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What is it to become a citizen? Over the last ten years, the US and the German governments have been vociferously advocating for naturalization as a mechanism for social inclusion and national security. But how do immigrants perceive becoming a citizen? This paper explores what being a citizen means to immigrants in New York and Berlin. Through intensive interviews, thick description and using grounded theory, I unearth how new naturalized citizens think and live citizenship in their everyday lives. I question the importance of the developmental model that has been the standard understanding of naturalization for the last hundred years. I discover that naturalized citizens engage specific citizenship frames to explain what citizenship is to them and why they naturalized. These frames include a benefit seeking, a claims making, a hyperpolitical/ bureaucracy avoidance, a circumstance securing and a developmental approach to understanding what citizenship means. I compare the thoughts, opinions and experiences of permanent residents and naturalized citizens in New York and Berlin, two cities with receptive policies toward immigrants located in countries with polar opposite citizenship policies. Based on the data, the paper includes policy prescriptions for how to think about naturalization as a policy goal, how to make it more meaningful and more likely to achieve the ends desired by the respective governments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the re-emergence of debate over the concept of responsible party government (RPG). Many contemporary scholars argue that we have recently achieved something quite close to RPG, and that the results have been unfortunate. A variety of ills have been attributed to the alleged development of RPG: polarized parties that encourage deadlock while also allowing overly-rapid policy shifts; increased corruption and special interest influence; a breakdown in checks on the executive branch; and increased public distrust and alienation. My paper will argue the following: 1) Although the US has seen the emergence of parties that are more internally pure and differentiated, this alone does not constitute the fulfillment of the RPG model as originally understood; 2) Current party politics are still often unprogrammatic, with undeveloped policy platforms and few mechanisms for party responsibility; 3) Political science is not currently able to say definitively on the basis of scientific evidence that partisan polarization is a bad thing, and it would not be sensible to reform our political system to avoid something that is not clearly a problem, and may yet be a virtue; and, 4) Since a return to a mid-twentieth century style of "bipartisan moderation" is impossible, a better course of action may be not to abandon the idea of RPG, but to actually fulfill it by adding more responsibility and policy content to the US party system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper examines the nature and character of corruption and presents a general overview and comparison of corrupt practices in the United States and China. Neither country is corruption free but the United States has a substantially lower rate of perceived corruption than China. To understand United States corrupt practices, the focus is on three areas: (1) bureaucracy, (2) political practices, and (3) business. Today, the U.S. bureaucracy is generally clean but historically, this has not always been true; in the second areas of U.S. political practices and in the third area of U.S. business activities, the following is generally the case: laws, law enforcement, public expectation, and professional standards guide transactions and control/reduce corruption. In contrast, the Chinese political system is very different and unlike the United States, their political context does not allow for a neat separation into the three areas of bureaucracy, political practices, and business activities. In fact, the relevant Chinese activities usually reflect a blend/confluence of these three categories. To understand Chinese corrupt practices, the paper focuses on the nature of collusive corruption, the ineffectiveness of corruption control through harsh penalties, the centrality of law to state stability, and the importance of law enforcement. The paper ends with a discussion of clean bureaucracy and the conclusion that the United States, however different and however imperfect, can offer a useful comparison to China. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Utilizing data from the National Election Study Cumulative File, this paper finds that while the 6 item NES scale is an adequate measure of egalitarianism, it is not the only one. Acceptably fitting structural equations models also exist specifically for equal rights and two domain specific types of egalitarianism, economic and racial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "life sciences" industry has come to define the possibilities and perils of the early 21st century. As such, this paper examines the watershed 1980 Supreme Court decision, Diamond vs. Chakrabarty, as the pivotal moment ushering in the legal basis for commodifying living organisms. Through historical analysis and empirical research, I argue that this decision pioneered a market for the agricultural biotechnology industry through the widespread expansion of intellectual property rights. Significantly, this development exists amidst a historical backdrop shaped by U.S. geopolitical interests. Hence, this case study challenges the prevalent assumptions within political science that technological innovation drives history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Congress delegates the responsibility for crafting rules and regulations to unelected bureaucrats, whose interests prevail? Are rule makers faithful agents of their elected counterparts, the private sector, the courts, or some combination thereof? Since concern is ubiquitous about "out-of-control" agencies, how can we know when an agency is under control? Despite the cumulatively massive substantive impact of rules on American life and governance and the resultant pressing theoretical questions about the accountability of executive agencies to democratic forces, researchers have yet to provide answers to these questions grounded in a systematic agency-centered study of the process of rule generation. This paper presents a critique of the current scholarship on political control of the bureaucracy and in particular control of the rule-making process. I argue that the current state of the literature presents an opportunity to improve the empirical study of control by theoretical advances in the definition of control, the strategic nature of bureaucratic policy makers, and the nature of the institutional environment in which they work. I propose an empirical test of the new theory that uses both qualitative and quantitative analysis of interviews with rule makers, veto players, and interest group representatives to assess the relationship between rule making agencies and their multiple principals. Unlike other studies of political control, the research suggested here focuses on the crucial policy development stage, relies on a multi-dimensional understanding of power, and models bureaucratic behavior as contingent on institutional veto points. Also, while most studies focus on bureaucratic responsiveness to a single principal, this study focuses on how rule makers balance the demands of multiple and conflicting principals. Ultimately, such an approach gives a more reliable and comprehensive picture of bureaucratic control than has heretofore been attained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties have been a bulwark of promoting popular government in the United States since the early 19th century. Serving the essential task of mediator between popular will and the process of government, parties have been an indispensable means of allowing the governed to control the government. However, parties have been in decline since the Progressive reforms of the early 20th century. Progressives sought to reformulate the idea of citizenship to be a direct and unmediated form of participation and maligned parties as illegitimate cabals of power. Their reforms have been successful: voters who are independent of political parties numbered over forty percent of the electorate during the 2000 presidential election. However, the electorate that exists today in an increasingly nonpartisan political environment is unable to perform the civic responsibilities that parties once promoted. Using a historical analysis of American political development during the Progressive era, and analyzing survey research from the 2000 National Elections Study, this paper demonstrates the importance of parties for creating an active and informed electorate and the dangers of independent voters predominating in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A wealth of scholarship has addressed the connections among legal categorization and regulation, subordinated identity, and the process of political development in the United States. This scholarship has done much to articulate the path of Supreme Court doctrine regarding race, gender, and sexual orientation, to highlight the significance of national regulations concerning immigration and citizenship, to narrate the constitutional competition between ascriptive and expansive conceptions of citizenship, and to explain the construction of subordinated identities in broad legal dimensions. While such scholarship has greatly enhanced our understandings of both identity and constitutional/political development, it misses a significant point due to its national location. Since the Civil War, we have considered citizenship to be a national, rather than state-based phenomenon, but many of the specifics of ascriptive conceptions of citizenship have been worked out on the state, rather than national level. When we note that for most of the history of the United States, such significant issues as voting, education, marriage, familial relations, and residence have been primarily within the province of state law, we see that the states are far from irrelevant in establishing the grounding context for citizenship and identity, especially when subordinated identities are centered in our research. Using race as an example of an identity constructed on the ground level in significant part by state law, this paper will argue for a more comprehensive approach to studying political development that incorporates study of state-based regulations that have had significant impacts both on the generation of subordinated identities and on the struggle between egalitarian and ascriptive conceptions of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I generate a model explaining the factors driving the diffusion of policy ideas and policy innovations across states through direct citizen initiatives. I explore the strength of issue networks and the framing of policy ideas to understand why certain innovations diffuse more rapidly through initiatives than others. I argue that the speed of an idea's diffusion depends both on the resources available to the policy network sponsoring an initiative campaign, and the ability of the policy fame to expand the coalition of interests supporting the innovation. The research model is tested against initiatives that diffused across states in four different issue areas; Term Limits, Informed Ballot Notations, Medical Marijuana, and Animal Trapping. I argue that each of these issues represents a distinct pattern of policy diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When scholars seek to measure the "effectiveness" of rights, they are usually trying to understand the extent to which they affect the practices of organizations. Rights live in many placesâ??in the bodies (courts, agencies and legislatures) that produce them, in the minds of the activists who mobilize them, in the broader public and in the popular cultureâ??but it is principally within organizations that rights are materialized, turned into tangible changes in social practices. Thus in this project we seek to 1) create a conceptual framework that captures the protean nature of rights, 2) describe the varied patterns by which organizations respond to rights, and 3) measure how those organizational responses correlate with outcomes. This paper takes a few modest steps toward these goals. We begin with a general framework for understanding rights and organizational change. We develop some basic hypotheses about organizational response to rights, drawn from political science, neo-institutionalist sociology, and organizational theory. We probe these hypotheses using original qualitative and quantitative data drawn from a study of organizational responses to the access provisions of the American with Disabilities Act (the "ADA") and its state analogues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the conflict between legal academics and political scientists in the U.S. According to political scientists who study the Supreme Court, legal scholars had ignored their work and their lack of interdisciplinary interaction had weakened the quality of legal scholarship to a great degree. To bridge the great division between the two groups, presently law professors had increasingly abandoned the law as an explanatory rubric.

Social capital theory, particularly the work of Robert Putnam, has received a great deal of scholarly and popular attention. We argue that Putnam's formulation ignores the ways in which race is fundamental and constitutive to the structure and function of social capital in the United States. We suggest an alternative framework, one that: (1) treats race as more than an independent variable; (2) addresses the structural factors underlying social capital development; and (3) includes the role of gatekeepers in the process. Such a framework would allow us to have a more accurate, and more nuanced, understanding of how social capital operates in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies argue that: 1) an increase in professionalization in the lower houses of state legislatures advantages Democrats relative to Republicans; and 2) term limits advantage Republicans as opposed to Democrats in elections for seats in the lower houses of state legislatures. However, these studies contain serious flaws because they substitute compensation for professionalization and employ inappropriate methods to rectify problems with cross sectional, time-series data. Using more data, a measure of professionalization and improved methodology, I discover that professionalization impacts the partisan composition of state legislatures on an aggregate level. However, I learn that professionalizing the lower houses of state legislatures yields diminishing electoral returns for Democrats in that professionalization has its greatest impact on nonprofessional, as opposed to semiprofessional and professional legislatures. Finally, I find that term limits do not reverse the effects of professionalization on the partisan composition of state legislatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study of the early part of the twentieth century answers two questions: First, how do political parties maintain their national coalition when divisive issues either threaten party cohesion or have resulted in a rift? Second, are there strategic advantages and structural features that encourage intra-party coalitions to actively pursue legislative deference to the judiciary? Using a historical-interpretive approach to examine the American party system, Republican Party ideology from 1896-1920, the structure of the national judiciary, and Supreme Court decision-making, I show how political orders use the Supreme Court to stabilize their national coalitions by displacing divisive issues that threaten to divide their coalition and help reunite coalitions following defection. I further show how structural features privilege the policy preferences of the party-in-power's majority-wing and undercut the political leverage of the minority-wing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigates the effects of media coverage and media market structure on political representation in the U.S. Visibility of a tendency toward blind partisanship in districts; Reasons for the failure of media coverage to respond to median opinion in their districts; Alternative models of representation.

Discusses pluralism, peer-review and the restructuring of the political system in the U.S. Details of the Perestroika/Glasnost movement, revolution and disturbance; Details of the restoration of political philosophy to a central place in political studies; Expansion of the methodological training beyond the realms of deductive theory and quantitative research to encompass qualitative research method.

Overcoming the problem of the frontier was a necessary precondition to any further state building during the 19th century. The focus of this paper is how the federal government became involved in aiding local internal improvements. Theoretically, this paper aims to place federalism and state rivalries into American political development debates. Specifically, this paper focuses on the role of frontier states in pushing for federal intervention. In addition, decentralized capacity building, as a parallel force to centralization, is developed to explain states' interest in federal action. Through this analysis, the impact of federal assistance on the development of the American frontier and sectional rivalries can be traced. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars who study judicial politics in the United States have increasingly come to the view that the courts cannot be understood in isolation, but that they must be seen as a part of the larger system of government, in large part because no governmental institution makes decisions in a vacuum. More and more the popular press and interest groups have also discovered that courts and legislative bodies interact in a variety of ways, and that these interactions have distinct political relevance. Given the importance of the relationship between Congress and the federal courts, this paper will examine the interactions between those two institutions, focusing mostly on congressional attitudes toward the courts. It is based largely on interviews that I have conducted over the last year with Members of Congress, key congressional staff, federal judges, interest group representatives, and others with an interest in the courts. This paper is part of a larger work in progress on this topic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of major theoretical and practical interest in contemporary politics is the incorporation or inclusion of marginalized and underrepresented groups in American society. This paper examines the perspectives and policy positions of the nation's elected officials of color toward immigrant incorporation. The paper reports results from telephone interviews with a national sample of African American, Hispanic, Asian American, and American Indian elected officials (EOs) in local and state legislative office. The GMCL national survey, conducted from June 2006 through January 2007, is part of a larger project on African American, Latina/o, Native American, and Asian American elected officials in U.S. politics. As the first of its kind, this survey provides a comprehensive examination of the backgrounds, experiences, and perspectives of America's increasingly diverse elected leadership at the local, state, and national levels. This paper focuses on examining EOs' level of support on four immigrant-related policy proposals: the provision of government services in languages other than English; bilingual education in public schools for students not proficient in English; drivers' licenses for immigrants regardless of legal status; and non-citizen voting rights in local (i.e. school board) elections. Bivariate analysis finds four sets of factors influence elite positions on the four immigrant-related proposals: perceived constituency characteristics, personal demographic characteristics of the officeholders, a select set of attitudes and political orientations, and institutional/political variables associated with their public office. Multivariate analysis shows that race and gender matter-but in different ways across the racial and gender groups studied and depending on the policy issues at stake. The results suggest that there is no clear divide among racial groups. Race and gender groups show a variation of support across the immigrant-related policies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to address the question of regulatory takings litigation, as it impacts governmental efforts to protect public interests in environmental matters, through the utilization of research done on common-pool resource management. The task is not as straightforward as it might first appear. To engage in such a task, three separate academic disciplines must be merged. First, political science, which has contributed very little research on the issue of regulatory takings provides the central set of questions which should be answered. Second, the commons literature, which studies the management of common-pool resources, has focused a great deal of attention on the environmental issues from which regulatory takings conflicts spring, but has tended to avoid engaging in legal research. Finally, the body of work on regulatory takings has been studied by two additional disciplines. Legal scholars have significantly contributed to research on regulatory takings, but that research has focused mostly on compliance questions, which are important to individuals directly involved in such legal matters, but generally do not ask the type of institutional and analytical questions of interest to political scientists. Economists have also contributed significantly to the discipline, but a reliance on rational actor models has also confined the scope of their inquiry. Before any attempt is made to fully integrate these disciplines, prior issues must be addressed. This paper will begin by outlining the development of the Supreme CourtÂ’s regulatory takings jurisprudence, and then discuss the various approaches scholars have taken to understand this litigation. Next, the paper discusses the commons literature, its history, and its approaches to understanding common-pool resource management. Finally, the issue of regulatory takings and its position in a larger political context will generally be explained in a manner that should be appealing to the multidisciplinary interests of the study of the commons. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows how reliance on liberalism has not historically and is unlikely in the future to provide the necessary normative edge for a progressive politics of race. Reading the history of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries as a progression from an initial rejection of idealized liberal equality to a simple liberal triumph to a final backlash fails to see racialized mobilizations of the process of legal dynamism. The paper uses three examples -- equality in the late nineteenth century, neutrality in the early twentieth century, and color blindness in the 1960s -- to illustrate the racialized mobilization of the legal process. It ends with a comparison of Perez v. Sharp and Loving v. Virginia to suggest an alternative model for legal change. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to integrate two theories of judicial behavior, the strategic perspective and the institutional perspective, by introducing the distribution of judge characteristics as an explanation of judicial consensus. State methods of judicial selection are posited to influence the diversity of the state supreme courts with the selection process and resulting diversity by introducing actors to the state supreme courts with different goals based on the institutional environment and risks associated with office. Variations in ideological diversity are then related to levels of consensus. The analysis illustrates how the politics of judicial selection influences the ideological complexion of courts, which in turn shapes the clarity of judicial outcomes. The findings suggest that state institutional characteristics have a large influence on the authoritative presence of state courts of last resort through the method of selection for judicial candidates. Academic and legal scholars assert that consensus and unanimity strengthen the authority of courts (Rehnquist, 1996). With a more unified appearance, courts develop an authoritative stance which strengthens both the legal precedent and clarity of law (Sheldon, 1999). Since consensus among the state supreme courts, however, is anything but uniform, this paper suggests the structures and institutions that shape the courts also shape the impact of judicial policy at the state level. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars and other observers of the institutionalized Christian Right have noted a softening of antigay public rhetoric over the last decade. At the same time, there is an unprecedented level of political activism on the part of Christian conservatives to limit or roll back the rights of individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgendered (LGBT). One venue for antigay political instruction and mobilization is the ex-gay movement, especially that segment of the movement known as Love Won Out (LWO), which is organized by James DobsonÂ’s organization, Focus on the Family. LWO instructs Christian conservative participants in the importance of compassion as a response to same-sex attraction and provides participants with a repertoire of compassionate rhetoric for political debates. LGBT opponents of the ex-gay movement (and LWO) often contest the rhetoric of compassion, identifying it as a cynical political strategy. In this paper, I demonstrate that the compassion of LWO and the larger ex-gay movement cannot be reduced to political strategy but, instead, is premised on a particular model of sexual development and on distinctions Christian conservatives consistently draw between different kinds of political actors. Based on research at LWO and readings of ex-gay literature, this paper analyzes the Christian RightÂ’s rhetoric of compassion as it relates to LGBT citizens and same-sex sexuality. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to understand U.S. judicial politics, it is necessary to explore the relationships between the federal courts and the other institutions of government. It is important to think of courts as part of a broader system of government. As Justice Jackson argued over fifty years ago when expressing his views on the nation’s highest court, “No sound assessment of our Supreme Court can treat it as an isolated, self-sustaining, or self-sufficient institution. It is a unit of a complex, interdependent scheme of government from which it cannot be severed” (Jackson, 1955, 2). This same concept also applies to the rest of the federal court system. Although the relationship between the judicial and executive branches is certainly important (see e.g. Kassop, 2004; Melnick, 2004), this paper will focus primarily on the interactions between the federal courts and the U.S. Congress. This paper will use a new institutionalist approach to help us understand these interactions and relationships. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship American liberalism and civic exclusion sparks debate. Recent accounts hold liberalism and exclusion are opposed, per Rogers Smith, are intertwined, per Jacqueline Stevens, or, as Marc Stears asserts, are either opposed or intertwined, depending on the context. These theories illuminate intellectual and institutional history; however, there is little application of the theories solely to specific thinkers and little critical comparison of the three. This article answers this debate with Tocqueville and Emerson's accounts of Jacksonian citizenship. Both thinkers advocate individualism in reaction to Jacksonian populism, but Tocqueville whitewashes Jackson's Indian Removal Act, while Emerson uses democratic individualism to critique the policy. The dueling individualism of Tocqueville and Emerson backs Stears' argument for divided liberalism and reveals fractures in early American political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented related to the analysis of care work by government or other public institutions. The author mentions the institutions are not needed to reconsider the caring responsibilities since the market will do it with efficiency, use of setting a market value on care for showing its importance as part of human life it is and adds the purpose of the market in a capitalist economy is to produce profit.

The article analyzes a literature which suggests that rising economic inequality in the U.S. is distorting the U.S. democracy. It reports that this literature is handicapped by a tendency to compare existing American politics to an ideal of political equality that has never been a description of the U.S. democracy. Also mentioned is the effect of departure from the ideal of political equality in capitalist democracies and inequality within literature in post World War II political science.

My dissertation, Developing Inequalities: The Political Construction of "Youth" in Twentieth Century America, argues that due to a number of changes in policies, economic conditions, and cultural beliefs about human development, reaching a normative adulthood characterized by economic and political autonomy has become increasingly difficult. While an ideal youth leads to an autonomous adulthood, those young people unable to stay on the ideal path find themselves trapped with an economic and thus social status below that of an adult regardless of age. Moreover, I reveal the key role played by race in the construction of this ideal path and policy significance of what has been treated as an age-based (therefore racially-neutral) category. My first chapter, "America's Natural Resource," (1) offers substantive arguments regarding the political motivations and racially coded language behind early child labor and compulsory education legislation and (2) lays the groundwork for arguments in later chapters about the critical role played by the form of America's economy and the image of youth publicized in the mass media in influencing the lived experiences of youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on aggression and conflicts in the American politics over several topics including economy, terrorism and racial hatred. It also mentions that the American's character which is always promoted as one infused with the concept of progress, movement forward towards the future. It also mentions that pluralist theory accepts that there are several groups competing for resources and power within a society of the U.S.

The article offers information on behavioral revolution in the U.S. political science. It explores the nature and origin of the concept of the behavioral revolution in the U.S. political science. It also focuses on the paradigm shift in political science during 1920 as described by Author Clyde Barrow in his book "International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences."

American political science has for many years accepted a simple distinction between political parties and interest groups: parties are acknowledged to be primarily election seekers and groups as policy seekers, although admittedly some overlap exists. But how well does such a distinction apply to modern political party "clubs," such as the Log Cabin Republicans, whose goals diverge at times significantly from their parent party organization, and whose activities often appear to mimic those of interest groups. Is a group such as the Log Cabin Republicans more appro-priately classed as a hybrid form of interest group, rather than as a party "club," as it actively advocates issues specific to the group - and not necessarily the larger political party? Through analysis of party and group literature and behavior, and interviews with club activists, this paper explores the organizational activities of the Log Cabin Republicans in an effort to understand this group and its relationship to its parent party, as well as to consider if a broader theory of party club behavior may be necessary. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political theorists and popular pundits alike have bemoaned what they diagnose as a perpetual malaise that hangs over U.S. politics. Part of this malaise is often attributed to the omnipresence of political spectacle, where participants are reduced to "spectator-voters" rather than active citizens. The result, these commentators conclude, is a kind of political cynicism which stymies any sort of effort at or engagement with collective action. Yet despite these dire analyses, in many ways political activists and their messages have never been more creative or accessible. Groups such as the Billionaires for Bush use cynicism, spectacle, and marketing savvy to advance their message(s) and to inspire political change. Indeed, these groups have much in common with what various media scholars call "culture jammers", or critics who deliberately "rerout[e] … spectacular images, environments, ambiences, and events to reverse or subvert their meaning, thus reclaiming them" (Lasn, 103). In this paper, we explore how groups we label political culture jammers combat political cynicism by (re-?)enchanting political life, by replacing the dominant images and messages of politics with provocative counter-images. Through their use of ironic self-presentation and humor, political culture jammers offer an appealing alternative means of invigorating political praxis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the work of Hartz and Hofstadter, the study of American political thought has generally emphasized the role of consensus, particularly with respect to the liberal tradition in American history. But merely emphasizing the liberal consensus does not, in itself, enable us to account for the parallel experience of great conflict in American history-conflict that cannot be explained, if we accept the Hartz thesis, simply in terms of a grand struggle between "liberalism and its challengers." To understand the nature of American political conflict, we must look beyond the consensus approach-and, to the extent that we accept Hartz, we must also look beyond the liberal tradition to an alternative theoretical perspective. My paper argues for a new approach to the study of American political history-one that emphasizes, not the role of liberalism, but the role of cosmopolitanism in the shaping of American political institutions and thought. I contend that the history of American conflict is best understood as a larger struggle between the cosmopolitan vision of the Enlightenment and the competing visions of 'America' that challenge it: pre-Madisonian republicanism; modern nationalism; and messianic, interventionist universalism. I conclude by sketching the ways in which this approach might manifest itself in the study of American political history, emphasizing the conflicts surrounding Constitutional ratification and the crises leading up to the Civil War. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the field of candidate emergence, a number of explanations have been offered for why men and women are more or less likely to run for elective office. Incumbency advantage, the type of seat and partisan composition of the district are known to affect the decision to run (Black1972; Kazee 1994 Moncrief, Squire and Jewell 2001; Stone and Maisel 2003). For women, without regard to race or ethnicity, some argue that the lack of a representative female presence in elected office is due to the scarcity of women in professions from which potential candidates emerge (Conway, Steurnagle and Ahern 1997; Thomas 1998). While we have started to delve into a deeper understanding of women's choices to run or not run for elective office, we are still woefully lacking in understanding the largely absent voice of Mexican American women. This paper is a first pass at the theory and data investigating the effects of gender and racial/ethnic identity on why more Mexican American women run or do not run for elective office. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thirty years ago, the challenge to the study of American political development was to pay due attention to the state. Now that the state has been brought back in, it may be time to move it aside. New institutionalism and American political development, in particular, sit at a crossroads; recent events suggest that ever-increasing central state strength is not the same as political development. Indeed, scholars have had to grapple with seemingly new relationships that defy the measure between states (in the EU for example) or between state and non-state actors (in studies of public policy in particular). Rather than trying to fit new phenomena into existing concepts and theoretical frameworks, in this paper we suggest that the best way to understand development is to move away from a narrow focus on the state and toward a study of governance, which we define as the resources the state cultivates and maintains to achieve its objectives. This theoretical move offers two important advantages in the study of political development: first, it better allows us to evaluate and measure development; and second, it allows us to assess the impact upon civic membership and freedom. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing belief among legal scholars that Supreme Court rulings on establishment clause cases have been trending away from the strict separation approach to church/state relations that had characterized the decisions of the Court since the 1960's. This paper seeks to examine the extent to which political science is able to confirm this trend and explain its causes. Four models of Supreme Court legal policy change are derived from the literature and examined in relation to establishment clause rulings since 1960, these models look for causes in changes to the bench itself, the political environment in which the Court operates, public opinion, and the network of organizations supporting Supreme Court litigation. The examination strongly implicates changes in the bench and changes in the network of litigation as explanatory causes, with changes in the political environment and public opinion carrying little explanatory weight. Interstingly, it seems that the increase of new right advocacy groups participating in Supreme Court litigation has had a significant effect on the Court's ability to move away from a strict separation approach to establishment clause cases. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public deliberation has been widely advocated in the normative literature as a way to enrich democracy and confront contentious policy issues. Claims as to the merits of face-to-face deliberation, however, rest heavily on the assumed power of public deliberation to transform the opinions of individual citizens. Although deliberative forums have been undertaken numerous times in the United States and other nations, this basic assumption has never been adequately tested. Results from various deliberative forums suggest that participants do learn factual information and often change their policy attitudes. Yet, the way that these deliberative forums are typically conducted does not allow one to distinguish the effect of public deliberation from simply being better informed individually. In this paper, I present the results from a small experiment designed to test whether fact-to-face deliberation, either by itself or in combination with written policy information, leads to individual opinion change. I assess how deliberative the group discussions were as well as examining the effects of deliberation and information on individual attitude change. My results, though necessarily tentative, suggest that expectations about public deliberation may be correct. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Innovative participitory institutions are emerging in the domain of natural resource management. In Colorado, there are more then forty local watershed initiatives involving citizen-based watershed groups. Often these groups are collections of existing groups that are interested in working on common problems through a collaborative, sometimes consensus-based approach. Water management entities may be able to use the strategies of adaptive management, cooperation, and collaboration in various trans-basin and transboundary arrangements, but limited agency and state resources may make effective and efficient planning and implementation problematic. This paper extends, modifies and suggests a particular framework for measuring democratic effectiveness of collaborative natural resource management regimes. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of a larger project that attempts to marry theories of intersectionality and leadership through an examination of women in the Environmental Justice Movement. Led primarily by women of color, this movement seeks policy redress for unjust distribution of toxic waste sites and industries with toxic emissions. The goal of this work is to create new discourses placing working-class women at the center of analyses, and perhaps yielding new strategies for the organization of all oppressed groups, especially African-Americans. Black women are framed in social and political life as controlling and controlled—aggressive, yet powerless to direct their lives or the lives of children. The junction where race, class, and gender meet and intersect is fraught with political challenges. Issues of environmental justice take on new meaning from this junction. Occupying the space where working-class status meets marginalized racial and gender identities means that women in this movement must battle racism, sexism, and classism without adding fodder to arguments regarding Black family pathology and the inadequacies of Black Mothers. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how authoritarian governments are successfully resisting President George W. Bush's democracy promotion. Six strategies of resistance are identified and examined in this research. In addition to examining anti-democracy promotion activities, it explores a contradiction within Bush's democratization policy that actually impedes the emergence of global democracy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a study that offers a systematic reinterpretation regarding how the specific forms, agents and venues of legal action proliferated and changed over time as a dynamic, complex process of policy agenda transformation. It analyzes the ways in which this profound transformation in the legal campaign reversed within and throughout the political system. It details the implications of the changes in the legal contest for the tobacco wars.

In this article, the author discusses state and being of American citizenship. She examines if it is possible, as a U.S. citizen, to practice a form of contemporary citizenship that leads to disorientation. She argues that citizens' active participation in a destabilized political idea can result to reorientation on political problems faced after the 9/11 terrorist attack. She explores a critical citizenship that responds to an American political life within the context of post-9/11 terrorist attack.

The article discusses the difference of the politics of policies across the U.S. Abortion, death penalty, lotteries, casinos and mental health coverage are the policies examined in the article to represent the varying degrees of morality policies. Competitive federalism is one example of the mechanism of geographic diffusion of innovation that affects policy making as policy makers compete with their neighbors over revenue. The author says that its seems like policymakers respond more to political risk than to informational risk.

The article discusses the eras of reaction in politics in the U.S. It is noted that the core value of equality in politics, culture and policy gets reborn in every political era in the country. It is asserted that turning from one era to another is marked by events such as the Great Depression and mobilization of groups that were considered inactive in politics.

The article discusses pragmatism and fanaticism in American political thought. It is noted that the integration of fanaticism in political tradition in the U.S. has influenced political development. The existence of fanaticism is based on two factors, white supremacy and resistance to it, and apocalyptic Protestantism.

The article discusses the impact of race and dependence on political thought in the U.S. It is noted that dependence influenced the creation of liberal and republican traditions and social construction of race in the country. It is asserted that male heads of households, before the civil war, were the only ones that have political rights.

In this article the author suggests that the U.S. must make better use of the democracy it also has rather than trying to make the political system substantially more democratic or responsive to democratic majorities. The advantages of a more informed citizenry over reforms that would democratize the political system are cited. The article also offers a look at the effects and subsequent history of democratizing reforms that took place in the U.S. Congress in the 1970s.

The article explores how abolitionist Frederick Douglass responded to a question about free men by offering a series of arguments in favor of the claim that each individual should feel obligated to extend the promises of liberalism to all people. It provides a description of debates about the nature and value of Douglass' contribution to U.S. political thought. It also shows how slavery brought the challenge of liberal community and how Douglass the statesman made the case for a more robust sense of responsibility to others.

This article presents a study which focuses on the dynamic that makes midterm elections as presidential referenda in the U.S. The study makes use of the data from the American National Election Studies and the contextual data from constituency level. These data show that attacking the president's policies lessens the probability of voting for the candidate of the president's party. Moreover, the data also suggest that the impact of presidential assessments on voters' choices is greater in House districts where the president is attacked.

This article contends that the discipline of political science in the U.S. has still much to learn from identity politics and from feminist discussion of the subject. It explains that identity and subjectivity are political and understanding them are important to exploring such issues as sexual citizenship and sexual regulation. It cites that contemporary public policies that seek to regulate sexuality can be better understand through identity politics.