporated in the EU Constitutional Treaty. Foremost amongst these was the decision to combine the posts of High Representative and Relex Commissioner and create the new post of European Foreign Minister â€" a post that the European Council awarded to Solana in 2004. The paper will consider the implications for the CFSP and ESDP that flow from the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty and will consider which aspects of the rejected Treaty Solana either has developed or might be able to develop in the future â€" in particular the plan to create an European External Action Service and the development of the European Security Strategy. In the light of the evolution of European Foreign Policy and ESDP since 1999 the paper will examine the extent to which Solana’s development of his role has enhanced the role of the European Union in the contemporary international system. The ongoing question of ‘Who speaks for Europe’ will be considered as part of a wider evaluation of the EU’s ambition and capacity as an international actor as the end of the Solana era approaches. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to look at foreign and security policy of independent Lithuania as a state identity construction process. The main objective of the paper is to show the ideational impact of the EU on Lithuania's foreign policy by discovering how the dominant international identity construction of the EU influences the construction of Lithuania's international identity. In analyzing Lithuanian foreign policy landmarks after the double enlargement, a wider survey of problems and perspectives of its participation in the latest EU foreign policy initiatives and its relationship with the EU Eastern dimension is given. The article states that Lithuania, trying to become the center of regional cooperation, is creating a civil state (normative power) identity assembling other states by force of the example to be followed. Lithuania's self-identification as a "regional center" is a national interpretation of the narrative of "Europe as a normative power" and this is the way the construct of normative power is transformed in Lithuania's political discourse. However, the regional identity of Lithuania is still under formation: pretensions to unite the North, South and East are conceptually not grounded enough and the narrative uniting the region is still at an embryonic stage. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of ‘Homeland Security’ is becoming increasingly evident in the EU’s Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), which is defined as ‘the protection of a clearly defined territory of a political community from security threats’. However, this political community is still in the making in the European Union. Consequently, this policy-making area in the EU is characterised by the most complex of decision-making procedures. This paper argues that these institutional arrangements are not just an expression of the national sovereignty of member states. They are also an expression of the aforementioned political process attempting to construct a ‘homeland’ for different political communities by ensuring their security from external security threats. Firstly, it will argue that it is vital to analyse actor behaviour in the process of ‘constructing security threats’. Secondly, however, despite the importance of member states in the European Union, institutional actors such as the European Commission or the Council Secretariat are increasingly gaining in importance. This paper argues that institutional actors have been vital in the construction of a ‘European Homeland Security’ area. Since September 11, the first and foremost security threat to enable the construction of a ‘European Homeland’ has been terrorism. It is argued that the construction of this ‘security threat’ has been utilised by EU institutions in order to establish the creation and the securing of a ‘European Homeland’, which ultimately drove forward the process of European integration. This can be observed empirically in counter-terrorism policy within the EU, as well as in transatlantic cooperation with the US on this matter. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade the profile of the European Union has changed, and the union has gone from primarily being a civilian power, achieving security and stability through cooperation in non-security issues, such as economic integration, to putting more and more emphasis on developing security structures, practices and discourses. This development can appear puzzling within traditional frameworks, and this paper suggests that one possibly fruitful way of understanding the change and the emerging security interests and practices of the Union, is as an identity policy, and therefore important for the Union not only in a strictly security sense, but also for the future of the Union at large.This paper will be looking at representations of the EU as a security actor on the internet. It will investigate how the EU articulates itself as a security actor in cyber space, i.e. on its websites, in order to try to understand what kind of self-image, values, and role conceptions the EU wants to convey to the citizens of the union and the world at large, of the nature of the emerging security aspect of the Union. The paper holds that discursive practices, both linguistic and non-linguistic practices, such as images, construct meaning and identity, and one important scene for the Union to convey and construct a common meaning of an emerging security identity, is in communication with its citizens through, new, popular, venues such as the internet. Mainly texts on the websites will be analysed, but also to some extent images, in order to try to capture the nascent security identity of the Union. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) encompass enormous resources. In addition to the member states' own military and civilian capabilities and assets, a number of other instruments have been created at the EU level, such as EU Special Representatives and the European Development Fund. Moreover, EU diplomatic initiatives, trade promotions, disarmament and non-proliferation efforts and environmental policies are all instruments that can be employed by the union. However, these institutions, capabilities, resources, instruments and policies each have their own structure, logic and rationale. While some of them work well together, many others do not and may even work counter to each other. This paper argues that the EU must better coordinate all elements of the CFSP and ESDP in order to effectively employ the instruments and capabilities of the Union in a global world. EU policy vis-á-vis Macedonia will be used as an example to illustrate the need for better coherence and why Europe must become more skilled at coordinating and combining analyses and strategies in the CFSP and ESDP, between EU institutions and between member states. The issue of coherence is complex and exists at many stages and on many levels. The paper will outline a model for improving coherence in the CFSP and ESDP by drawing on EU trade policy as a blueprint. The EU has successfully negotiated with one voice for many years during bilateral talks with other countries and in organizations such as the WTO. The paper will conclude by discussing what role the position of an EU Foreign Minister and an EU diplomatic service would play in establishing more coherence in the CFSP and ESDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Fight against Terrorism has traditionally been considered a constituent element of the EU's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. Yet although macro-strategic decision-making is mainly located within the Council's Secretariat and Council of JHA Ministers, its external dimension reserves a role for the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This rhetorical 'spill-over' of an internal security concern onto the CSDP is an interesting yet under-researched development. It is argued in this contribution that this is partially due to its relative under-development when compared to other aspects of the European anti-terrorist response. Accordingly, the paper aims to highlight the intervening factors that explain this paucity of policy outcomes. In addition, and building on recent debates in the field of terrorism studies, it provides a critical assessment of the conceptual foundations that link CSDP and C-T in the EU's discourse while evaluating the short and medium term potential for a more vigorous evolution of these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the foundation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in 1992 the international engagement of the European Union (EU) has steadily increased and triggered a lasting debate on EU's actorness (Bretherton and Vogler, 2006, Manners and Whitman 2003, Ginsberg 1999). In this paper, we will elaborate on the nexus between actorness and the international identity of the EU commonly associated with terms like civilian, normative or soft-power. Referring to the critique of Diez (2005), who directs our attention to the discursive production of identity, we argue that a turn to "visuality" could enhance our understanding of the question how EUropean actorness is socially constructed. Therefore, we focus on the "visual representations" of the EU, concerning the ESDP-missions which have been conducted in the DR Congo since 2003. Based on an interpretative analysis of numerous photos available on the EU website, we reconstruct the visual formation of EUropean actorness in foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on the "securitization" of public policy emphasizes the process by which organizational or political actors use security rationales to support claims for funding particular activities or where the "security state" uses the rhetoric of external (or internal) threat as a pretext for entering into new policy fields or developing new powers (Buzan et al, 1998; Wæver, 1995). Such ideas are familiar to historians of science and technology (S&T) policy because the very notion that governments should intervene to fund and direct science was largely a product of the Cold War security environment. Since 9/11 a new threat has been constructed in the form of international terrorism and this paper will consider the implications of this new securitization of science and technology policy for the governance of science both in the United States and in Europe. Transatlantic similarities and differences in policy responses, institutional developments and organizational frameworks will be examined. Particular attention will be paid to the emergence of security research at the European Union level and its potential implications for the conduct of European science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the participation of four European countries in peacekeeping operations organized by the United Nations, NATO, OSCE, and the European Union. The participation of the four countries in peacekeeping is measured by means of indexes created ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines elite and public discourses on neutrality and theEuropean Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)/CommonEuropean Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) in Ireland since the end of the Cold War. In parallel with security and de ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recurrent criticism of the EU's efforts in the field of security and defence is related to the overlapping and inefficiency of member states defence capabilities. This has usually been justified by the securitisation of national defence industries, an essential feature for the survival of the European nation-states. Nonetheless, recent steps in both the economic (large number of mergers and acquisitions within the European defence industry sector) and the political (security and defence integration measures within the EU) arenas have contributed to changes in that discourse. The creation of the European Defence Agency (EDA) is, to a certain extent, resultant from the fusion of developments in these two arenas. Established in July 2004 by the European Union, the EDA was supposed to work on four different areas: defence capabilities development; armaments cooperation; the European defence technological and industrial base and defence equipment market; and research and technology. By looking at how both the creation and evolution of the EDA has been politically justified, it is the goal of this paper to understand how, and to what extent the EDA represents a definitive step in the consolidation of a European discourse on defence industries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's common foreign and security role is tied to the EU's normative role and this has been one of the critical aspects of the debate concerning Turkey's accession. Turkey's membership negotiations are critical in terms of the future of the European integration process, specifically with respect to the EU's role as a global actor. How Turkey perceives the EU's CFSP is critical in assessing Turkey's potential role in the larger integration process, as well as the future development of the EU's international role. The article investigates whether there are wide differences among the Turkish public vis-a-vis the EU's CFSP and to what extent these differences are visible in Turkey's negotiation talks with the EU. The paper explores the extent to which European norms in foreign policy has diffused into Turkey and how this diffusion might have impacted the process of foreign policy making in Turkey. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990's in the sub-disciplines of development studies and security studies a number of research programmes began to take shape. In the former the literature increasingly became concerned with the decentring of the state, the growth of global governance and the privatisation of development, while in the latter a number of different approaches emerged or re-emerged â€" security regimes, securitization and balance of power, that were also to some extent concerned with the growth of non-traditional threats, the broadening of the security agenda to include such issues as health and the environment, and the growing use of private military contractors. Despite the obvious synergies between the two strands of literature, few works have attempted to draw these perspectives together. While the concept of governance has gained ground in the comparative and development literature it remains under examined in security studies with some notable exceptions. This paper aims to draw out the implications of taking a global governance perspective for our understanding of the less studies aspects of the War on Terror. It develops a theoretical framework based on the governance literature and applies it to the intersection of national and international, private and public control of security at Airports in the EU and US. The goal is to trace the multi-lateral and multi-level strategies that operate above, below and between the State in this aspect of the quiet ‘War on Terror’. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the pacification of Europe is a process that was set into motion in early 1950s, it was the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 that sparked a flurry of publications that aimed to describe and explain how such an achievement was possible. After this initial theoretical enthusiasm, the current decrease in the research output is proportionally inverse to the growth of integrative linkages in the European Union. This article argues that the old epistemological tools to understand the pacification of Europe are becoming obsolete as they are embedded in a regional context that no longer exists. In order to overcome this shortcoming, this article introduces a new interpretative framework predicated upon the idea of regional peace and security clusters (RPSCs). In the paper the European RPSC is assessed in a comprehensive and historical way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intense debate regarding the potential of the European Union's Common Security and Defence policy tells a tale of high hopes and severe obstacles. The militarising of the European Union opens the question of what sort of strategic actor the EU will be. The question of strategic culture was a focal point of the first-ever European Security Strategy launched in late 2003. The problem is that the EU persistently fails to display the behaviour ideas and expectations usually associated with great powers. This research paper disputes the notion that the EU is necessarily unfit to develop a strategic culture or that the EU must be changed in order to facilitate such a culture, assumptions commonly held on both sides of the Atlantic. Instead, it posits a counter-intuitive hypothesis: that a EU strategic culture has already emerged and that the tenets of the EU strategic culture are not those of a great power - they are those of a small state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the European Union as an actor of its kind with a global strategy coincides with the transformation of the international order shaped by the hegemonic position of the United States. The EU does not challenge the United States in traditional power and its efficiency suffers from inherent institutional weaknesses. Still, the EU equals the United States in the global scope of its security agenda with interests and objectives. The United States, while adhering to its doctrine of power primacy, subjects the EU to expectations and demands regarding burden sharing. While common interests may make cooperation between the EU and the US over global problems and new security threats an issue of pragmatic and functional character, political cultures shaping European and American views of such fundamental aspects of the international order as sovereignty and multilateralism differ significantly. Moreover, in pursuing interests and objectives that differ from those of the United States, the EU has to evoke structural dimensions of power. The paper looks at the structural, functional and ideational elements of the grand strategies of the European Union and the United States and how their security relations are arranged in the international system. More closely, an empirical analysis is made of the effectiveness of the Common European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) as a strategic asset of the EU in addressing and shaping the relationship with the United States, directly and indirectly through EU-NATO relations. The empirical analysis is focused on the military aspects proper of the development of the ESDP, with the concept and policy of autonomy as the starting point. The evolution of capabilities, missions and doctrines is reviewed as evidence of strategies of bargaining, binding and balancing of the European Union towards the United States. Summary of conclusions in Table 1. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The enlargement of the EU has two major impacts on CFSP. First, the range of interests within the EU has certainly grown. Not least because of historic and contemporary experiences with Russia, the Central European member states see the USA as an additional anchor for European stability, whereas major old member states have been trying to set up a more autonomous European foreign policy. Secondly, the New Neighborhood Initiative tries to formulate a foreign policy strategy towards the "new neighbors" after enlargement. This puts some of the old and many of the new member states into the responsible position of codefining policy aims and therefore making an important step towards European integration. The paper aims at analyzing both impacts on the conduct of CFSP after enlargement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the significance of the EU?s expanded competency over the rights of third country nationals resident in the EU. In this article I argue that although the rights of third country nationals, and in particular, the free movement of people, including legally resident third country nationals, has become a domain of the EU policy-process, this change has not resulted in a significant reduction of state sovereignty. Instead, the EU?s expanded competencies has allowed the member states to transnationally define the immigration issue and the rights of third country nationals not as a human rights concern but as a national security concern. Because decisions are taken by unanimity and the Parliament does not have the power to veto any Council action in this issue area the resulting legislation mirrors the priorities of the member state or states most concerned about the outcome. The case of the directive on the status of third country nationals who are long term residents is examined in order to assess the issue of immigration policy at the EU level. I argue that national discretion on the rights and entry of third country nationals even those who are permanent residents has been protected and strengthened using European Union legislative mechanisms, rather than resulting in expanded rights for third country nationals which would be protected by Community law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at analysing different, partly overlapping and partly competing European security discourses that have emerged on the Iranian nuclear issue since 2003. Three main discursive themes have been singled out exemplifying the main identity representations of Iran and Europe, the main stances towards Iran and the representations of the nature of European foreign policy. Over the years, the coercivesecuritisation discourse has become hegemonic over democracy promotion and cultural diplomacy-inspired discourses and European policies have consistently followed suit. In terms of security governance, the EU has created a format for negotiations, which has undergone subsequent enlargements, consistent with its securitised but multilateral discourses. While the nature of the collegial security governance espoused has brought positive effects in terms of reinforcing the EU's own identity as an international actor both inside and outside, the resilience of the first discursive theme throughout the process despite other international actors' dissonance signals that a more comprehensive and inclusive discourse towards the Iranian nuclear issue has failed to emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutions and states today frequently publish security 'strategies' declaring how they intend to work for both their own interests and larger international goods. What is declared as strategy may arise directly from a deeper level of national intent or may be manipulated tactically to serve the latter. For small states seeking shelter from larger powers and/or institutions, the tactical adaptation of declared strategy is one way to gain entry and to maintain influence as members/partners. European small states have the option to seek strategic benefits i.a. from the EU which has a non-traditional but extensive security profile, not unlike a small-state posture writ large. EU integration makes extreme demands but may also offer small states kinds of influence and control not available elsewhere. Despite a broadly similar strategic predicament, shared attachment to national identity, and common social/economic/cultural features, the five Nordic states have 'strategized' the EU in very different ways. Only Finland's strategy of maximum immersion resembles the choice of most West, Central and South-East European 'smalls'. Sweden is ambivalent between keeping the strategic overtones of membership at arm's length and exploiting the scope for national assertion. Norway and Denmark have both in different ways rejected the strategic dimension of the EU, but more because of grass-roots opposition than elite conviction. Iceland has the most pressing current need for EU 'shelter' but has the least-well-formed strategic awareness to grasp this and may not complete its present entry bid. No Nordic 'model' emerges, but these cases do offer some do's and don'ts for small states seeking to develop both levels of strategy for greatest benefit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine the development of Spain?s restrictive stance on immigration and its liberal approach to large-scale legalization acts. On the one hand, I explore potential reasons behind a more restrictive approach to irregular immigration and external border control in Spain. On the other hand, I seek rationales behind the implementation of legalization acts, which have had a rather liberal and lax nature. As the evolution of the Spanish immigration law has correlated with restrictive EU objectives, reoccurrence of regularization programs has run counter to EU security-oriented standards. I argue that the Spanish government has prioritized its nationallydefined interests through successful influence on EU objectives, advocacy for harmonization of immigration policies, and cyclical implementation of legalization acts. Such a conclusion supports an intergovernmenalist focus on a leading role of a member state in the European project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution deals with the changes that the EU's actorness has undergone since the inception of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) in the late 1990s. It proceeds on the contention that the development of operational capabilities in the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the evolution of the EU's institutional infrastructure in civilian ESDP. The first part of the article presents a conceptual framework that combines established approaches from EU studies, such as intergovernmentalism and new institutionalism, with other approaches from organization theory to better understand processes of institutional continuity and change. The second part analyzes the key steps in the institutional development of the Council Secretariat that is tasked with running of ESDP civilian crisis management operations. We review these developments with regard to central management challenges for EU peace operations: strategic planning, mobilization, coordination, doctrine and guidance development, and evaluation. The findings will be set in the context of a broader research agenda on learning in international peace operations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The approach using the notion of field of security transcends classic distinctions, such as internal/external, police/military, public/private. Mapping the European field of security also enables to investigate the effects of such a field on non-EU member ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade The EU and NATO have taken critical steps to adapt to a new security environment. For the EU, this has led to the development of civilian and military instruments in response to demands for foreign policy credibility and defense capab ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European foreign policy (EFP) occurs through the cooperative endeavours of 27 member states (MS). As a result, national sensitivities affect both its direction and its possibilities. For this reason, I conduct an analysis which centres on state-society re ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The project of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the EU is at the same time faced with optimistic enthusiasm and sceptical criticism. A central topic of the debate is the EU's capacity to act as an independent actor on the international stage. At the time being, considerable gaps in terms of operational capabilities seem to separate the EU from this role. Leaving aside these more technical issues, we can ask ourselves whether there exists the "ideational" basis for such a role. Put differently, does the EU possess an identity in terms of foreign and security policy?Starting from the assumption that identity is both formed through and expressed by linguistic acts, I will try to answer the question by comparing statements on the level of member states with statements of EU bodies. The aim of this discourse analysis is to discern narratives which the statements are referring to and the pattern of appropriateness which the statements are expressing.Through a synopsis and comparison of those elements I will then contrast the respective national identities and the (supposed) EU identity. If the results of this analysis point to an EU identity that is more than the "lowest common denominator" of the respective member state identities, we may conclude that there exists at least a sufficient ideational basis for an independent CFSP (even if there may still be operational gaps that obstruct an actual implementation of this identity). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU has increasingly stressed its preference for soft power that is, leading through persuasion, rather than relying on coercion, which is associated with economic and, even more, military power. Relying on soft power, however, requires a thorough knowledge of opportunities and risks traditionally not considered in intelligence analysis, especially concerning culture and identity. States traditionally acquire strategic knowledge via the intelligence services, which are an integrated part of national military and police organizations â€" assets which are largely missing on the EU level. Moreover, national intelligence services have only very recently, slowly and haphazardly begun to understand the significance of culture, identity, soft power and other immaterial factors. We argue that the incremental and limited reforms that can be observed on both the EU level and in member countries will not be enough to break the traditional intelligence monopoly of the military and the police. Breaking this bureaucratic monopoly, we argue, is necessary for taking seriously a comprehensive societal security concept, and for paying serious attention not only to material capabilities but also to immaterial factors such as culture, identity and soft power. Moreover, if contemporary security threats transcend not only the domestic-international divide but also dysfunctional bureaucratic-political borders between policy domains, then the analysis and ultimately also the actions taken to counteract them must be transnational and encompassing vis-à -vis traditional policy domains. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has become increasingly involved in protecting the security and safety of European citizens. The latest additions to this new policy space are counter terrorism policies and critical infrastructure protection. A central role for the EU in guarding against global terrorism and infrastructural breakdowns may seem evident. In reality, the precise nature of such a role remains unclear. Enthusiastic rhetoric is not always matched by firm action, and the political commitment of national leaders to supranational policies is often vague. One way to gauge the possibility of a "capability and expectations" gap is to compare the institutionalization of these two sectors, to understand the degree to which new structures, rules, and norms are becoming embedded - and thus influencing behaviour. Not only does an institutionalization approach shed light on the nature of European integration in this fairly recent policy space; it also indicates the degree to which supranational policies are actually making Europeans safer. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the behavior of the European non-allied states with regard to NATO and the EU. It analyzes the security policy of Austria and Finland towards NATO and the EU. According to the author, the establishment of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has offered a security institution that is better suited to the values of former neutral states than NATO. It cites that security institutions influence the behavior of states by affecting policy preferences through the definition of opportunities and restrictions facing states.

The article examines how the institutional peculiarities of a small Member State may affect the defense of the EU against terrorism. It tracks the institutional characteristics of the national security actors in Ireland, determines what key pressures have formed such characteristics and designs how they may color the actors' inputs EU level. The EU has accelerated the development of strategic and tactical responses to the challenges of countering international terrorism, since the train bombings in Madrid, Spain on March 11, 2004.

The article focuses on the contributions of European institutions, including the EU, NATO and the Organization for Security & Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) to regional security in Europe. NATO has played a vital role in preserving security in the continent, chiefly through the subsequent military transformation of the new members. The EU has executed a new enlargement in 2004 under the liberal assumption of offering security by political and economic reforms in the new members. OSCE has made important contribution through monitoring basic freedoms.

The article presents an analysis of diplomatic and military policies of the U.S. and their impact on the EU-NATO-U.S. relationship. One of the innovations in the National Security Strategy of 2002 (NSS02) document is its implied recognition that states are not the only actors that exercise power in the world. Also discussed are interrelated issues and trends affecting the relations between the U.S. and Europe, including the unpopularity of American policy in the continent.