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In the face of perceived injustice, a huge number of intense anti-World Cup movements took place throughout almost every host city from June 2013 to July 2014 in Brazil. Over a million Brazilians joined anti-World Cup protests in more than 100 cities throughout Brazil in early July 2013, and this civil resistance lasted until the beginning of the World Cup. After the Cup, a number of violent protests in Rio de Janeiro against the 2016 Olympics occurred as well, and these produced far more controversy over the event. This study examines the emergence of social movements against the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games held in Brazil. Despite the importance of the subject, there has been a scarcity of literature addressing networked social movements in Brazil that opposed mega-sporting events and how this relates to theoretical debates about differentiated citizenship and the right to the city. To fill this gap, this article aims to explore the characteristics of protests. Drawing on an analysis of archival sources and interviews conducted during fieldwork in Brazil, this study shows that such demonstrations can be best seen as “networked social movements” that had been struggling for the asymmetric distribution of rights around the neoliberal mega-events. These networked social movements entailed the characteristics of the right-tothe-city movements that intended to subvert the social systems of differentiated citizenship in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an overview of the rise of Bolsonarismo in Brazil, a far-right movement associated with former President Jair Bolsonaro. It discusses the unique historical roots of the movement and its connection to global far-right forces. The article also examines the formation of Brazil's new right, which defends exclusionary inequalities and conservative values, and utilizes information technologies to spread disinformation. It highlights the role of various actors, such as the military, evangelicals, and agribusiness, in the consolidation of Bolsonarismo. The article argues that while there are global influences, it is important to understand Bolsonarismo as a phenomenon with solid local foundations. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the rise of an anti-gender movement in Brazil and its impact on gender studies and academic freedom. The movement gained momentum with the election of far-right politician Jair Bolsonaro, who targeted universities and promoted an ideology against gender studies. Despite these challenges, there has been resistance and scholarship production within universities. Brazilian universities have undergone significant changes in the past two decades, with the expansion of public universities and the implementation of quotas for marginalized groups. The controversy surrounding Judith Butler's talks served as a focal point for both the right and the left, with the right using it to mobilize their movement and the left using it to expose attacks against feminist, gender, and queer studies. While the far-right discourse has created a challenging climate for teaching and debating these topics, there is also a growing resistance and mobilization to defend gender studies. Brazil is a country with a strong tradition of fighting for democracy, but also extreme polarization. The movement represented by Bolsonaro is likely to reorganize, but there is a new generation of younger people who are expressing themselves and advocating for feminism and LGBTQIA+ rights. The resistance to ongoing assaults on gender studies and the visibility of these movements suggest that support for queer and gender studies is growing in Brazil. [Extracted from the article]

This article proposes a debate anchored in a dialogue between concepts of insurgent planning and humane urbanism and the idea of a subaltern urbanism through the lens of a critical reflection on the role of city-building professionals. The paper explores the idea of an insurgent urbanism as a collaborative praxis of city design and development that arises from the protagonism of marginalised communities and the accumulative knowledge of social movements, activists and scholars. It focuses on three different learning dimensions based on the experience of teaching/research actions developed at a self-organised squat in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil between 2018 and 2022. Dialoguing with ideas of social learning, it shows that these practices have created a relevant exchange of different types of knowledge and have contributed to the development of other solutions that challenge the hegemonic and neoliberal city production and can therefore be seen as alternatives for the development of more egalitarian and imaginative futures that expand beyond the context of squats in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a written dialogue among four activists from the Emancipa Popular Education Movement in Brazil, following the principles of Freirean pedagogy as a 'circle of culture'. It delves into how popular knowledge can be experienced as popular power, narrating the history, struggles, and strategies employed by the Emancipa movement in their pursuit of democratizing Brazilian universities. The discussion is set within the context of Latin American structural inequalities and the issue of educational exclusion in Brazil. It emphasizes the vital role of contesting culture and knowledge as part of the movement's fight against social injustices perpetuated by peripheral capitalism, including racist violence and gender oppression. The paper adopts emancipatory pedagogy as the method to empower and mobilize grassroots efforts in this transformative endeavour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis of utopia is an evil that has been installed for a long time, in a general way and particularly in Brazil, which has dragged down not only the social movements inherited from the past, but also those that wanted to emerge in such a bleak picture. This was the product of problems inherent to such groups, but fundamentally it was caused by the establishment of neoliberal hegemony, which will carry out a titanic effort to subjectify its predicates. Through this, it will crystallize its rationality as the only possible order, thus preventing the construction of a utopian horizon that can overcome it. A phenomenon that we will break down taking the Brazilian case as a witness, with a current approach but that takes up elements of the past in brushstrokes, on which we will weave our theoretical argument, showing how its introjection was central to building a warp of enormous consistency that imprisons most of the actors and movements that can constitute an alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, the land has been an important issue in driving political and social change since the end of the 15th century, when European conquistadores began their colonial rule, to the present. The purpose of this study is to examine the changing meaning of land, by looking at cases of the Latin America's most representative rural social movements, i.e. EZLN in Mexico and MST in Brazil. In particular, this study distinguishes two currents of environmentalism in Latin America: elitist environmentalism and grassroots environmentalism. The former understands nature as a natural resource that can be developed or nature that needs to be preserved from a human-centric point of view, based on the ‘modern Western view of nature.’The latter understands the environment from the perspective of 'socio-nature', which is not simply a nature that is used and appreciated by human beings, but a more-than-human ecological space, that is, a space where humans and nature coexist. In this context, the meaning of land demanded by Mexico's EZLN and Brazil's MST can be better understood from the perspective of grassroots environmentalism. Both the EZLN and the MST call for land reform, which is not limited to the sense that land is arable land in the economic and social sense that must be secured for capitalist production in the process of agricultural modernisation or under a globalised system of agricultural production. Rather, their demand for land is closely related to the demand for productive justice that can sustain a human life through alternative modes of production, rather than the current mainstream model of development, and the demand for recognition of the political space(territory) that can determine these alternative modes of production and ways of life. Thus, land in these movements can be understood as territory as a political and ecological space for alternative development, beyond the meaning of economic and social arable land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2005, Brazil's "pro-life" movement has increasingly invested in efforts to promote recognition of the juridical personhood of the "unborn," making it a key vehicle to advance its political vision and mobilize its constituents. The agenda has crystallized most clearly around various legislative proposals to institute a so-called Statute of the Unborn (Estatuto do Nascituro), which would effectively recognize fetuses and embryos as full citizens in the country, codifying rights that would trump those of other juridical subjects, particularly women. In this article, we offer a genealogy of this recent turn in pro-life activism, situating it at the nexus of shifting national and transnational political and organizational networks. In doing so, we build on a feminist literature linking constructions of fetal personhood with the diffusion of reproductive technologies, understanding these broadly to include not just biomedical technologies but also technologies of reproductive governance. Drawing on archival research, we begin by tracing how Brazilian antiabortion activists' historic articulation with transnational pro-life, "pro-family" networks facilitated their appropriation of transnational technologies of reproductive governance, contributing directly to their current strategic prioritization of the juridical rights and personhood of the unborn. We then explore the contours of national debates on the matter through an analysis of various bills to codify these, introduced to the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies since 1978. We pay particular attention to debates surrounding the proposed statute, underscoring its resonance with broader social movement strategies associated with identity politics and vulnerable groups in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article examines the overlapping political, social and rhetorical functions of the category of “mother” in various contexts related to the January 2013 Boate Kiss fire in Santa Maria, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Supported by theories of social suffering and ethnographies of violence, as well as poststructuralist notions of identity and gender, the analysis focuses on the medium-transcribed letters, newspaper articles, journalistic nonfiction, and social media posts related to two social movements that would coalesce among the affected in the tragedy’s aftermath: collectives for justice and groups ascribing to Kardecist Spiritism, both inscribed within the regional and national history of mothers in movements. Attending to gender also highlights the long-term political import of then-president Dilma Rousseff's emblematic visit to Santa Maria on the day of the tragedy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emissions trading and nature‐based solutions, particularly REDD+, have lent themselves to the critical literature on the "socioecological fix" in neoliberal capital accumulation and state regulation. Prone to reversals, land conflict, and leakage, these mechanisms displace the burden of carbon emissions reductions to global South countries, promote new green commodities, and thus increase rather than curb the chance of capital accumulations by big polluters. Studies of existing REDD+ projects register the privatisation of forest management on the one hand and "aidification" on the other, suggesting impediments to fully commodifying forest carbon ranging from social movement resistance to technical issues. This case study of Brazil's national Amazon Fund points to global South protagonism in constructing and negotiating REDD+, challenging Northern and market hegemonies. Progressive Southern actors use the political space of the fix to defend rural communities' territorial rights and demand resources in line with historic responsibilities and climate justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over 2015–2016, high school students in Brazil occupied hundreds of schools across the country. Students fought to keep public schools open, funded, and functional, against outsourcing and privatisation, and in solidarity with teachers' trade unions and strikes. The 'primavera secundarista' ('student spring') was the most significant school student movement since the struggles against the military dictatorship (1964–1988). This paper firstly addresses the political dynamics of the primavera secundarista. Secondly, it discusses the movement's educational practices, which flourished in the months that students occupied their schools. Thirdly, it discusses the forms of community and solidarity that students built with other social actors and how they each learnt from this. In doing so, the paper builds on the work of Aziz Choudry and other scholars of social movement learning to argue that such student movements are prime sites of counter-hegemonic knowledge production and dissemination. Shown through the Brazilian high school occupations, the paper highlights how student movements are unusual in being situated in formal epistemic institutions, and yet are not widely recognised, especially in high schools, as blending formal and informal learning to produce and share knowledge-from-below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reflect on education, in its relationship with human rights, taking as a reference the experience of the Sex Workers Movement in Brazil. In methodological and epistemological terms, this is a study with a qualitative approach, which has as its starting point the reflections and textures built from studies on prostitution, sex work and the movement of sex workers. This way, searches were carried out, surveys of studies and reviews of works on the theme addressed in order to contribute to the theoretical foundation of this study. Furthermore, it was part of the methodology to consider the narratives and voices of the interlocutors of the present study as a fundamental part of the data analysis. The discussion presented here intends to problematize the discussions, questions and reflections about education, human right, and the Sex Workers Movement, pointing out, that this Movement is also configured as a Social Movement building other ways of doing education, a historical task that proposes a political-educational praxis since the battle. In this way, it is legitimized that the knowledge built within the Sex Workers Movement shed light and point to unprecedented-viable ways to build a more diverse world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to outline a historical reconstitution of the configuration process of the field of popular education in Brazil, comprising its trajectory and its theoretical-conceptual development from the 1950s to the present day. This is a study with a qualitative approach built from bibliographical research with a descriptive characteristic, which was based on the narrative type review modality. As a result, different experiences, and historical moments of popular education in Brazil are characterized, for example: a) from the genesis to the process of disarticulation; b) the intensification of repression resulting from the civil-military dictatorship to the spread of practices across different sectors; c) from the emergence of new guidelines to the reinvention of the field of popular education; d) from political achievements to institutional challenges. Next, an attempt is made to outline a possible characterization of what popular education is in its multiplicity of perspectives. Finally, it is concluded that, in addition to understanding popular education as a political-pedagogical practice, understandings of this as a theory, a field of knowledge construction, an organized civil society movement, and public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to characterise the relationship between civil society and mining in Minas Gerais, Brazil, between 2000 and 2020 by observing the actions of three different groups in resisting the expansion of mining. The analysis points to the existence of a plurality of forms of engagement, organisation and ways of establishing relations between civil society and the state and the market. It also reveals tension between different ways of framing the mining problem by civil society, of posing this problem publicly and establishing ways to confront it. Three sets of actors are identified: (i) environmental NGOs, who are market-oriented; (ii) groups with looser ties who are more radical; and (iii) social movements aligned with the identities of a state-orientated traditional left. My analysis suggests that the divergence in framing the context by these three different groups hinders the construction of a substantive public debate on the mining issue in Brazil. The article is divided into three parts. First, it briefly outlines the process of mining expansion in Brazil, starting in the mid-2000s, highlighting its economic impact. Second, it considers the relationship between civil society articulation and deliberation. Third, it characterises the constitution of these different civil society groups who have established interactions with market and state actors that fostered this expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In environmental politics, social movements play a crucial role, promoting participatory rights and confronting injustice, inequality, and the interests of the powerful. This article examines an underexplored topic in the literature on social movements, especially in Latin America: the use of litigation to force decisionmakers to comply with participatory formats, specifically in the course of opposition to hydroelectric dams. These projects often are destructive to the local environment and communities. This study examines four cases of environmental litigation that halted dam construction in Brazil and Chile, singling out causal pathways for successful collective action. It focuses on two dimensions of movement success: the implementation of participatory formats and the resulting cancellation of dam projects. In line with the joint effect model of social movement theory, the cross-case comparison of legal disputes shows that pursuing legal strategies in parallel to broad social mobilization and the support of institutional allies, can lead to successful outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reflect on education, in its relationship with human rights, taking as a reference the experience of the Sex Workers Movement in Brazil. In methodological and epistemological terms, this is a study with a qualitative approach, which has as its starting point the reflections and textures built from studies on prostitution, sex work and the movement of sex workers. This way, searches were carried out, surveys of studies and reviews of works on the theme addressed in order to contribute to the theoretical foundation of this study. Furthermore, it was part of the methodology to consider the narratives and voices of the interlocutors of the present study as a fundamental part of the data analysis. The discussion presented here intends to problematize the discussions, questions and reflections about education, human right, and the Sex Workers Movement, pointing out, that this Movement is also configured as a Social Movement building other ways of doing education, a historical task that proposes a political-educational praxis since the battle. In this way, it is legitimized that the knowledge built within the Sex Workers Movement shed light and point to unprecedented-viable ways to build a more diverse world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to outline a historical reconstitution of the configuration process of the field of popular education in Brazil, comprising its trajectory and its theoretical-conceptual development from the 1950s to the present day. This is a study with a qualitative approach built from bibliographical research with a descriptive characteristic, which was based on the narrative type review modality. As a result, different experiences, and historical moments of popular education in Brazil are characterized, for example: a) from the genesis to the process of disarticulation; b) the intensification of repression resulting from the civil-military dictatorship to the spread of practices across different sectors; c) from the emergence of new guidelines to the reinvention of the field of popular education; d) from political achievements to institutional challenges. Next, an attempt is made to outline a possible characterization of what popular education is in its multiplicity of perspectives. Finally, it is concluded that, in addition to understanding popular education as a political-pedagogical practice, understandings of this as a theory, a field of knowledge construction, an organized civil society movement, and public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jörg Nowak's book, "Mass Strikes and Social Movements in Brazil and India: Popular Mobilisation in the Long Depression," challenges Eurocentric perspectives on class struggle and labor movements. Nowak examines mass strikes in Brazil and India, highlighting the ways in which workers came together and fractured apart in their struggles. He proposes a new theory of strikes that goes beyond traditional trade unions and workplace-focused organizing. The book also explores the politics of knowledge production and the role of the researcher in shaping the narrative. Nowak's research sheds light on the violence and power dynamics within workers' movements and challenges assumptions about migrant workers' participation in labor action. The book concludes by discussing the larger implications of these strikes and the rise of right-wing authoritarianism in both countries. Overall, this book is a significant and essential read for those interested in contemporary labor movements. [Extracted from the article]

How do women who have faced housing instability interpret and set up strategies to access housing? This article reflects on biographical narrative interviews conducted with women who have experienced compulsory housing removal and with women who were living in squats organized by social movements in the city of Porto Alegre, Southern Brazil. These interviews were further analysed through the use of the biographical case reconstruction method. This method aims to comprehend the interviewees' past and present perspectives on experiences of struggle related to housing, and its connection to individual and family stories and broader socio-historical processes. The two cases discussed in this article show that to access formal housing through social policy, not rarely women confront socially and politically legitimate discourses and practices by adopting strategies beyond legal or formal means. The selected cases have demonstrated distinct perspectives on similar conditions, revealing that women who have faced housing instability can interpret and experience the consequent processes of temporariness and of changing geographical and social ties in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this book, Jessica Rich introduces a new pattern of state-society relations, which she calls civic corporatism: when state actors help civil society organizations to mobilize relatively autonomous political advocacy coalitions. I State-Sponsored Activism: Bureaucrats and Social Movements in Democratic Brazil i provides a new theoretical and empirical account of why Brazil's AIDS movement endured despite these abovementioned perils. Since the 1980s, the HIV/AIDS epidemic has fostered serious political and public health challenges, such as the prohibitive cost of antiretrovirals (ARVs) due to highly protectionist intellectual property regimes. [Extracted from the article]

Behind the conjunctural growth of popular economies in Brazilian cities lies a set of entangled disputes over urban density with important political consequences. While popular economic agents are repressed by local governments, informal work hired through digital platforms grows exponentially and engenders new precarious forms of assembling labour relations in, and extracting value from, global South cities. The contrasts and indirect relations between digital platforms and popular economic agents are important in understanding the growth of platforms, which hinges on accessing low‐wage workers whose attempts to make an independent living are otherwise prohibited. This dynamic has resulted in the political mobilisation of popular economy agents and their alliances with urban social movements. Through this paper, I examine how their networking and particular disputes for a right to the city hold potential for the emergence of other economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the expansion of the public sphere to the virtual space and the appropriation of the internet by social movements, this paper seeks to analyze which representations are put into circulation in the public space, through the Landless Movement (MST) website on Landless solidarity, which involve the donation and production of food, during the Covid-19 pandemic, in the period of August 2020. It is supported by the Theory of Social Representations, Content Analysis, and the study of the main symbolic utterances of discourse. It concludes that the circulated representations of Landless solidarity create new meanings about the importance of agrarian reform and the MST in Brazil and its role in the fight against hunger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Music has a relevant presence in the religious service of churches and evangelical groups in Brazil. This article, based on qualitative research, presents the potentials of musical activity. Conversion in one of them, whereas gospel music, as a category registered in Brazil since the 1990s, comprises the appropriation of secular sound styles. This modality also stands out for initiatives aimed at reflecting on race and gender inequalities, is part of a scenario characterized by the use of current categories in social movements. The musical activities addressed end up supporting public tensions related to positions about religious guidelines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aims to analyze the practices of youth and adult education of social movements related to land in Brazil, the MST (Movement of Landless Rural Workers) and in Colombia, the CNA (Coordinador Nacional Agrario), based on the thematization of multiple historical, social, political and cultural determinations present in the Latin American context and popular education practices committed to the emancipation of subjects. For this, a survey of bibliographic productions on the Brazilian and Colombian context was carried out, as well as a survey of documents from Latin American bodies to understand the dynamics of structuring social movements, as well as the way in which it was constituted over the years until nowadays. As a theoretical basis, Critical School Psychology with a Marxist base is used from historical-dialectical materialism. That said, what is shown is that in moments of disruption of public policies with the neoliberal advance, social movements play a fundamental role in the educational social struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work comprehensively analyzes the action of popular libraries as an instrument of social transformation, in the light of the ideas of Paulo Freire. Through a bibliographic study, it proposes the conception of a community library based on a lecture that gave rise to the book "The importance of the act of reading", experiences carried out by the author in São Tomé and Príncipe. The debate starts from the assumption that the structuring of a popular library has its origins in social movements, whose intention is to promote the social inclusion of subjects considered marginalized in the educational system. The proposal intends to implement and maintain a community library in partnership with the local community, supporting community activities and serving as a public space for gathering, information, leisure, learning and local memory, the so-called cultural circles. Finally, it highlights the remarkable influence of Freire thought as an educator of ethical, political and critical awareness in the literacy process in Brazil, and, consequently, relevant to the interdisciplinary area of community librarianship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work comprehensively analyzes the action of popular libraries as an instrument of social transformation, in the light of the ideas of Paulo Freire. Through a bibliographic study, it proposes the conception of a community library based on a lecture that gave rise to the book "The importance of the act of reading", experiences carried out by the author in São Tomé and Príncipe. The debate starts from the assumption that the structuring of a popular library has its origins in social movements, whose intention is to promote the social inclusion of subjects considered marginalized in the educational system. The proposal intends to implement and maintain a community library in partnership with the local community, supporting community activities and serving as a public space for gathering, information, leisure, learning and local memory, the so-called cultural circles. Finally, it highlights the remarkable influence of Freire thought as an educator of ethical, political and critical awareness in the literacy process in Brazil, and, consequently, relevant to the interdisciplinary area of community librarianship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text is the translation of an interview given by Brazilian anthropologist, professor, and Brazilian Black Movement activist Lélia Gonzalez (1935–1994) at the beginning of the 1980s. Gonzalez, who is today enthusiastically incorporated into the academic anthropology after decades of silence in Brazil, exposes here some of the particularities of her stunning life itinerary. She has challenged Brazilian social theory by bringing forward the need for an approach that considers race, gender, and coloniality, and has worked towards an open dialogue with Latin American realities, including Brazil's. Her contribution has been recognized as essential by public intellectuals such as Angela Davis, and her reemergence has to do with the growing demand of decolonizing the Brazilian Academy, issued by the Black movement and other social movements in the country. The translation, having Brazilian Portuguese as the language of origin, has been made by anthropologists, social scientists, and translators from the RECânone Community Project, linking the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte and the University of Brasília, both public centers of higher education in the country. Translators added notes aiming to help a non-Brazilian audience understand the racial, social, and cultural context where Gonzalez produced her academic and activist work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to discuss the severe economic and social impacts caused in the region by the development model in place as well as proposals for transformation advanced by different Latin American social movements. This is not a scholarly article, but rather a set of reflections gained from extensive reading and years of political activism carried out in Brazil, in the region, and worldwide. Nor is this article exhaustive; rather it consists of ideas that may contribute to the debate surrounding the right to development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is liberation theology dead or in decline? This article analyzes factors that have led to that perception and provides evidence to the contrary. It demonstrates that the theology has survived multiple attempts by certain sectors of both church and state to eliminate it, and that it remains very much alive in grassroots pastoral programs and social movements. Support for this last statement is provided by the author's field research in Brazil. The article concludes with signs that liberation theology will endure as it continues to inspire spiritually motivated people who commit themselves to addressing human needs by promoting social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements are made of groups of people who share the same territory, collective identities and organize themselves in a democratic and dialogic manner. From these, health care productions integrated with local realities emerge and Paraiba is historically recognized as the cradle of these actions, especially those with theoretical-methodological orientation of Popular Health Education. This research aimed to highlight the history of these groups and their subjects, recording their experiences. To this end, we resorted to a study with a qualitative approach and descriptive character, proceeded by 26 individual semi-structured interviews with social actors, from which the personal and collective historical landmarks of these subjects were extracted and systematized for the construction of a timeline. It was observed that in the period referring to the Military Dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985), many of the experiences were articulated by sectors of the Catholic Church. In other periods, the articulations were carried out by unions and minority groups, popular communities and students, with the Landless Workers' Movement (MST) being the most expressive group present in the trajectories. In this way, the substrate produced will be configured as a collection for other researches, as well as being useful in disseminating the memory of the groups and their historical contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note seeks to update our understanding of the factors that influence shifts in social movement strategies. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, I assess the role of crisis in whether and how social movements reshape their strategies and perhaps redefine their fight for the right to the city. Though previous research has shown the importance of political opportunities and ideology for social movement strategies, we need to reassess these variables and the direction of change in times of crisis. Using the case of the Union of Housing Movements in São Paulo, I find that though the tactics of the movement responded to a conflictual relationship at the federal level and a need to meet immediate needs of members, the ideology of the movement provided the structure for continuing to engage in inclusionary governance strategies and renewed energy for transformational change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to comprehend the social and legal movements that circulated in Brazil in the 20s of the 19th century and to describe how the concepts of constitution, Independence, monarchy, republic and law circulated in that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We revisit the debates on reproductive health and rights (RHR) and public policies in Brazil, with focus on contraception, abortion and maternity care. These were part of a broader political agenda for re-democratisation, and for health sector reform, with the creation of the Women's Integral Health Program (PAISM) in 1983, and of the Universal Health System (SUS) in 1988. The momentum created by ICPD in Cairo (1994) was essential to institutionalise the language of RHR. Not without resistance and organised activism, recent years of right-wing governments brought a disinvestment in most public policies for women's rights. Some components of the RHR agenda are more mainstreamed, such as fertility regulation, especially hormonal and long term-methods. The limited legal rights to abortion are poorly institutionalised and constantly threatened. Maternal care tends to be highly medicalised and frequently abusive. The covid-19 pandemic accelerated social and public health disruption. The article addresses notions such as reproductive justice and institutional violence, present in the early days of women's health movement, in order to highlight important premises that were diluted in the debate on reproductive rights and autonomy. The historical analysis of how these concepts evolved locally and globally can allow a better understanding of present challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines popular participation in the making of Brazil's 1988 post-authoritarian "Citizen Constitution." In 1987, Brazilians submitted 122 popular amendments (emendas populares) supported by over 12 million signatures to the National Constituent Assembly (1987–88). As this article contends, this extraordinary experiment in popular constitution-making problematizes notions of Brazil's transition from authoritarian to democratic rule as the most conservative of those that swept Latin America at the end of the Cold War. The popular amendments emerged amid a nationwide campaign for popular participation that saw millions of Brazilians participate in letter-writing campaigns, protests, and debates over the constitution that carried over into the halls of the Constituent Assembly itself. I argue that the popular amendments countered the arbitrary authoritarianism of the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1964–85) with a constitutionalism in which everyday Brazilians would safeguard democracy through popular participation in government. While only partially consolidated, this vision offered diverse marginalized groups an opportunity to claim full citizenship in Brazil's nascent democracy, especially in ways that more overtly addressed issues of race, ethnicity, gender, and disability. This article thus shows that far from being the exclusive province of political elites, everyday people meaningfully shaped the constitutional restorations in late twentieth-century Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we proposed a reflection on the theoretical category of praxis, starting from the questioning of how it is possible to think about the construction of an emancipatory praxis in the current Brazilian context? To go through this question, we situate the concept of historical fatalism, as a possibility for understand how the power relations are constituted in the current moment, in face of the social threat coming from two agents: the neoconservative government Brazil, and the Covid-19 virus, generator of a worldwide pandemic. In this work, we understand that these agents contribute to the intensification of the neoliberal offensive, which highlights the structural contradictions in the order of capital. Thus, we established that this category of praxis is an expression of the process of critical awareness of subjects, and institutes a movement necessary for social change, based on a historical conception of reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Rural Education modality is a great conquest of the organized social movements and of the Brazilian peasants. Gradually, it was conquering space, consolidating its guiding principles, and operational guidelines, and structuring itself to serve the social groups abandoned by the system throughout the history of Brazil. This work is based on documentary research and a series of interviews with students of the Rural Education degree of the Universidade Federal do Recôncavo da Bahia who live in rural communities of the city of Laje-Bahia, Brazil. This work has as its main objective to understand the social function of the course and investigate the anthropological, teleological, and methodological conceptions that guide the work of the University professors. Investigating students, communities, teachers and the results obtained during their trajectory over time is very important to build records that help other researchers interested in this problem and contribute to improving, more and more, the services provided. by the investigated institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the historical role of Brazilian modernism beyond the direct effects of the 1922 Modern Art Week. The Brazilian modernism is seen, from the point of view of this research, as a social formation, artistic movement, and cultural institution as a whole. From this perspective, we will analyze the trajectory of "long modernism" in Brazil, that provided the basis of a cultural and political agenda and guided a set of cultural actions and projects sharing the structure of felling on "Brazilianness", based on racial miscegenation, on the search for a cultural language common to all races and classes, and the vision of the intellectual as a tutor of the national conscience. The historical changes throughout the 1980s, produced by the responses of the new social movements to the challenges and impasses generated by the authoritarian modernization imposed by the 1964 Military Regime marked the end of the Brazilian modernist agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognizing the importance of the discussion on collective health from the perspective of Popular Education (PE), in a critical scenario derived from COVID-19 and misgovernment, this experience report explores the experiences in the Observatory of Popular Education in Health and Brazilian Reality. It is an initiative of the Extension "Práticas Integrais de Promoção da Saúde e Nutrição na Atenção Básica" (PINAB) that aims to propagate the PE and bring together its actors. Seven meetings were held and themes were worked on: "The current Brazilian conjuncture and the principles of popular education and its philosophy for the construction of methodological paths of practice", "Food sovereignty as a movement of humanity and civility: what is the role of popular education in health?", "Eugenics processes in Brazil and their consequences on health, education, justice and equity", "The world and its changes: the place and role of popular education in health", and "Popular Education in Health: Paths and alternatives for experiences and practices". This experience promoted reflections about the current conjuncture, retrieving founding concepts of PE and valuable insights in its meetings. It also demonstrated the potentialities in the use of virtual environments as aids in the dialectic methodology of PE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the political campaign of the rather under-researched Bancada Ativista, a prefigurative progressive experience comprised of nine co-candidates running for a single seat in the State Chamber of Sao Paulo during the 2018 Brazilian elections. The political experience brought about by the Bancada Ativista stands as a prolific effort in its aim to transform legislative action, responding to the challenges posed by the contemporary crisis of representative democracy. By taking the Essex School's discourse theory standpoint, this article critically explores the discursive composition of the Bancada 's political campaign and the significance of its electoral success in light of crisis-driven Brazilian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement scholarship has increasingly shown how continuous mobilization depends on collective memory construction. This article sets out to study this formative activity in a changing media landscape. It asks how activists navigate the temporal nexus of collective memory mediation. The empirical focus is on Brazil's Landless Rural Workers' Movement (MST), a well-established organization that since the early 1980s has communicated its collective memories on several media platforms. This article also demonstrates, through a corpus analysis of MST's internal newspaper, Jornal Sem Terra (1984–2014), and its Facebook page (2014–2019), how collective memories of rural violence serve various functions in these different media. The empirical study verifies the formative implication of rural violence for Brazil's landless movement, but also unveils notable differences between the newspaper and Facebook in this regard. Whereas Jornal Sem Terra employed a horizontal collective memory construction through contemporary documentation of ongoing and upcoming events, the Facebook posts primarily engaged in the vertical extraction of already established memories. In other words, the print media produced a narrative around collective memories of rural violence, and these memories were re-produced through digital media platforms. These empirical findings implicate that renewed methodologies are needed in future studies of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the first decades of implementations of inclusive churches in Brazil, production of pastoral support materials, books about inclusive and queer theology, evangelical religious communities composed by sexual and gender dissidences have started the process on collective organization to perform on the public sphere. They have offered alternative conceptions for understanding the relationship between faith and sexuality and have constructed the struggle scenery for their citizenship recognition. Furthermore, we discuss how the inclusive churches movement organizations has developed in a context of intense disagreement between sexual dissident's social movements whom revendicate civil rights and evangelical sectors who acted to avoid the spread of those requisitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the history of HIV prevention for gay and other men who have sex with men in relation to public health policy and the role of LGBT and AIDS-related social movements in Brazil. An interpretive study was undertaken informed by philosophical and phenomenological hermeneutics. It included interviews with policymakers, researchers and activists involved in HIV and AIDS, especially HIV prevention among gay and other men who have sex with men. Prevention initiatives were analysed with a focus on the social and programmatic aspects of vulnerability to HIV, and advances and setbacks in the Brazilian response to the epidemic. The recent crisis in HIV prevention triggered by a growing conservatism in Brazilian politics and the current government's LGBT-phobia pose barriers that compromise issues of profound importance with regards to policy on HIV and AIDS: namely, engagement with human rights and social participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first mobilizations for the democratization of communication emerged in the context of struggles for democracy in Brazil, between the second half of the 1970s and 1988. The central demands were the confrontation of the authoritarian State and the power of commercial media and the defense of the social right to communication, in line with the debates of the New World Information and Communication Order (NOMIC). Umbilically linked to the struggle for citizenship and rights, the democratization of communication was already asserting itself as a necessary condition for democracy, but it faced structural obstacles such as the incidence of private interests in the Brazilian State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bolsonaro was elected in 2018 with a very conservative political agenda, promising neoliberal economic measures, and opposing to minority's rights. Bolsonaro has been well-known as a right-wing and authoritarian politician and his government is recognised as extreme right, conservative, and/or neo-fascist, with important setbacks in public policies. The "bolsonarismo" shall be defeated, but the electoral process will not be easy, with fake news and political violence. The open threats to democracy are leading to alliances of democratic and popular political forces, including agrarian and urban social movements. This article reflects critically about Bolsonaro administration, particularly the dismantling of public policies and programmes to the countryside, reflecting about the political actions of the agrarian movements in the 2022 electoral process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The organization and performance of the feminist movement has historically demonstrated that women are fundamental in the construction of knowledge and practices that promote political education and in defense of human rights, even though they occupy subordinate places in society. In times of democratic setbacks, fueled by a conservative policy and a deep attack on women's rights, especially in Brazil, it is necessary to search for new alternatives and militancy strategies. In the 2018 presidential elections, faced with the imminence of a conservative politician occupying the presidency of Brazil, women organized a movement through social networks called #EleNão (#NotHim), with the objective of discussing and making women aware of the danger posed by the victory of Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Based on the concepts of autonomy and hope proposed by Paulo Freire and popular education, we seek to discuss how the movement brought important developments to the feminist movement and highlighted women as one of the main fronts of resistance to conservatism, contributing to the construction of an education as a practice of freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reflect on the politics of contemporary carceral LGBT movements and to delineate the (im)possibilities of an anti-colonial queer abolitionism. From the southern Americas, the authors elaborate a brief genealogy of the punishment of queer bodies in Brazil, marking the impossible promises of safety made by the penal "cystem." By elaborating a critique of carcerality in LGBT contemporary politics, the authors argue for a refusal of the colonial world's solutions to violence. Amid (im)possibilities, this article formulates some elements for anti-colonial, queer abolitionist practices that envision the end of prisons and police, as well as the abolition of gender, sexuality, class, and race as structures of this world. It presents the refusal, the imagination, an ethics of incommensurability, and an active daily building of other possibilities as imbricated elements of anti-colonial, queer abolitionist struggles. Those practices may well be a path to set on fire this world, this present prison house, in the name of queer abolitionist futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review of Jörg Nowak's Mass Strikes and Social Movements in Brazil and India highlights the book's ambition and hopefulness. It ambitiously explores an area of labor- and social-movement theory in which powerful minds have offered insights but important leaps forward are necessary to make sense of the current moment. The book is additionally ambitious because it tackles recent phenomena in two disparate, enormously complex, and influential countries: Brazil and India. The book is hopeful in its identification of patterns and openings, seen through the lens of mass strikes in these countries, by which working classes might lead a transition from the current "long depression" into a more socially just and equitable socialist future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the conservative thinking as a political and social movement supported by the theory of conservatism. As a way to substantiate that, we present its structure and main assumptions, as well as the conceptions of its main authors and creators, such as Edmund Burke (classic) and Russell Kirk (modern-contemporary). The methodology is based on immateriality in its relationship with materiality, that is, on the dialectics between conservative thinking and the formation of conservative territories of power, with illustrative examples from Brazil and other countries. The theses on conservative thinking put forwards arguments and evidence present in actions such as the Government proposals of Donald Trump in the USA, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, and the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on social movement analytics of coalition formation, we have established a dialogue with social theory on social inequalities and feminist scholarship on solidarity, bringing together the analytical sharpness of social movement studies with political and normative debates on solidarity building. We suggest that the processes of building solidarities that are key to coalition formation are best understood when taking into account four explanatory dimensions: context (structural conditions that might include political, economic, social and cultural institutional and various scales: from global events to national politics and organizational politics); discursive processes of framing that bridge across different social inequalities; the building of a coalitional identity and resources. We use this analytical framework to inquire into an instance of feminist coalitional politics, namely the Brazilian Marcha das Margaridas. This coalition emerged in the year 2000 and has had six editions since then, mobilizing between 20,000 to 100,000 women to Brasília. While the rural union movement forms the core of its leadership, several other partners co-organize the Marcha, including women's movements, trade union and agrarian social movements. The prominence of a union movement denotes the centrality of working class demands and redistributive issues together with demands for the recognition of gender difference and gender equality. We query the process of emergence and alliance building in the Marcha das Margaridas in 2000 by drawing on different types of data: documental analysis of archival material produced by the coalition, ethnographic fieldwork and semi-structured interviews with activists that represent different social movements in the coalition [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]