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Scholarship on discrimination consistently shows that non‐Whites are at a disadvantage in obtaining goods and services relative to Whites. To a lesser extent, recent work has asked whether or not place of residence may also affect individuals' chances in economic markets. In this study, we use a field experiment in an online market for second‐hand goods to examine transactional opportunities for White, Black, Asian, and Latino residents of both advantaged and disadvantaged neighborhoods. Our results show that sellers prefer transactional partners who live in advantaged neighborhoods to those who live in neighborhoods that are majority non‐White and have higher rates of poverty. This was true across all four racial/ethnic groups, revealing that neighborhood stigma exists independently of racial stigma. We discuss the implications for scholarship on neighborhood effects and we outline how future research using experiments can leverage various types of markets to better specify when characteristics like race trigger discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the history of metalworking industries and unions in the United States. In 1904, blacksmiths held a charter from the American Federation of Labor and had jurisdiction over heavy-metal forging and welding work, except for that claimed by the Carriage and Wagon Workers. The cultural change from industrialization affected workers' ideas about their place in the social order and their relation to other workers, as well as their strategies for adjusting to new conditions. The International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths and Helpers' reaction to new acetylene welding apparatus illustrates workers' shifting viewpoint and the change in American society in terms of it being a real system and a phenomenal system.

Northeastern, post-industrial cities have some of the highest rates of incarceration, parole and foster care management in the United States. In this essay, I focus on one woman, who I call Kira, to explore ethnographically the lived experience of institutional surveillance in the post-industrial, northeastern city. Written as an analysis of fieldwork completed in a major post-industrial center, this essay traces the emergence of an anxious affect that tethers Kira’s intimate and structural relationships. I show how this affective subjectivity has serious structural implications for the duration and intensity of state surveillance, as well as the possibilities for freedom and continuity in Kira’s world. Through engagement with affect and object relations theory, this paper works through the subjective experience of political-economic marginalization and surveillance in the inner-city. I conclude with reflections on the ethical implications of ethnography and the broader stakes for an anthropology embedded in these types of affective relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1960s, the American milieu has evolved in a way that is at once more tolerant, humane, and progressive on the social and cultural fronts and yet more darkly threatening, unforgiving, and malevolent in our economic and business lives. This article offers a single explanation accounting for these two seemingly divergent phenomena. The all-pervasive, unrelenting power of marketing ideology, with its laser-like focus on the consumer and customer satisfaction, is cited as a contributing agent of change in how the affairs of our public institutions, including universities, are now being conducted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The worries American citizens express about the distorting influence of minority factions, or special interests, on public governance are as old as the republic. I briefly recount the constitutional design flaws and developmental changes that have combined to make these worries more valid than ever in an age of administratively centered governance. I then review the evidence on the nature and extent of special interest influence on the administrative process from a broad swath of scholarship. After noting the limited efficacy of attempts to limit special interest influence via minor tinkering with the separation of powers, I argue for more fundamental structural change in the form of administration as a separate, constitutionally recognized element of the separation of powers. I outline basic structural features and offer hypothetical yet plausible consequences of such a design change. The latter, I contend, are amenable to confirmation or refutation through systematic analysis of evidence that is already available from past and current governing experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship highlights the importance of public discourse for the mobilization and impact of social movements, but it neglects how cultural products may shift discourse and thereby influence mobilization and political outcomes. This study investigates how activism against hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”) utilized cultural artifacts to influence public perceptions and effect change. A systematic analysis of Internet search data, social media postings, and newspaper articles allows us to identify how the documentary Gasland reshaped public discourse. We find that Gasland contributed not only to greater online searching about fracking, but also to increased social media chatter and heightened mass media coverage. Local screenings of Gasland contributed to anti-fracking mobilizations, which, in turn, affected the passage of local fracking moratoria in the Marcellus Shale states. These results have implications not only for understanding movement outcomes, but also for theory and research on media, the environment, and energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies focusing on black–Latino intergroup perceptions in zero-sum environments (e.g., jobs) have found little perceived outgroup discrimination or a tendency for each group to perceive the injustices faced by the other group. In contrast, we examine the non-zero-sum criminal justice domain. Although we find some asymmetry—that is, blacks are somewhat more likely to see discrimination toward Latinos than vice-versa, we mainly find both groups acknowledge the discrimination faced by the other disadvantaged group, especially those who feel closely linked to the fate of their own group. Under such circumstances, blacks and Latinos recognize a common sense of deprivation and discrimination and are likely to regard the other group as facing comparable victimization, potentially seeing the other group as a coalition partner for remediating mutual concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although researchers have demonstrated that economic inequality and social capital are inversely related in an aggregate sense across time and space, to date little is known about the relationship between inequality and the socio-economic disparity in social capital outcomes. Using yearly cross-sectional surveys of American twelfth graders fielded during 1976-2009, I show that social capital is strongly related to parental socio-economic status, and that this relationship grows in strength as economic inequality increases. This relationship is confirmed both over time and cross-sectionally. Finally, I argue that, between resource-based and psychological accounts of why this relationship exists, the former appears more promising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following is an extract from our book Seeing White: An Introduction to White Privilege and Race (Halley et al. ). The book presents an exploration of the culture of whiteness that dominates social and economic life in the United States. This extract contains a brief introduction to whiteness as a cultural norm and presents the argument that whiteness itself has become a form of economic capital supporting the reproduction of dominance and intergroup inequality. We specifically look at the influence of normative whiteness on hiring decisions and employment structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the strategies that can be used by teachers in the U.S. to support school children with internalizing behaviors. It states the need to identify and refer students showing symptoms of internalizing problems. It notes the cognitive behavioral approaches for treating depression and anxiety. It mentions the importance of providing higher rates of praise than reprimands.

The article discusses the implications of the criteria of "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders: 5th edition (DSM-5)" for autism spectrum disorders (ASD) in the U.S. It states that it provides guidelines on the common features of ASD to direct research and treatment. It mentions that the variability in symptomology and performance is a hallmark of ASD in education and medical contexts.

The article discusses the challenges encountered by schools in the U.S. in meeting the mental health needs of students with emotional and behavioral disorders (EBD). It states the prevalence of childhood EBD. It notes the need of complete understand of the emotional and behavioral function of students with EBD. It mentions the scope of the mental health programs.

The article discusses the effects of the changes to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) to healthcare professionals in the U.S. working with young people with disruptive mood dysregulation disorder (DMDD) and substance use disorders (SUDs). It states that the diagnosis and treatment of SUD will become simpler. It mentions that it will provide greater precision in identifying and working with children with special needs.

Existing accounts of the politics of fighting freeways during the age of the Interstate largely describes the victories of white affluent urban neighborhoods that successfully mustered local opposition to urban highway construction. Popular understandings of the “freeway revolt” thus remain limited to places like Beverly Hills, CA, Cambridge, MA, Lower Manhattan, and New Orleans’s French Quarter. Yet a close examination of cultural expression from urban minority communities, like the Chicano barrio of East Los Angeles for example, reveals a more pervasive and sharper critique of building freeways in the city. Losers, perhaps, in the fight against the freeway, city people of color nonetheless voiced specific grievances against highway construction through art, literature, and other forms of creative production. Herein lies another freeway revolt, which inspires local opposition to subsequent forms of spatial injustice in the inner city. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

US sociology has been historically segregated in that, at least until the 1960s, there were two distinct institutionally organized traditions of sociological thought – one black and one white. For the most part, however, dominant historiographies have been silent on that segregation and, at best, reproduce it when addressing the US sociological tradition. This is evident in the rarity with which scholars such as WEB Du Bois, E Franklin Frazier, Oliver Cromwell Cox, or other ‘African American Pioneers of Sociology’, as Saint-Arnaud calls them, are presented as core sociological voices within histories of the discipline. This article addresses the absence of African American sociologists from the US sociological canon and, further, discusses the implications of this absence for our understanding of core sociological concepts. With regard to the latter, the article focuses in particular on the debates around equality and emancipation and discusses the ways in which our understanding of these concepts could be extended by taking into account the work of African American sociologists and their different interpretations of core themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unplanned, exponential economic growth has been the liberal standard for evaluating economies, societies and effectiveness of political leaders and for addressing problems of all sorts. In the later twentieth century, the American conservative movement revived market liberalism to restore growth after the long post-World War II boom ended. The neoliberal policy regime stressed the growth imperative to the exclusion of other social ends, which were alleged to undermine innovation and growth. Neoliberalism conflates growth with development, precludes sustainable growth, and trends toward plutocratic dedemocratization. This immoderate policy regime denies the reality of the commons and disregards the interdependence of nature and culture and individual and society. This paper addresses crisis tendencies, which have been exacerbated by neoliberal policies, and concludes with a departure point for an alternative. John Dewey's naturalism stressed the need to secure the commons, biotic and social, and to balance individualism with community, efficiency with social justice, and markets with planning to cultivate uncoerced cooperation and preserve democracy, in the face of crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Housing in the U.S. is a substantial expenditure, but possessing equity in a home also represents an important source of wealth. This study employs 2003 data from the New Immigrant Survey to examine the home equity of legal immigrants who have come to the U.S. from around the world. We empirically test the relevance of three key theoretical frameworks for predicting immigrants' home equity and evaluate each framework's ability to account for differences in home equity among origin groups. We find strong support for the assimilation and the segmented assimilation frameworks, and little support for the place stratification perspective, net of other factors. Substantial differences in the home equity between origin groups persist even in the presence of multiple controls, with implications for legal immigrants' current economic position and future well-being in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growth in the U.S. Latino population has prompted speculation that the “racialization” of welfare with respect to African Americans would eventually extend to Latinos. The authors assess this prediction, analyzing public attitudes toward welfare spending and national health insurance and their linkages to attitudes about Latinos and undocumented immigrants. The authors find significant relationships between affect for “illegal immigrants” and social welfare attitudes, conditional on party identification. The findings indicate that Americans view undocumented immigrants as the beneficiaries of social welfare policies, not the wider Latino population. Furthermore, the framing of social service utilization by undocumented immigrants could threaten the Democratic coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent mobilizations in the Middle East, Southern Europe, and United States were both inevitable given the implosion of global capital, and at the same time unexpected and unpredictable. How are we to understand these mobilizations? This article suggests that NSM, New Social Movement theory, with its concerns for identity, culture, and meaning, in which the transformation of identity becomes the basis of subsequent social transformation remains a useful starting point. But given the contradictions of global capital, as well as developments in social movement theory, there is a need to further consider the importance of the legitimation crises of the political economy migrating to the subjective realms of identity and emotion that impel mobilizations that are informed by morality and visions that may be utopian. The Occupy movements illustrate these relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are few studies of the manner in which media portray the mental state of mass killers. There are also no formally tested frameworks or models for understanding how such portrayals contribute to the stigma of mental illness. In this article we analyzed the initial depictions of a high-profile mass killer applying discourse analytic methods to representations of the Tucson shooter, Jared Loughner, in the New York Times. We identified fourteen items that focused on Loughner and his actions that were published over the 1st week after the shooting prior to any authoritative assessment of his mental state. This study sought to deconstruct this portrayal of the killer as “mad”, and to show how the four cultural mechanisms of language in use, culture, social practices, and institutions contributed to that construction. Those cultural mechanisms underpinned links observed in the items between Loughner’s behavior, his putative mental illness, and the mass murders. This seamless interplay between the cultural mechanisms as related intertextually enabled the differing representations of Loughner as mad, dangerous, and fearsome. We argue that such a portrayal is a significant contributor to stigmatizing understandings of mental illness and people’s fear of mental disorders. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: College attendance has become a crucial determinant of life chances in U.S. society. Besides college costs and academic preparation, college-related cultural and social capital may help explain socioeconomic differences in whether and where students attend college. While high school counselors are seen as potential agents of social capital, the standard counseling model, developed to serve middle-class students, may not translate effectively to schools serving disadvantaged students. The college coach program, introduced in 12 non-selective Chicago Public Schools (CPS) in the fall of 2004, provides an alternative model. In contrast to the standard high school counseling model, college coaches take a "community organizer" role in assisting the college enrollment process. Statistical difference-in-differences analysis suggests that coaches may have improved the kinds of colleges that students attended, particularly for less advantaged students (Stephan, 2010). Purpose: This qualitative study describes how the coach program works and analyzes key aspects that may explain its positive relationship with college enrollment outcomes. Participants: Interviews were conducted between the spring of 2006 and spring of 2007 with 9 current and former college coaches, 2 postsecondary specialists (to whom the coaches report), and 30 high school seniors in 2 coach schools, which, like other non-selective CPS high schools, serve students who are predominantly African American or Latino and low-income. Research Design: Responses to semi-structured interviews with coaches and students were coded for recurring themes and according to interview questions. A model of how coaches create social capital emerged from iterations between coding interviews and studying previous research on the creation of social capital. Conclusions: The results suggest that coaches use new advising strategies (different from typical school counseling practices) to increase students' college-related social capital and subsequently increase the number of students completing college actions, which may explain improved enrollment outcomes. This research highlights previously tacit assumptions about how counseling should work and details new advising procedures that may benefit disadvantaged students in the college enrollment process. More generally, this research discusses specific social mechanisms through which policy or institutions may create social capital to improve educational attainment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Context: Explanations for the relatively low numbers of Latinas pursuing higher education have tended to focus on socialization into traditional gender roles. However, recent scholarship has challenged this view, suggesting that gender roles--particularly among recent immigrants--are mutable and subject to constant renegotiation. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: This article suggests that forgoing college, far from representing a retreat into traditional women's roles, might in some cases represent emergent feminism and a means for Latina immigrants to contest and reshape those roles. Setting: A new Latino diaspora community in the rural southeastern United States. Research Design: Longitudinal qualitative case study of an adolescent immigrant Latina. Findings/Results: Both risk factors and facilitative factors previously identified by research as contributing to Latino/a college enrollment were found to be present in the case study student's background. The article argues, however, that some gender-specific factors often used to explain Latina school-leaving and low academic ambitions, such as close association with teenage mothers and responsibilities for household chores and child care, served instead as deterrents for this Latina adolescent from taking traditional gender roles. On the other hand, the article argues that the association between higher education and increased independence and a break from traditional gender roles that is often assumed for American-born women did not hold for a working-class Latina. Rather, her wage-earning represented a better position from which to challenge traditional gender roles within her family. Conclusions/Recommendations: This case study confirms the heterogeneity and diversity to be found in the individual schooling paths of Latino/a immigrant youth, and thus the value of close examination of the protracted and as yet little understood process through which Latinas/os make the decision to pursue or forgo higher education over the course of high school. The article lends support to arguments in recent scholarship suggesting the mutability of gender roles in immigrant communities. It suggests that new attention be paid in research and college recruitment programs to growing evidence of gender-specific factors at work in Latino/a immigrant students' academic achievement and college-going decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Working America, a national initiative established in 2003 and a community affiliate of the AFL-CIO. It says that the organization has demonstrated capabilities with regards to the battleground electoral districts and deploys an effective canvassing operation. Moreover, The Service Employees International Union (SEIU) has launched the "Fight for a Fair Economy" campaign similar with the Working Americas.

This study analyzes changes in the regional subcultures of the United States using 2000 census and religious survey data. The results suggest a remarkable degree of continuity with those the authors identified in an earlier study. In addition, they demonstrate that a new multidimensional measure of state culture does a much better job in predicting social and political behavior than other frequently used indicators. Finally, they show how their new measure of state culture significantly reduces and often eliminates the problem of spatial autocorrelation in many state-level indicators that cannot be explained by differences in economic development and racial–ethnic diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Barack Obama’s restoration rhetoric in The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream functions as the American reclamation jeremiad, in which he employs political discourse to restore a positive vision of America’s democratic mission and warns Americans of the dangers of not fulfilling that mission. While Obama combines this ideological warning to his positive vision of America, he constructs a message that is unifying while at the same time indicative of a risk in not challenging the destructive path of the American political system. In the classic jeremiadic fashion, Obama calls Americans to political repentance, an innovative kind of political system that builds on the communal understandings that will unite all Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The migration of millions of southerners out of the South between 1910 and 1970 is largely attributed to economic and social push factors in the South, combined with pull factors in other regions of the country. Researchers generally find that participants in this migration were positively selected from their region of origin, in terms of educational attainment and urban status, and that they fared relatively well in their destinations. To fully measure the migrants’ success, however, a comparison with those who remained in the South is necessary. This article uses data from the U.S. Census to compare migrants who left the South with their southern contemporaries who stayed behind, both those who moved within the South and the sedentary population. The findings indicate that migrants who left the South did not benefit appreciably in terms of employment status, income, or occupational status. In fact, inter-regional migrants often fared worse than did southerners who moved within the South or those who remained sedentary. These results contradict conventional wisdom regarding the benefits of exiting the South and suggest the need for a revisionist interpretation of the experiences of those who left. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Much work in the area of male sexual assault and rape relies on small clinical samples. From these samples, researchers reported that most male victims were physically injured during the attack and that penetration occurred. This work rests on a subsample of 219 men from the 1994-1996 Violence and Threats of Violence Against Women and Men in the United States Survey. Findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAW) show that the vast majority of male sexual assault victims reported that they were not physically injured during the assault, that a weapon was not used, that there was no substance use at the time of the assault, and that penetration did not occur. Only 29% of male respondents in the NVAW sought medical or psychological help after the assault. Prior work may have overrepresented men who reported being physically injured and/or penetrated. An analysis is presented of how those who presented for help in the NVAW differ from the whole sample. Results show that men who presented for help were more likely to have reported being physically injured during the assault and that penetration occurred. Thus, findings from prior work make sense; however, they may not be representative of male assault victims as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on the ways in which he can be seen as representing a rapprochement of white and black culture in America. The significance of Obama's status as the first African American president is noted. Topics related to the history of racial symbolism and race relations in America are mentioned in this context. Some of the ways in which Obama's election has affected the representation of African Americans in American popular culture are analyzed.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on the ways in which racist stereotypes have been used against him in political propaganda. The significance of Obama's status as the first African American president is noted. Topics related to the history of racial symbolism and race relations in America are discussed in this context. Some of the ways in which Obama has been visually represented in American popular culture are analyzed. These include offensive images involving chimpanzees and watermelons.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on the ways in which his image has attained a type of iconic status. Comparisons are drawn between Obama's presence in the mass media and the images of other American celebrities of African descent, such as the television talk show host Oprah Winfrey and the rapper Jay-Z. Topics related to the history of racial symbolism and race relations in America are mentioned in this context.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on his association with 21st century technological gadgets, such as the BlackBerry smartphone. The significance of Obama's status as the first African American president is also noted. The author then raises the topics of global capitalism, military technology, and wars in Asia, all of which he finds objectionable. The fact that Obama does not seem to share this perspective is also portrayed as objectionable. The author expresses his concern that a popular obsession with political imagery will cause Obama's lack of hostility toward capitalism and the military to go unremarked.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on various objectionable and racist images which were prevalent in popular culture shortly before the beginning of his presidential campaign. The significance of Obama's status as the first African American president is noted. Topics related to the history of racial symbolism and race relations in America are discussed in this context. Racial and political tensions in the city of Cleveland, Ohio are cited as an example.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture, focusing on his association with the American flag. Obama's relationship to musical culture is also noted, as two of the songs which have been used as soundtracks to his public appearances are discussed. The significance of Obama's status as the first African American president is noted. Changing racial attitudes in America in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 are also analyzed.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on the use of images in a political and cultural context, such as Obama's symbolic gestures of solidarity with the common man, which are compared to similar gestures by former U.S. President Abraham Lincoln. The use of politically charged imagery by Obama's supporters and opponents during the 2008 presidential campaign is also discussed, such as the satirical portrayal of Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin by television actress Tina Fey.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on the ways in which he can be seen as representing green interests. The Obama campaign's use of Web 2.0 technology is noted in this context, and the role of internet videos in the 2008 presidential campaign is noted. The political aspects of environmentalism, green technology, and popular culture in America are addressed. Some of the ways in which Obama has been visually represented in American popular culture are analyzed. These include internet videos and television appearances.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on popular representations of Obama including graffiti art, and a campaign poster designed by Shepard Fairey. The poster is analyzed in terms of Fairey's appropriation of a news photograph of Obama, which he reworked in a style reminiscent of 20th century political screen prints. A comparison is drawn between Obama's image as a political pop culture icon, and a well-known image of the Cuban revolutionary Che Guevara.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on Obama-related photographs which have been posted on the photo-sharing website Flickr. An analysis is presented of some of these images, which were selected by a Flickr algorithm as ranking among those which the site's users found most interesting as of June 2009. The political symbolism of these photographs is discussed, and comments from users of the site are quoted to illustrate relationships between the images and the larger political culture.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on his representation in the realm of digital media. The significance of the Obama campaign's embrace of Web 2.0 features such as online social networks, blogs and text messaging is discussed. Comparisons are drawn to the use of older media by previous presidents, such as Franklin D. Roosevelt's use of radio for "fireside chats" and John F. Kennedy's television appearances.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on a popular Obama campaign poster designed by Shepard Fairey. The poster is analyzed in terms of Fairey's appropriation of a news photograph of Obama, which he reworked in a style reminiscent of 20th century political screen prints. Topics related to postmodernism and copyright law are mentioned in this context. A comparison is drawn to the painting "The Secretary of State" by Luc Tuymans, which was based on a news photograph of former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on the experiences of the authors, who worked for the Obama campaign in Las Vegas, Nevada. Topics related to the demographic characteristics of American voters are mentioned in this context. Some of the ways in which Obama has been visually represented in American popular culture are analyzed. These include his campaign paraphernalia, and television news coverage of the elections.

The article presents a discussion of U.S. President Barack Obama from the standpoint of his impact on visual culture. It focuses on the ways in which he can be seen as an iconic figure. The significance of Obama's status as the first African American president is noted. Topics related to the history of racial symbolism and race relations in America are mentioned in this context. Some of the ways in which Obama has been visually represented in American popular culture are analyzed. These include a television image of Obama greeting the author and his wife.