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In recent years, a growing body of literature has analyzed radical left parties in Europe. However, internal party life and the sociology of party elites have remained an understudied topic, mostly dominated by non-systematic accounts on party leaders. This article offers an empirical exploration of the sociology of Podemos party cadres, based on a prosopography of the elected members of the Consejo Ciudadano Estatal and the Consejo de Coordinación, its main internal institutions, since 2014. This research questions Podemos' status of "outsider" in the partisan landscape by quantifying three fundamental dimensions of its cadres' public image: their links with social movements, academia and Latin America. By measuring the social and biographical characteristics of Podemos' elites as they institutionalize, this article offers a new scientific lens to analyze the trajectory of radical left parties, and provides a method to test common hypotheses on contemporary political forces after the Great Recession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tricontinentalism, the radical ideational universe of the Global South so important in the 1960s and 1970s, lost much of its original thrust with the neoliberal turn, and its contribution to global history has long been obscured. Recently, however, historians, political theorists and others have been studying its take on global justice and the multiple impacts of its political strategies, ideological rhetoric, identity formations, as well as its many transnational connections: traces still recognisable in the repertoire of social movements today. By unearthing these strands and constellations of global history, and by sometimes cooperating with activists, these scholars act as Foucauldian genealogists, laying bare sediments of historical agency that the hegemonic memory formation of neoliberalism had all but buried. Such efforts constitute a form of counter-history in the competitive field of political memory. This paper applies elements of mnemonic hegemony theory (MHT) to analyse Tricontinental memory, with a particular focus on Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article extensively discusses Jean Franco's participation in a panel during the Latin American Studies Association conference in 2013, centering on issues of feminism, academia, and the personal legacies shaped by state terror. It highlights Franco's keen observations and reflections, notably emphasizing her intellectual choices, feminist interventions, and the enduring impact of Alaíde Foppa's disappearance on her academic work. It states that Franco's ability to connect academia, writing, and the societal impact of state violence, particularly on women scholars, emerges as a focal point, showcasing her commitment to challenging conventional narratives and addressing the complexities of state-sponsored violence in Latin America.

The Cuban Revolution and its historical process are at the centre of Latin American studies in social sciences in Türkiye. This article examines the Cuban 26th of July Movement in the context of Latin American social movements. The study is analysed in three parts. First, the structure of Latin America is examined, followed by the history of colonialism and social opposition. In this section, the 26th of July Movement and Cuba are read from the perspective of 'Latin America'. This section is the section in which the social movements literature is examined and the distinction between old and new social movements is examined. The social movement in Cuba is handled around the concept of social movements. The study argues that the Cuban Revolution is an example that transcends the distinction between old and new social movements. Again, in the same section, social movements in Latin America are examined based on the necessity of reading similar examples to understand the Cuban Revolution and the 26th of July Movement. Here, on the other hand, it is underlined that movements in Latin America were influenced by and influenced the Cuban Revolution. The second part of the study deals with the Cuban Revolution and its subject, the 26th of July Movement, in a historical continuity. Here, it is emphasized that it is necessary to examine the 26th of July Movement with a process-oriented perspective, not a leader-oriented perspective. Otherwise, the historical process will be denied, and it will be moved away from being scientific. In the conclusion part of the study, the Cuban Revolution in international relations and the results of this revolution are examined. In the study, the populist, modernizing and anti-imperialist character of the Cuban Revolution is emphasized before its socialist character. As a method in the study, it is based on literature review and document analysis from qualitative research methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This writing addresses a theme that is that of organized peoples as collective subjects of resistance to neoliberal capitalism and at the same time as creators of new worlds. The living experience of the peoples is the compass for theoretical reflection and to project the type of transition that we are experiencing towards the other worlds that are being built and the ways in which each people is defending them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to investigate whether the interpretation of the social movements which emerged in the turn of the century as movements defined by their struggles against neoliberalism is applicable for Latin America. With this purpose, the text follows a methodology based on the discussion of some of the main social movements that are currently active in the region, through an analytical scheme, which prioritises the understanding of the historical formation of this subcontinent and its position in the world economy. The hypothesis is that these elements are crucial for a proper appreciation of the material and ideological ground in which these movements carry out their struggles, as well as the huge socioeconomic contradictions, which may create obstacles, but also impetus for contestation. Finally, the text debates the promotion of these movements on regional and international level, taking into consideration the potential of internationalisation related to four axes which were identified in the research—namely livelihood, territory, ethnical identity and sustainability. Through this analysis, the article contributes to the understanding of the raison d'être of these Latin American social movements, but also to the discussions on the emancipatory potential ingrained in their struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American has made remarkable progress in the last twenty years regarding LGBTQ+ rights. More recently, LGBTQ‐related issues have had major impacts on national and regional politics. However, most of the literature about Latin American social movements still largely ignores LGBTQ+ movements. This article argues that including LGBTQ+ movements in social movements research is essential to further our understanding of LGBTQ+ politics in the region and of Latin American politics and social movements more broadly, as well as to address the enduring lack of academic engagement with gender and sexuality as political topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes counter-hegemonic struggles in the face of the 21st century extractivism offensive in Latin America. First, it examines the emergence of a new generation of social movements against neoliberalism and subsequently against extractivism, shaped by the affected communities in alliance with a variety of subaltern groups that express the displacement of struggles towards the place for the reproduction and existence of life: the territory. In this context, the current Colombian scenario is presented, where one of the main banners of the new progressive government is the gradual de-escalation of the extractivist model within the framework of environmental justice, as an expression of an alternative hegemony. Finally, the paper highlights some of the main challenges of the struggle between capital and life in the face of the resurgence of extractivism in times of war, a socially and ecologically unsustainable model and one of the main obstacles in the construction of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the crisis of neoliberalism at a global level and its impact on Latin America, highlighting the need to reform the capital accumulation policy. It points out that current capitalist development has generated environmental devastation and degradation of population health. Additionally, it mentions the global environmental crisis and the relationship between capitalist production of environmental diseases and the complexification of epidemiological curves. It also addresses the importance of the struggle for wages in social movements, as well as the need for environmental awareness among the proletariat. The global environmentalist agenda is criticized and the vision of the UN's Agenda 2030 is questioned. The article also presents scientific studies on mining in Zacatecas and the environmental and social impacts of agribusiness in Jalisco. The effects on indigenous communities in the Northern, Central, and Costa Chica regions of Guerrero are highlighted. The objective of the article is to contribute to critical studies of conflicting socio-ecological systems and promote a more just and sustainable future. [Extracted from the article]

In this article analyse the development of a sociological critical thinking in social movement in Chile during last decade. In the article I explore how this thought manage to mix some of the features of the four sociological trends in Latin America described by Torres. The article analyses the case of new think tanks that emerged from Chilean student movements in 2006 and 2011. These think tanks have a distinctive critical thinking that highlight the role of political economic analysis, the role of knowledge based on evidence, and incumbent vocation that connect intellectual projects with different political practices, closely related to social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes a university extension course in Latin America that seeks to problematize access to electricity through education in science and technology. A case study methodology is used to analyze the relationship between philosophy and education in science and technology in Latin America. The reflections of Paulo Freire and Andrew Feenberg on liberating education and the democratization of technology are highlighted. The course addressed topics related to Popular Agrarian Reform and the alliance between social movements and universities. The document provides a wide range of bibliographic references on critical theory of technology, popular education, and social inclusion in Latin America. [Extracted from the article]

This article is the result of reflections on interculturality from an anthropological perspective proposed by the intercultural philosophy of the teacher Raúl Fornet-Betancourt, in which case it is deployed in the doctoral thesis “Pedagogy and interculturality in Latin America. A reading from the educational processes in four social movements ", where it seeks to propose a contextual framework to account for pedagogies in Latin America from an intercultural perspective, in a humanist key. Starting from intercultural hermeneutics, it was sought to understand the emergence of pedagogies, of other forms of education that affect the configuration of situated and contextualized pedagogies. Understandings are made that recognize the subject, the context, the cultures and the epistemes through their history, their struggle for social and political demand, which throughout the ages has prevailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to understand how Latin American feminist public expression has gained algorithm-mediated visibility on social media. To this end, a cross-platform analysis was conducted for two issues: the legalisation of abortion in Argentina and the struggle to eliminate violence against women. The data were collected on four platforms: Twitter, Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube through the representative hashtags, '#abortolegal2020', '#25N', and '#niunamenos'. Digital critical methods were employed to gather data and approach high-visibility users, visual messages, and hashtagging practices. The findings reveal two configurations of algorithmic mediated visibility, formed by assemblages of actors, formats, and knowledge: platform vernaculars and algorithmic resistance. Both result in a mutual shaping between platforms, seeking to impose a quantitative logic of visibility, and feminist actors, using the tactics of algorithmic resistance to give visibility to the content, aesthetics, and resignified messages about their struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Franz Hinkelammert is one of the classic authors who in the line of stories that pronounced the resignation and fall of utopias, did not give up nor has he given up on continuing to reflect on it and, even more, contributing to show what these regulative ideas of practical reason are and what are its limits. One of these limits is precisely that of feasibility. For this reason, in Hinkelammertian literature utopia and feasibility go hand in hand. From this relationship between utopia and feasibility, a wide space for debate and discussion is opened that begins to be fruitful to think about the action of the practical subject, of social movements and struggles for liberation. And it is precisely in this space in which the present essay is placed, whose interest is to approach the category of feasibility specifically and contribute to place it in the contemporary debate of the theories of action and of social and popular movements, a space in which nowadays it has a marginal space if not forgotten or completely unknown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The field of communication, in Latin America and the Caribbean, does not have a single path; In this context, the totalizing arguments are always shown to be unnecessary. On the other hand, there are perspectives that point, as alternative or popular communication paths, to practices and experiences of journalism, other perspectives show work experiences both in the state media and in the development of public policies, which can be incorporated as work paths that seek to unite communication and emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept and trends of political strikes in Latin America as a family of contentious repertoires. Also cited are the types of strikes like economic and political strikes in the public and private sector employment, the conflicts between unions and governments over public issues, and how the free-market policies and programs threaten the citizenship rights of Latin Americans.

This article explores how a range of U.S. writers have generically, representationally, and linguistically engaged with radical left-wing social movements in the Global South. In staging their revolutions in Latin America and in employing insurgencies “from below” as a mode for imagining a political afterlife for the United States, these writers employ a deterritorialized and relational use of the term “Global South” to broadly refer to the kinds of “resistant political imaginaries” shared by persons of color and marginalized communities across the hemisphere and the world. However, this article argues the Global South in these multiethnic works is more than a simple device to connect to a collective memory shared by marginalized communities in the United States and populations who suffered under dictatorial regimes in Latin America. In fact, its deployment mimics the most effective counterinsurgency campaigns launched in the Global South. By taking the Global South as a dynamic framework for analyzing multiethnic U.S. literature, my essay prompts us to read the canon of U.S. multiethnic literature very differently and to see the long afterlife of the limits and failures of coopting Latin American social movements to imagine alternative futures in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its inception in ancient Greece, public space has played a key role in the politics and democracy of cities. Its role has been degraded in post-modernity, and reached its deepest crisis in the full maturity of the post-Fordist system (from 1990 onwards). This economic and representation depression, as well as institutional legitimacy, that States are experiencing, have promoted the emergence and resurgence of different social movements that flood cities globally. Here is where the concern of the Frente Urbano Amparo Poch y Gascón collective lies, formed by the authors, to recognize and characterize, from a socio-urban logic, these manifestations and the sustained occupation that public spaces have experienced in different Latin American cities during the last decade. This research, framed within the Virtual Latin American Meeting, Utopías Líquidas, is proposed starting from a mixed methodology of collective mapping, recognizing public spaces, and characterizing their occupation exercised by Latin American social movements, in the dispute to redefine them and regain their political character, and thus value the different Latin American social movements and their struggles, in an act that encourages resistance and solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "Animita" is one of the most deeply rooted beliefs within popular culture, which is strongly present in Latin American religious practices, surviving and adapting to urban developments in the globalized world. The article that follows asks about the existence of a political dimension and social resistance present in this manifestation of popular religiosity. To elucidate this question, we will analyze the animita of deaths in the context of social and political movements, based on the mimetic theory of the philosopher and literary critic Rene Girard. With the aim of finding some connection between the idea of violent death and the cult of animitas, with the ritual of the scapegoat of Girardian theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay we argue for the relevance and urgency of the debate on peasant and indigenous autonomy for rural social movements in Latin America. The pandemic of the new coronavirus--Covid-19--has revealed a series of weaknesses and strengths of peasant, indigenous and Afro-descendant organizations, weaknesses that could be addressed, and strengths that could be capitalized on, through an autonomous turn in political strategies and in the collective construction of alternatives. In this essay we analyze: the ontological and epistemic roots of autonomy, both among indigenous peoples and in currents of thought of European origin; certain reluctances, within movements, to enter into the autonomy debate; autonomy as a category of analysis, and the facets through which it is expressed both explicitly and implicitly in the practice of organizations; and, finally, autonomy as a proposal and strategy of struggle for the larger Latin American peasant movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a forum on Latin American praxis. Topics include queer theory's conceptions of the body and sexuality, the associations between sexuality, the body and genitality that are typical of both queer and nonqueer Anglo-European criticism, and the activism of the Galán Family which is a transgender movement in Bolivia.

The main goal of this article is to examine the theoretical-methodological perspectives of the study of social movements, internet and social network sites from 1997 to 2017, where we identified the academic texts, exploring how the studies have evolved during two decades and the research approach from a sociocultural perspective with the aim of having a panorama of challenges in the future about research in social movements, internet and social network sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article maps the main historical traditions and contemporary debates in the field of alternative and community communication in the European and US contexts, and compares these research frameworks with Latin American theory with the aim of finding similarities and differences. Based on comparative research and critical literature review, this work raises the need for building bridges between European research and the long tradition of Latin American studies in order to strengthen an interdisciplinary and interregional dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream views for the study of democracy and of democracy in Latin America tend to center around a restricted model of democratic systems, which decides to ignore the wider social environment in which they exist. This article seeks to contribute toward a more sociological understanding of democracy and democratization in Latin America and the world. It does that through a review of structuralist and neo-structuralist theories of democracy and of Latin American democracy, which is put in dialogue and confrontation with mainstream political science views of democracy and more recent critical views of really existing democracy. From that exercise the article proposes what it calls a historical-structuralist view of Latin American democracy based on looking at the interaction of social structures, political institutions, and sociopolitical actors, to understand its democratic systems as determined by the possession or lack of sociopolitical power through resources within the inequalities of capitalist and global structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a land of devastating earthquakes, Chile experienced a tremor of historical proportions on 18 October 2019 when thousands of protestors flooded the streets and squares of this long and narrow South American country. It became known as the 'estallido social' - the social explosion. The protests reflected mass discontent with the political and financial elite - and its strong grip on the commercial mainstream media. This paper examines the media's coverage of the social explosion and argues that it was essentially designed to defend the privileges of the country's elite and criminalise the Chileans' demands for social change and justice. It also highlights the distinctive role played by the alternative media in challenging the consensus of the corporate media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How and why do political parties, seemingly focused on electoral politics, also mobilise within contentious arenas? Drawing on qualitative research with a centreleft Argentine party called Nuevo Encuentro (NE) in the city of Buenos Aires this paper demonstrates the importance of a geographical reading of "movement parties" for responding to this question. Specifically, the paper analyses NE's territorialisation, understood as a strategy for organisation building via the political appropriation of space, typically by opening branches and mobilising activists in neighbourhoods. Between 2007 and 2019 NE's strategy of territorialisation mobilised across multiple scales--the neighbourhood, city and national--yet in so doing its organisation became overstretched and struggled to engage across both contentious and electoral arenas. Through an analysis of NE's territorialisation, grounded in the historical and geographical context of contemporary Argentina, the paper provides an original attempt to spatialise the concept of movement party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by Paulo's Freire's popular education for adults and liberation theology's 'option for the poor', Leitura Popular da Bíblia (LPB) was pioneered among poor urban and rural communities throughout Latin America. It emphasised participatory methodologies, critical thinking and community solutions to problems interpreted as political. Importantly, in its early phase, it accompanied and was inserted into revolutionary political and social movements. This article addresses the methodology of LPB and asks critical questions about the notion of 'popular' deployed by some liberation theologies. It problematises the community-based presentation of popular in LPB and asks how LPB can transgress its traditional spaces - favelas, factories, student unions - into newly politicised territories that root emancipatory practices in gender, race and (inter-)religious experiences. The article draws on insights from the experiences of LPB currently used in popular movements in Brazil and Latin America, and considers the wider implications for LPB in light of changing popular experiences and changing practices in revolutionary political and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the organizational structure of a social movement affects the tactics it is likely to adopt. Hybrid movements gained prominence at the start of the twenty-first century. Like movements of the past, they protested on the streets; but unlike the movements of the past, they also acted like interest groups by lobbying government over policy. Considered through the lens of traditional scholarship, this phenomenon presents a puzzle. Loose networks of activists are thought to be good at contentious politics but incapable of negotiating with government. By contrast, federations of interest groups are seen to be good at insider lobbying but subject to co-optation. This article theorizes the middle ground between social movements and interest groups by proposing a third structure for social movement organizing, the federative coalition, which incorporates some of the advantages of hierarchy while avoiding some of its pitfalls. The article illustrates this argument through a case study of Brazil’s AIDS movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the centrality in the study of the peasantry in Latin America, for various disciplines, this category is still bound to static images of a group defined according to the State and capital. In this article, we explain the need to study the situated reality -- historically, geographically and politically -- of the individuals and groups that fit into this category of the peasantry. The issue concerning peasants is a pressing one in view of the current economic, political and socio-environmental crisis affecting large sectors of the Latin American population. This crisis is due, among other dynamics, to the advance of extractivism, the exacerbation of inequality, environmental deterioration, the dispossession of marginalized communities, and criminalization of the social movement. In order to further the critical analysis of this issue, from a historical, spatial, relational, and political perspective, we will delve into recent conceptualizations of the peasant, and into how political subjects and spatialities are mutually constructed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The agrarian question is multidimensional, multiscale and involves both moments of conflict, as well as conflict. The agrarian question is also part of the paradigmatic debate - Paradigm of the Agrarian Question and Paradigm of Agrarian Capitalism - in which both propose development models for the agrarian space. Since the 1990s, the Latin American agrarian space has been the target of the expansion of neoliberal policies that encourage agribusiness based on the production of commodities for export. At the same time, the peasantry and other traditional peoples of Latin America are organized into socio-territorial movements and promote counter-hegemonic development practices, ordered by popular land reform, agroecology, food sovereignty, rural education, among others. These development models are in conflict and in constant conflict, shaping the Latin American agrarian space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Religião e Sociedade is the property of Instituto de Estudos da Religiao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/context: In recent decades, international norms were created in Latin America to promote differentiated treatment of Afro-descendants. This article analyzes the interaction between transnational social movements, state institutions and international organizations in the approval and adoption of some of these international norms: the Santiago Declaration, the Durban Declaration and the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance by the Organization of American States (OAS). Methodology: The information came from interviews conducted with social leaders, public officials and officials of international, the memories of these actors' speeches at international events, and United Nations, World Bank and OAS documentation. The information was organized and interpreted to delve the participation of each actor in the configuration of international norms for Afro-descendants. Conclusions: The main findings indicate that the specifics of the dynamic relations between those three actors (social movements, state actors and international officials) have triggered the configuration of international norms for Afro-descendants in Latin America. Originality: This findings adds up to previous research that have studied the interactions between Afro-descendant social movements at the national and international level, the effects of international Afro-descendant policy at the domestic level, and the interactions between the state and social movements at the national level. In this scenario, this article offers empirical evidence that has not been considered to contribute to the discussion of the construction of international norms for Afro-descendants, and to deepen the analysis of the impact of Afro-descendant mobilization at transnational level and the role of state and international officials in the construction of norms beyond national borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses a media sociology approach to untangle how multiple influences shape the way journalists cover left- and right-leaning protests on social media. Several studies have investigated how reporters portray social movements, finding that news marginalizes protestors by focusing on spectacle and violent tactics to the detriment of their ideas. In this study, we turn to journalists' Twitter accounts to analyze if these patterns are transferred to social media, as predicted by the literature on normalization of new affordances. Through a mixed methodology matching survey and social media data from 466 Brazilian journalists who tweeted about protests in 2013 and 2015, results revealed individual attitudes predicted coverage, indicating that social media was a space for personal, not professional, expression. Contrary to the literature, findings show that social media portrayals were more legitimizing during the left-leaning demonstrations than during the right-leaning elite-driven one. As a result, marginalizing patterns of protest coverage were challenged, not replicated, on Twitter. These findings suggest a limitation of the theory of normalization to explain how global journalists use social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most scholars working on resistance and decolonisation in Latin America and the Caribbean are familiar with the Zapatistas, far fewer have afforded committed attention to the parallel Maya land rights struggle and autonomous social movement in the region. Notably, a movement that is currently advancing in both Central America and the Caribbean, namely, Belize—a former colony of the British Crown. Accordingly, this piece offers a summary of the struggle of the Qʼeqchiʼ and Mopan Maya communities of Toledo District, Southern Belize. More specifically, it introduces readers to the Maya Leaders Alliance (MLA)—an ever-evolving grassroots coalition of Maya organisations, land defenders, and human rights activists that comprise the movement. We start by illustrating the current context of heightened tension that exists between the Maya and the state, and then share an overview of the movement's political aims and programme of activities in the face of the historical, structural, and ongoing colonial forces the Maya are up against. Ultimately, this profile will demonstrate how Maya communities in Belize are practising 'non-metaphorical decolonisation' and engendering 'Indigenous resurgence' whilst mobilising for land, dignity, and a peaceful future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains variation in the emergence of college student protests in Latin America? This study uses an original dataset of 4,700 college student protests to carry out a systematic analysis of student mobilization in the region. This article tests three hypotheses based on two distinct but complementary explanations. The political explanation argues that stronger organizational linkages with ruling parties have a demobilizing effect, while the explanation based on grievances claims that increases in enrollments and private expenditures promote mobilization. Regression analyses are used to tests these claims. Increased private spending does not affect mobilization, while expanded access to college does increase the frequency of protests. To gauge the effect of party linkages, two student-party linkages scores, based on an expert survey, are used. The findings show that stronger linkages with ruling parties lower protest frequency whereas linkages with the opposition do not have a significant effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the phenomenon of globalization, which has resulted in the exclusion of entire peoples and their cultures, Pope Francis has proposed a pastoral geopolitics that is in keeping with the spirit of Vatican II and Latin American theology. Today's poor are not only the individually poor, but also "poor-peoples" (pueblos-pobres). Francis's pastoral geopolitics seeks to identify the new historical processes being formed on the peripheries, such as social movements for democratic and inclusive societies, processes that the Church should encourage by valuing and incarnating itself in poor-peoples' "cultures." His structural option for the poor brings together ecclesiology, geopolitics, and evangelization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, it is difficult to win approval for policies that allow induced abortion and same-sex marriage. Social movements face more obstacles in promoting these policies than in promoting other gender and LGBTQ policies because abortion and same-sex marriage are particularly contentious issues. These policies involve doctrinal or countercultural topics, and supporters of these legislative changes must confront groups that mobilize to block these reform efforts (Blofield 2006; Corrales 2015; Díez 2015; Friedman 2019; Grzymała-Busse 2015; Htun 2003). Yet in the period following democratic transitions, some Latin American countries successfully liberalized their legislation concerning abortion and marriage equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study presents an overview of the theoretical development and main lines of research regarding international communication. To this end, the emergence of communication in the structuring of power has been analysed with regard to four areas (hard, soft, sharp power, and the strategic narrative). The critical perspective has been reviewed as well as Anglo-Saxon dominance of the subject using evidence from France, Germany, and Latin America. Five main lines of future research have been forecast, the first of which involves strengthening the theoretical and methodological bases with interdisciplinary methods; the nature and characteristics of the international journalist (journalist versus fake news); the handling of populist communication when confronting political globalisation with leaders who challenge the conventional journalistic ethos; the analysis of structures and global information systems in the face of a multifaceted scenario with less "CNN effect" than expected, along with a dynamic situation of constant propagandistic innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout Latin America, the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Queer (LGBTQ) and abortion rights movements have progressed at divergent strengths and speeds, with significant variation among countries. The region is home to some of the most restrictive and discriminatory laws when it comes to these contentious issues. This Note explores some of the reasons behind the variation in LGBTQ and abortion rights throughout the region. This Note traces the economic and political history of Latin America to illustrate the climate in which these social movements are operating. Further, this Note offers a brief snapshot of recent global developments in LGBTQ and abortion rights, paying close attention to how the United Nations and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights define and protect said rights. This Note provides a case study on the LGBTQ and abortion rights movements within Argentina, Uruguay, and El Salvador because these countries exemplify the immense variation in laws concerning LGBTQ rights and reproductive rights throughout Latin America. By extrapolating lessons from each country, this Note creates a "transnational toolkit" for law and policy change, which can be adopted and adapted to fit each country's unique socioeconomic and political climate. If applied effectively, the toolkit can help bring abortion rights up to speed with LGBTQ rights in Latin America and establish uniformity in human rights across the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under conditions of neoliberal globalisation, feminisms have been increasingly engaged in cross-movement mobilisations with non-feminist others around common struggles. In this article, we document the emergence of cross-movement mobilisation in Latin America around a new political axis: that of food sovereignty, and its specifically feminist aspects and effects. Deploying Foucault-inspired genealogical studies anchored in the World March of Women (WMW), we situate the feminist embrace and resignification of the discourse of food sovereignty within two larger historic processes in Latin America since the 1990s: (1) re-orientations in Latin American popular feminism; and (2) intensifying cross-movement collaboration, and connect both to an emerging transnational counter-hegemonic project of the 'global left' in the region in which food sovereignty became a central plank with significant feminist content. Conceptualising food sovereignty as a discourse reveals it as a site of power/knowledge and resistance in ways that do not appear in conventional social movement approaches nor through activist auto-ethnographic accounts. Throughout, we argue for the value of a genealogical approach and consider its implications for the field of social movement studies, including for the concept of cross-movement mobilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relevance of militant ethnography as a collaborative and politically engaged form of knowledge production for the study of Latin American social movements. Drawing on my militant ethnographic research with four autonomous groups from Chile and Mexico, the article presents a reflective account of my experience as a militant researcher throughout the different stages of the inquiry. More specifically, I describe the ethical and methodological procedures carried out in the field and their importance in fostering collaboration and horizontality. Furthermore, I discuss the challenges of conducting militant ethnography within Latin American autonomous movements whilst pursuing doctoral studies in a European university and an English-speaking country. Finally, by acknowledging the tensions resulting from my multiple and entangled roles, I suggest an alternative route to militant research that challenges the temporalities and spatialities of traditional research designs and proposes an ongoing process of collaboration and solidarity in the post-fieldwork stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of a research which studies the modalities of power and the struggle for human rights in episodes of extreme violence carried out by members of criminal organizations linked to criminal economies against residents of popular neighborhoods of Rosario city. In the first place I analyze the relations of citizenship, power and resistance in the contemporary stage of capitalism in Latin America, for whose understanding I consider that the notions of the traditional models of Modernity are at least insufficient; that is the reason why I turn to other perspectives which, from different disciplines of Social Scienses, incorporate new inteligibilities, such as Michel Foucault's approach to the question of power, with his conceptions of biopower, biopolitics and govemmentability, and the contribution of Giorgio Agamben, who resumes them as keys for the interpretation of Western politics. Then I focus the murder of Mercedes Delgado in 2013 in Ludueña neighborhood (Rosario), which had a large social and political repercussion and contributed to draw attention and put in the public agenda the social conflicts sociales which affect other neighborhoods as well. In this analysis I emphasize the value of the testimonies of relatives and neighbors. Finally, I explore how the strategies of social movements and human rights activists were constructed and the practices of public servants for the access to justice and the struggle against impunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Exposed by Fukuyama the thesis of the end of history, a group of intellectuals dedicated efforts to demonstrate under the circumstances, the validity of Marxism. With a neo-Marxist vision, going to the 1844 Paris manuscripts, they validated the humanist side of Marxism, highlighting the thought of Antonio Gramsci. Therefore, adopting the analysis of political discourse, in a qualitative and descriptive manner, the theoretical characteristics and foundation of neo-Marxism and cultural revolution will be approached from a teleological perspective as a guide that marks the Latin American revolutionary process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the debate concerning the reasons for the emergence of revolutionary movements in Latin America in the post‐Cold War period. It uses the example of the Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo (EPP, Paraguayan People's Army) to question the hypothesis by McClintock that, whereas political factors were the principal cause of such movements during the Cold War, economic factors have dominated since then. After reviewing the structural context in which the EPP emerged, as well as its history, strategy and ideology, the article offers a contemporary understanding of the insurgency, examines its relevance to the debate about the prospects for revolution in post‐Cold War Latin America and proposes a reformulation of McClintock's hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces out the changing forms of the resistance associated with each advance in the capitalist development of the forces of production over the course of the neoliberal era in Latin America. The central argument is that the resistance to the forces of agrarian change and capitalist development over the past three decades has been mobilised by a succession of social movements, whose dynamics and changing forms can best be understood in terms of Marxist class theory. The central focus of the paper is on the current dynamics of the class struggle on the expanding frontier of extractive capital in South America in the context of what has been described as a 'progressive cycle' in Latin American politics – a cycle that to all appearances is coming to an end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)