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We present an analytical reflection on our experience as adscriptas a la investigación, a term used in Spanish to describe the role of those who volunteer as students to be in an apprenticeship relationship with experienced professors-researchers at our public university (School of Humanities) in the metropolitan area sorrounding the city of Buenos Aires. We have analyzed and written our piece in two voices, as we are both apprentices. Methodologically, we start from our work logs, audio recordings and photographs to make an analytical description of the assignment, which is divided into three sections: the place of others in the construction of knowledge, word in dispersion and resistance, and spaces and bodies that communicate in themselves. Our reflection accounts for the learning and transformation opportunities generated from the implementation of a new pedagogical practice for us. Thus, we observe that a space was created in connection with others that favored parity, horizontal communication, and, together with it, the collective construction of new knowledge based on local epistemologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article aims to analyze the legal position of the student movement of the time which dynamism the process of the pre- constituent who gave birth to the 1991 politic constitution, this towards the initiative seeking of a second presidential reelection in the Colombian constitutional system; the Constitution of 1991 was a tough race in constitutional control model and this participative exercise safeguard the Political Constitutional letter; the analysis focuses on the close execution plans to the High Court ruling roaches; the article seeks to generate a sense of reflection in regards to the constituent derivative and primary on this Colombian Constitution history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an ecocritical interpretation of Walt Whitman's renowned work, "Leaves of Grass." The primary objective is to delve into the multifaceted interpretations of this text within the broader context of Whitman's literary corpus. Our research is grounded in the premise that the act of writing is intricately interwoven with the natural world, particularly plant life. Consequently, we aim to scrutinize the various manifestations of plant imagery and symbolism present in Whitman's oeuvre. The argument unfolds across three distinct sections: the first section delves into the influence of Ralph Waldo Emerson on Whitman's thought; the second section investigates the portrayal of nature's principles within "Leaves of Grass"; and finally, the third section critically examines the assumptions and implications of Whitman's poetic approach to nature. Central to our thesis is the assertion that what we term "minimal natures" not only shape poetic construction and life itself but also engage with pertinent political issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National identity, referred to in Article 4(2) TEU, has been interpreted in different ways by the Court of Justice of the European Union and by different constitutional jurisdictions in some member States. This paper examines the evolution of the regulation of constitutional identity in the Union's treaties and in the case law of the Court of Luxembourg and certain constitutional courts, and proposes, in the light of the analysis carried out, some hypotheses as to which bodies should be responsible for invoking national identity, in which cases and with what effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to determine the effect of extreme wealth on economic development (human development index and sub-indices) in 64 countries during 2005-2018, with special emphasis on Mexico and China. A dynamic estimation (sys-GMM) is followed. Estimations show that extreme national wealth acts as a constraint on human development for the entire sample of countries, including Mexico and China. Income is found to be most sensitive to this type of wealth, followed by the education index. The analysis confirms that democracy, economic freedom, investment and social spending are underlying factors of HDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses, from the "demand" point of view, one of the most impressive phenomena of the political-electoral rise of the new Latin American right-wing: that of the self-styled "libertarians" of Argentina, grouped around the figure by Javier Milei. Based on data obtained from different surveys that were carried out between 2021 and 2022, we address different questions about what the vote for La Libertad Avanza expresses in terms of a possible political identity. Our findings show that i) we are not facing a fully constituted political subjectivity that fully coincides with the electoral "offer" proposed by the libertarian leader, ii) but that it is an adherence to some of his proposals of neoliberal economic content, which iii) expresses anger with almost the entire political class and that iv) does not necessarily imply an agreement with those more reactionary positions that define the "radical" character of this new political phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is democracy's place in the shifting international order? There is a fear that a more geopolitical order will only aggravate the general crisis of democracy; or that a more plural order will dilute the efforts to defend the rules governing it. Yet, while recent political and normative trends corroborate this concern, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has in some ways given greater prominence to the defence of democratic values around the world. This paper explores the impact that geopolitical tensions and shifting international order on global democracy. And in the context of the crisis of meaning affecting democracies, it examines whether Russia's war in Ukraine has served both as a catalyst of the international dimensions of support for democracy and as a factor magnifying its fragility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to understand the intellectual influence of Aristotle on Tocqueville in the elaboration of his “new political science”. Our thesis is that, in order to try to counteract the threats inherent in democracy, Tocqueville integrates some Aristotelian categories, and that this is one of the nuclei of his new political science, and is also the origin of many of its ambiguities. The paper is divided into five parts. In the first we will briefly examine Tocqueville’s dissatisfaction with a certain liberalism that precedes him. In the second, we will dwell on the notion of citizenship elaborated by the French aristocrat, with which he attempts to resolve his concerns. The third part argues that the Tocquevillian notion of citizenship has a close kinship with some aspects of Aristotelian practical philosophy. The fourth section offers some reflections on Tocqueville’s political philosophy, and the fifth closes with some brief conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will address the new material challenges that democracy must address in the 21st century and that go far beyond the simple procedural formal rule defined by Bobbio and that had nothing to do with the substantive contents that are dealt with in the framework of a society or political community, especially complex like those of today. This situation maintains two causes that generate it and sequence it. On the one hand, the very stormy scenario with which the capitalist production model and its crises have generated in the population and, on the other hand, the reaction of the population who has felt orphaned of democracy, delivered naked to the market, and whose The feeling of reaction and annoyance has been reflected in various libertarian social movements, but also in the seduction of authoritarianism and the emergence of the extreme right. For the above, we will review a prospective of issues that democracy will have to face and the classic and contemporary positions that have been at the base of this fundamental discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a conceptual approach to the phenomenon of post-truth and its effects on democracy and human rights. In order to achieve the proposed objectives, we first attempt to construct a concept of post-truth and identify some of the causes that explain it. Subsequently, we analyze the effects of post-truth on democracy and the role played by fake news in this scenario. Finally, we reflect on the impact on human rights that may be produced in the context of post-truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition between the last civil-military dictatorship and the consolidation of the representative democratic regime inaugurated a new era whose effects on political militancy and the social sciences show that discussions about revolution were abandoned. While democracy as a concept, as a procedure, as an institutional framework and as a political regime assumed a leading role, especially in the field of political science, the idea of revolution was relegated to the past. In fact, it is within the critical and essayistic field of the social sciences that the debate about it persisted. In this paper, we take up some of the threads of that debate, and in two central figures of the critical intellectual field, Horacio González and Nicolás Casullo, encouraged by the revitalisation in the intellectual field of the question of revolution and the anniversary of four decades of uninterrupted democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we intend to recover and reflect on the valuable contributions that gender studies, feminists and queer theory have added to social inequalities's analysis and problematization. We are referring to a production process of critical knowledge that temporarily exceeds 40 years of democracy and spatially exceeds our university. However, we will think from a local perspective about the ways in which this knowledge contributes to the democratization of scientific productions and goes beyond the limits of the academy. We will do it from Social Work, recovering its heuristic value for democratic construction and from the experience of teaching the subject Gender and Social Work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The path that this paper intends to follow refers to a reading of the past (a controversy that occurred 40 years ago) and an update on our present. It is about tracing that arena of contention in the 1980s and recognizing the trail that it has left in our present. In this present, the weaknesses of democracy, the debts that have not yet been settled are enunciated as what remains to be achieved. However, these debts seem to drag on from the beginning, democracy in post-dictatorship Argentina was born with those debts on its back. This itself is at the heart of that controversy in the 1980s that, with the hegemony achieved by the so-called studies of transitions to democracy, was forgotten, with transitology becoming naturalized as the almost exclusive way of reflecting on it. The purpose is to reflect on democracy as a rest, that which allows us to think about it and that, at the same time and paradoxically, makes it impossible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of the 1960s, neighborhood movements burst onto the municipal agenda in many metropolitan environments worldwide through numerous demands related to basic needs. In Madrid, these demands took different neighborhood spaces and some former municipalities that were integrated as districts in the city's urban core as a geographic scale of reference. This placed these locations at the center of the political debate, which gradually faded away as a result of the various municipal reforms developed during the first two decades of parliamentary democracy in Spain. In the last fifteen years, neighborhood demands have taken a different turn, as a political phenomenon has appeared linked to new forms of neighborhood protest called neighborhoodnalism. This process was not diminished during the hardest moments of the global covid-19 pandemic; rather, it has been strengthened as a dynamic of political socialization, solidarity, and daily resistance in many of Madrid's neighborhoods. As a result, the referents and elements of identification around the neighborhood, as well as the political practice of neighborhoodnalism itself, have been expanded. From a spatial perspective of neighborhood movements that considers political identity as a dynamic and resignified process through protest and collective organization, and through ethnography and the analysis of in-depth interviews held over five years in the Madrid district of Hortaleza around the Three Kings Parade, this paper studies how these socio-political practices are being articulated in urban space and how the learning of this form of spatial socialization is influencing Madrid's municipal agenda as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the result of an ongoing research project, the objective of which is to interpret citizenship training in higher education, through a comparative analysis in the department of Antioquia between 1994-2020, to contribute to the strengthening of the democratic practices of university professors. Methodologically, it is a qualitative research in which a comparative study is carried out in the universities of Antioquia, EAFIT and San Buenaventura, by means of information collection technique such as documentary review, semistructured interviews and focus groups with professors from said universities, including those who hold management positions, and some students, with whom we inquired about citizenship training and democratic practices in the university environment. The objective of the paper is to return to the three main theoretical references of the study, the model of participatory democracy, the political dimension of the university professor and the distinction between education for citizenship and citizenship training. The study shows that, more than the perspective of education for citizenship, due to its scope it is the citizen training approach that best contributes to thinking about reinforcement of democratic relationships between professors and students, while allowing a better comprehension of the social and political dimension of university professors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of expression is a fundamental right consubstantial to a democratic State. In addition to being an essential facet of human dignity, it also constitutes a basic institutional support for any political-legal system. And it is that only through the free dissemination of information and opinion can a public opinion be formed about the problems that afflict our society and the way in which the public authorities act. The first problem that this paper deals with is that new technologies have led to a flood of communications, frequently lacking in rigor of information, giving rise to the so-called disinformation. Although not a new phenomenon, it must be acknowledged that its incredibly increase through the possibilities of diffusion offered by the new channels of communication. The public authorities, and the communication supports themselves, are taking oversight measures with a view to restrict these messages. And this brings up the second question that we deal with in this paper: the restriction of freedom of expression used as an excuse to reduce the damaging effects that disinformation might produce. We will try to reflect on how to reconcile freedom of expression with the limitations and control mechanisms of this fundamental right to fight against dissemination of untruthfulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cooperatives represent an ideal context for the expression of democratic values. In this respect, trade union organisations are called upon to play a fundamental role in our legal framework by articulating the defence of workers' interests, both inside and outside companies. The confluence of trade union action and the democratic principles governing cooperatives is the subject of this study. Specifically, this paper analyses the collective bargaining carried out in cooperative societies, as an example of that confluence. The analysis takes into consideration, on the one hand, the characteristics of collective agreements and the representative bodies of workers that have negotiated them and, on the other hand, the content of the collective agreements that regulate trade union rights. The analysis of the sample of collective agreements reveals a complete map of collective bargaining in cooperatives according to functional, territorial, and personal scope, as well as the nature of the workers' representatives and the trade union organisations involved. Moreover, the paper detects how collective agreements regulate trade union rights not only improving the legally protected competences and guarantees but also ensuring the effective exercise of the right to freedom of association for all workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to identify how political representation in Argentina was approached by political studies in the period 2003-2015. For this, three views on the subject were identified in political studies: the one that underlines the appearance of popular leadership, the one that supports the re-emergence of populist forms and leadership, and the one that postulates the validity of party democracy. These three ways of conceptualizing political representation in our country are analyzed and contrasted with each other based on three specific dimensions: a) who they represent, b) through what they represent and c) who they represent. By way of conclusion, the presence of a more autonomous citizenship of the traditional representative entities, different theoretical traditions that respond to this phenomenon and the visualization of different conceptualizations of the same phenomenon that implies a process where there are changes and continuities are highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the consideration of the problems generated by the disorderly growth of the Andalusian cities in the 1960's, this paper proposes to analyze how a change of orientation occurred during the Transition in the search for the solution of these problems in the urban field, hand in hand with the neighborhood movement and various professional groups, specially that of architects. In particular, the article considers this collaboration essential to understand the change from a remedial urban planning to a more proactive one, with a morfologist root, materialized in the generation of Local Urban Plans approved by the first democratic City Councils throughout the 1980's. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sheds light on an overlooked issue in economics, namely the social responsibility of central banks in a democracy. We consider central banks as institutions of power, and, as such, neither are they nor their policies neutral, in the sense that there are inevitable winners and losers. We explain why and how their power should be regulated and controlled by society. Specifically, we focus on the income distributive nature of monetary policy to demonstrate this assertion. From this, we explain that the time is ripe to build a new framework for central banking aiming at improving central banks' social responsibility consistent with the spirit of a democratic system, and resting on new rules, new types of inner organization and, more broadly, an ethics of responsibility of a new kind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a theoretical paper in the field of democratic theory. It reviews the discussions on one of the elements proposed to measure the quality of democracies: government responsiveness to citizens' preferences. It analyses theoretical discussions on democracy, quality of democracy and in particular the debate on whether responsiveness is useful to measure quality, what challenges it implies and what are its conceptual and empirical limits. It concludes with a research agenda on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes some ideas for a socialist agenda today. In doing so, it works in two directions. On the one hand, it criticises state planning of the economy with regard to centralisation, markets and forms of property; and, on the other hand, it outlines some proposals for the democra- tic organisation of the economy that include, alongside decommodified spaces, politically constituted markets. Both criticism and proposals are based on the observation that state planning originates in the assumption of the assumptions of the war economy of World War I and its consecration as a model by Stalinism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will argue that Bernard Manin's book The Principles of Representative Government is a central reference for understanding the current debates on the recovery of formulas for greater popular self-government, fundamentally those in which the introduction of sortition as a tool for the selection of political offices is proposed. To this end, I will examine the sources of ancient democracy recovered by Manin and argue in favor of the different possibilities of appropriation of his work. The work will thus appear open to different readings, thus showing that its reception has been conditioned by singular events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows the notion of democracy present in the Marxist tradition, including the political positions of Marx himself, the parliamentary practices of the German Social Democracy at the end of the century and Leninist politics after the October revolution. It examines the anti-democratic turn of the Leninist strategy, understandable by the harsh conditions of the Soviet revolution that nevertheless deserves the criticism of R. Luxemburg. This turn began the decline of the Soviets and the subsequent subordination of the Trade Unions to the supremacy of the Party. It ends with a call to attention about the new accents that feminism and the struggle of women bring to anti-capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will focus on the analysis of the use of the big data industry in the field of politics. This paper will analyze in detail the case of the Cambridge Analytica company and will delve into the effects of the use of big data in the United Kingdom's referendum on permanence in the European Union and in the 2016 US presidential elections. The objective of this article is to show the harmful effects that the use of big data has in electoral contests and the damage that this new technology can cause to democratic systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU institutions - led by the Commission, Parliament and European Council, along with the Council of the EU - are determined to make this the union's "digital decade". It is time for Europe to consolidate its digital development and set rules in line with its moral and cultural principles, instead of following those of external actors like China and the United States, as well as focussing on data, technology and infrastructure. This paper examines the EU's digital development from the perspectives and positions of the abovementioned institutions, which show divergences, albeit within a common framework. Based on three theoretical currents (neofunctionalism, federalism and intergovernmentalism), it applies a critical perspective to analyse the impact (positive and/or negative) on European citizens of the institutions' actions in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2016 US elections and the scandal around Facebook and Cambridge Analytica in 2018, the EU and several of its members promoted initiatives to fight disinformation. This paper focuses on one instrument, the "Permanent Commission against disinformation", created by the Government of Spain in 2020. It analyzes its background, parliamentary debates and early work, as well as similar instruments in Europe and USA. And it is hypothesized that this type of tool may not be an adequate solution to the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this research is to reveal the political and educational commitment illustrated by a relevant part of Spanish cinematography for the establishment of the democratic regime in Spain after Francisco Franco's death in 1975. This commitment was very noticeable during the first years of historical period so-called Transición. The film ¡Arriba Hazaña! (Gutiérrez Santos, 1978) has been used as paradigmatic case. Several mass-media and the public channel, Televisión Española, also showed their commitment to this cause (Martín Jiménez, 2013). The historical-educational methodology applied to sources such as specialized monographs, scientific and disclosure papers, interviews with film critics and the director, Gutiérrez Santos, has been used. This research followed eight steps proposed by Pérez Millán (2014) to analyse the film: viewing, reconnaissance of signs, determination of structure, reading of story line, contextualization, supplementary information, reading of meaning and corroboration; and also employed Fairclough (1995) and Van Dijk (1995) recommendations about critical discourse analysis have been employed. The results obtained could demonstrate that films such as ¡Arriba Hazaña! were used as space of political, social and educational reflection aimed at supporting a still incipient democracy, and as tool of non-formal learning destined to train citizenship in new procedures, attitudes, and values characteristic of democratic regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we propose to analyze the recent Folha de S. Paulo campaign "in service" of democracy as a part of its 100-year anniversary, officially commemorated in February 2021. On that occasion, the newspaper sought to position itself as an active subject, capable of even teaching its readers what was the period of the military dictatorship in Brazil by exploring the image that it had (always) been the "Diretas newspaper", an incisive criticism of the regime in the process of political redemocratization. In this way, we identified how the ephemeris was used in an attempt to legitimize the institution's authority, enabling the newspaper to act "in its service" and, therefore, reinforce a particular story, circumscribed by (re)invented traditions that have sought to define its own identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under a republican democratic system, the rule of law and the governance of institutions must guarantee the full observance of the Constitution. Any decisionmaking abuses, any outburst or fanciful interpretation of the Constitution ever intended by the maximum executive authority, should be neutralized. This judgment turns out to be incomplete: the daily actions of millions of citizens cannot be left aside of the democratic system. In a sense, citizenship is the political system. To some extent, the terms used in the presidential speeches -democracy, republic and citizenship, in this case- clearly signal the path that reality will take. This paper is based on a particular theoretical framework built around the idea of citizen function and a civic ethical standard of minimum constitutional principles and we analyze the messages for the opening of legislative sessions that the Executive Power delivered in the National Congress during the years 2010 to 2020, a period that included the presidencies of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández. By breaking down the characteristics of the "national and popular" and "liberal-republican" models through the citizen's lens, we attempt to demonstrate the essential need to have a citizenship that is a fundamental element of the democratic system and therefore, needs to be educated for such purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Rousseau's Philosophical-political Program: the Theoretical Link between the Discourse on the Origins and Foundations of the Inequality Among Mankind and the Social Contract". This paper presents Rousseau's political and theoretical legacy through the interpretation of his Discourse on the Origins and Foundations of the Inequality Among Mankind and the Social Contract, understanding both as a sole argumentative and methodological unit in his work. In order to achieve this objective, the paper explores first the normative and anthropological considerations that mark the problem of Rousseau's political theory. From there, the main ideas of his notion of democracy will be presented. Finally, the paper concludes that Rousseau's democratic legacy is particularly useful as a form of critique in the hegemonic context of the current liberal and representative democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the relationship between youth and politics in Argentina by analyzing the characteristics, meanings and tensions that have shaped the production of youth and their political rights during recent years. Qualitative methods were used in this investigation. Documentary sources are analyzed regarding two legislative proposals: the so-called "youth vote" law passed in 2012, which enabled optional voting from the age of 16, and a National Youth Law, which was approved only by the lower chamber in 2015 and then lost its parliamentary status. The paper addresses main issues on the field of youth studies: tensions and modalities on the production of youth, the legitimization of certain forms of youth participation and the conceptions of youth in the public debates regarding these two legislative initiatives. The study provided an important opportunity to advance in the understanding -based on the analysis of the Argentine case-, of a process that is characterized, on one hand, by a context were youth political mobilization had an impact on the perceptions of Latin American governments who implemented policies for the extension of rights. On the other hand, by a set of initiatives that placed youth issues on the public agenda from a rights-based perspective. Additionally, it also offers important insights to the study of changes and continuities after governmental change in 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the time oil was discovered off the Ghanaian coast in 2007, the capacity of elections to encourage alternation between government by the two main political parties was already clear. This paper aims to investigate the terms in which the debates have developed around the relationship between natural resources and democracy in Ghana. Three main issues have been addressed: the capacity of democratic institutions to condition and shape the social and political effects of the oil industry in the country; the potentially perverse effects of oil extraction on democratic institutions; and the role of international actors and the international arena in forming the political economy of oil in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disinformation is one of the great challenges threatening the health of the public space and democratic systems, which must be based on truth to facilitate decision-making by citizens. For this reason, the fight against fake news has attracted attention from professionals and researchers during the last five years. In the journalistic field, numerous fact-checking outlets have been established. They use the media at their disposal and, above all, social networks to make verified content visible. TikTok, an emerging social video platform (very popular among the youth population), is the latest tool to be explored by fact-checkers to make the truth public. In this context, this paper aims to (1) determine the characteristics of fact-checkers' videos that drive their engagement on TikTok and (2) identify the factors that predict the number of likes, comments, views, times shared, and engagement rate of such content. All the videos published on this platform by the Spanish fact-checkers Maldito bulo and Newtral (n = 320) during the first 26 months of activity of both outlets were analyzed. Bivariate correlational studies, multiple linear regression, and binary logistic regression tests were applied. The type of content (verification versus explanation) has a greater impact on engagement than the topics of the videos. Verifications multiply the probability of a content getting an above-average number of likes, by 2.42. If the video is hosted by a woman, it doubles its chances of getting an above-average number of shares. Our results provide other valuable data that can help fact-checkers make their content more easily spreadable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores a dilemma that arises from direct, popular consultations to approve or reject a peace agreement. The problem has two horns. On the one hand, it is necessary that a community affected by a peace process approves it for its legitimacy and viability. On the other hand, familiar democratic mechanisms seem inappropriate to discuss technical issues and questions of rights and principle such as those of a peace process. My main objective in this paper is to characterize the dilemma to clarify the complexity of this exceptional situation and the challenges it levies to our normative accounts of democracy. While I do not provide a definitive answer, I will try to make justice to the different moral intuitions represented by each of the dilemma's horns and make some progress towards its resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the process of emergence of the egalitarian social movement during the period of1848-1851 in Chile. It also seeks to comprehend the causes that provoke its appearance and the alliances that took shape to put pressure toward a democratic transformation of the Chilean political scene. The findings are based on an expense analysis of primary sources and tries to understand the egalitarian demand and its contributions to the renewal of the political debate of the period. The paper seeks to propose that the egalitarian movement supported its demand in a democratic-republican conception of freedom, equality and fraternity, key aspect that has not been exposed so clearly proved in other studies, and that this movement was an essential piece of the process that manage to democratize Chilean politics at the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2016 US elections and the scandal around Facebook and Cambridge Analytica in 2018, the EU and several of its members promoted initiatives to fight disinformation. This paper focuses on one instrument, the "Permanent Commission against disinformation", created by the Government of Spain in 2020. It analyzes its background, parliamentary debates and early work, as well as similar instruments in Europe and USA. And it is hypothesized that this type of tool may not be an adequate solution to the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper brings the preliminary results of an experiment carried out during the 2020 local elections in São Luís/MA. The aim was to investigate whether and how a collaborative and decentralized fact-checking model affects the way participants perceive disinformation. For this, a fact-checking platform called "Sem Migué" was developed as a minimum viable product, which was tested with the participation of 24 volunteers, including non-journalists. The data analyzed was collected from the website's metrics, questionnaires answered by the volunteers, a focus group and participant observation. The results will guide the development of a new version of the model, which might be tested in new applications of the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to note the unsatisfactory functioning of political parties in Spain, their increasingly autocratic and oligarchic nature and their lack of compliance with the constitutional mandate regarding their due internal democracy. In the context of the increasingly frequent primary processes for the election of candidates in Spanish political parties, one of the main obstacles faced by those within the party who dispute the power of the governing structures of political parties is related to the access and management of the register of affiliates. Faced with requests from candidates from outside the organization to have access to this essential information in order to make effective their rights to political participation and internal party democracy, party leaders deny access to the census, invoking compliance with regulations on personal data protection. In this regard, it is analyzed how ordinary courts that have had the opportunity to rule on this type of conflict have favored the application of the protection of personal data based on an interpretation considered exorbitant which, ignoring the context of the problem raised and disregarding an adequate analysis in accordance with the principle of proportionality, represents a clear undermining of the other fundamental rights at stake and the constitutional mandate regarding the internal democracy of the parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy has a long history, but it has not yet been fully and completely constituted, resulting inimportant gaps between what is expected of it and how it has been put into practice. This paper is interested in the forms of democracy and its historical faltering from Mesopotamia to Silicon Valley, passing through the resurgence of the French Revolution and its effects. The objectiveis to analyze how democracy has materialized in different epochs with cases that illustrate these variations. The historical-comparative method is used, and data collection consists of gathering evidence of "democracy" from Antiquity to the present day through a bibliographic review of the contributions of authors from various specialties. The results are diverse. The introduction of democracy for a large part of the population appears historically to correspond with and to be a response to contradictory and negative situations. It is concluded that even in the 21st century democracy has not succeeded, and, although it continues to be the best instrument, the challenges remain and the idea itself is questioned in a world of democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is possible to argue that the ultimate aim of civic republicanism is to implement the ideal of freedom as non-domination. Threats to freedom thus understood do not only come from the public powers, but also from certain private spheres, including, to a large extent, the world of work, where employees are often subject to the arbitrary decisions of their employers. Thus, from this doctrine some proposals have been formulated aimed at eliminating –or, at least, mitigating– domination in this area, which will be reported in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition to democracy brought about a profound renewal for the photography in Spain, in a period The transition to democracy brought about a profound renewal for the photography in Spain, in a period characterised by the uprising of contemporary documentary photography at an international level. Anna Turbau made a decisive contribution to this renewal during her period in Galicia (1975-1979), exploring new themes and developing a unique style that combined direct photography with the representation of feelings. This paper analyses Turbau's work during this key period, filling the existing academic gap on the author. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a double reflection on the cognitive differences between humans and machines from ethics. In the first place, I will try to differentiate between human thought and machine processing through etymological, semantic and comparative methods that will reveal why it is not possible to attribute thinking capacities to artificial intelligences. On the other hand, these terms will be related to the praxis of representative democracy through various examples. This analysis is based on three aims: the need for mutual recognition through language; the commitment acquired through the word; and democracy as an expression of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on the analysis of citizenship competencies to respond to the demand for integral human development in the humanities. This paper explores the relationship between citizenship training in education and human development necessary for the formation of democratic citizens. The text also presents different controversies that gravitate around the concept of citizenship in the light of various theoretical conceptions and assumes a position that favors its application in educational proposals in an international context. Furthermore, unveiling the sources that generate the conception of the formation of citizens throughout history presupposes analyzing the synergies that characterize the models of citizenship and the educational projection of each educational stage. The importance of reflecting on the rationality of pedagogical decisions comprises an exercise to recognize the challenge implied by the new challenges of our time, from the processes of formation for the exercise of global citizenship. The problem discussed is the confrontation of knowledge, within the framework of integral education, highlighting the limitations of representative democracy. The objective is to raise the importance of the formation of citizenship competencies with a critical look at education for global citizenship, which implies connecting the local and global scale in an integral way, in order to highlight the relevance of an education for world citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important characteristic in regimes that at some point began political liberalization processes has to do with the increase in diversity and freedom of expression in the media. However, in those regimes that after initiating such processes have not been able to successfully transit towards consolidated forms of democracy, diversity and freedom of expression in the media do not translate into more effective surveillance functions against abuses of power (watchdog role), not only because the governments' commitment to accountability is more discursive than real, but also because the informational divergence in the coverage of these issues reduces their strength in public opinion. This paper compares the coverage of two alleged corruption scandals: the "White House" of president Peña Nieto and "The houses" of the director of the Federal Commission of Electricity, Manuel Bartlett. Despite being two different governments, the resulting impunity, although due to the lack of institutional commitment of the responsible agency, also responds to the inability of the media to construct an alternative and different narrative on the issue of corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this paper is the analysis of the possibility of renewal and deepening of the democratization processes opened by the Boaventura de Sousa Santos's theory of democracy. Throughout his long academic career, Santos formulates a theory of democracy beyond the limitative hegemonic conceptions (liberal, elitist, representative, procedural, electoral and delegative). In consonance with the theoretical and normative assumptions of the epistemologies of the South, Santos's theory of democracy focuses in its most radical and counter-hegemonic contents, based on high-intensity democracy ideas, demodiversity, experimentalism and articulation between representative democracy and participatory democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of the Final Peace Agreement has had progress and setbacks. On the one hand, the national panorama is alarming: high peaks of political violence are evident. Reconfiguration of armed actors; systematic murder of social leaders, reincorporated, etc. The actual implementation of the agreement is minimal; and greater will and effectiveness of the Colombian State and the national government are needed. In contrast, the dynamics of appropriation and social organization and the transforming role of the communities from the territories cannot be ignored. The purpose of this paper is to put into dialogue a critical reflection of the national situation of point two of the Agreement with the processes promoted by the communities of El Pato (Caquetá). Also, the way in which they have been weaving a participatory political culture and pluralist. Thus, contributing to the implementation of point two in, with, from and for the territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Who are the people? The question entails two main competing approaches, namely a liberal and a populist one. This paper provides a normative discussion of the rationales behind both approaches; however, a liberal position is defended over the populist one because of the effects that populism tends to have on constitutional norms of a democracy, i.e., separation of powers, checks and balances, and the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has two purposes. On one hand, to analyze tolerance as a public virtue in an open and democratic society. This requires asking about its justification, its function in today's societies and its limits. There is a distinction between two types of tolerance: negative tolerance, which would be equivalent to putting up with thoughts, opinions or behaviors with which one disagrees, even radically rejecting them, and positive tolerance, which, based on disagreement, would try to understand the opposing positions, putting oneself in the place of the other. On the other hand, to study the contribution to the idea of tolerance that we can find in some of the novels of Benito Pérez Galdós published at the end of the seventies of the 19th century. Galdós is a brilliant observer of the society of his time and an inexhaustible creator of characters. His literature has, in addition, an evident pedagogical vocation that can be completed with his commitment in the Spanish politics of the time when he considered it appropriate. The thesis of this work is that, frequently, the literary imagination creates the social morality and the vision and valuation of human conduct that later is the object of reflection by philosophers and regulation by legislators. In other words, by describing situations of intolerance in his literary characters, Galdós is forcing us to think about the benefits of tolerance and the detriments of intolerance. As an example of the practice of positive tolerance, the interesting and rewarding friendship between the traditionalist José María Pereda, the conservative Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo and the liberal Benito Pérez Galdós is pointed out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today more than ever, the Herculean task of designing a democratic state capable of dealing with the complex contemporary social fabric and the subjectivities that comprise it is presented. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the federal republican representative form of government from a dynamic perspective. In this way, the value of the federal system as a regulatory model will be postulated as a basal intuition insofar as it allows the strengthening of a radical democratic republican ideal through the adequate correlation of the internal sociodemographic forces of the modern national state. Thus, it is intended to make a contribution in the deliberation for the best constitutional design to respond to the demands that the new social phenomena present and thus strengthen the republican democratic system of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]