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The central objective of this research was to identify the major challenges of police education for the Comprehensive Transformation Process of the National Police. For its development, a qualitative methodology was used based on the development of three phases: theoretical, identifying the normative and political mandates that establish the line of police education; descriptive, through a recognition and analysis of the goals that the Police Education Directorate (formerly National Directorate of Schools) of the National Police must face and the actions that must be undertaken to achieve them, as well as the needs that arise from the training schools of the Institution ; and exploratory, which includes, based on the results of the previous phases, the identification and analysis of the challenges of police education. The results reached represent a contribution on the actions and pending tasks that the Institution must assume in the field of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2022, a New York civil court concluded that a polyamorous partner should not be automatically excluded from noneviction protection (O'Neill). The decision was hailed as particularly groundbreaking and a 'game changer'. On the other side of the globe, the New Zealand Supreme Court concluded that polyamorous unions could be entitled to the same property-sharing regime as couples. Upon closer examination, the two decisions use function-based modes of recognition to confer similar protections upon the polyamorous union. However, this paper will illustrate some of the limitations inherent in this approach. At present, functional recognition exhibits a continued attachment to the traditional marital family; this aspect, combined with the unique complexity of polyamorous arrangements, renders this route to legal recognition potentially inappropriate. The decisions examined either fail to understand the nature of the arrangement or choose to distort it in order to make polyamory legally intelligible. Both decisions are emblematic of a broader difficulty of functional recognition to provide answers to the legal demands of this type of relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debate over constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians since 2010, the high "Yes" vote in 1967 has been recalled as a benchmark of national unity and goodwill towards Indigenous Australians, something to which Australians must return. The 1967 referendum has been evoked as a "step" towards reconciliation, with constitutional recognition presented as the next step. The "recognition" that the 1967 referendum enabled has been (mis)represented as allowing Indigenous Australians to be counted in the Census, hence to "count" more generally. Explaining constitutional changes to voters in the referendum on an Indigenous Voice, "Yes" and "No" campaigns are likely to describe amendments in emotively powerful terms. False memories of "recognition" obscure a political fissure within the myth of 1967. Some who celebrate 1967 have wanted the Constitution to continue to distinguish Indigenous from non‐Indigenous Australians, one understanding of the 1967 amendment to Section 51(xxvi); others have hoped that the next referendum would complete the deletion of distinguishing words that had begun in 1967 with the repeal of Section 127. The myths of 1967 combine to accommodate opposing ideals of national "unity", allowing protagonists in the debate to read the "lessons" of 1967 in ways that reinforce their own political perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the value of consulting religious traditions in liberal democratic states. It argues that religious traditions can provide valuable resources for problem-solving and offers four nonreligious, epistemic reasons for consulting them. These reasons include the continuity of transmission, the test of time, the intergenerational learning process, and the result of moral inquiry. The article emphasizes that while there are epistemic reasons for consulting religious traditions, other factors such as unjust discrimination may outweigh them. The analysis has implications for the role of religious traditions in political or ethical problem-solving in liberal democratic states. [Extracted from the article]

The pedestrian attribute recognition aims to generate a structured description of pedestrians, which serves an important role in surveillance. Current works usually assume that the images and the specific pedestrian states, including pedestrian occlusion and pedestrian orientation, are given. However, we argue that the current works ignore the guidance of the pedestrian state and cannot achieve the appropriate performance since the appearance feature will become unreliable due to the variance of the pedestrian state, which is common in practice. Therefore, this paper proposes the Explicit State Representation (ExSR) Guided Pedestrian Attribute Recognition to improve the accuracy through state learning and attribute fusion among frames. Firstly, the pedestrian state is explicitly represented by concatenating the pedestrian orientation and occlusion, which can be accurately determined via analyzing the pose. Secondly, the state-aware pedestrian attribute fusion method is proposed and divided into two cases, namely the inter-state case and the intra-state case. In the intra-state case, the appearance feature will remain stable and the attribute relations are propagated to refine. The method of exploiting attribute relations within a single frame is the Graph Neural Network. In the inter-state case, the state changes, the attribute relationship propagation is prevented, and the advantages of attribute recognition in each frame are complemented to make a reliable judgment on the invisible region. The experimental results demonstrate that the ExSR outperforms the state-of-the-art methods on two public databases, benefiting from the explicit introduction of the state into the attribute recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how Wikipedia data can be useful for political analysis. Our primary aim is to determine whether Wikipedia page views can be used as a strong proxy for name recognition. Name recognition is an important variable for political science research, but conducting surveys to discover the name recognition of politicians can be cost prohibitive for many researchers. To help researchers overcome this obstacle, we conducted a survey of Czech citizens asking them if they knew each of the 200 members of the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic. Then, we downloaded Wikipedia page information on these deputies. We found that name recognition is strongly correlated with page views on Wikipedia. The more well-known deputies have significantly higher page views on Wikipedia. We recommend that political science researchers requiring an appropriate proxy for name recognition use the free Wikimedia API, which offers page information data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Space infrared (IR) target recognition has always been a key issue in the field of space technology. The imaging distance is long, the target is weak, and the feature discrimination is low, making it difficult to distinguish between high-threat targets and decoys. However, most existing methods ignore the fuzziness of multi-dimensional features, and their performance mainly depends on the accuracy of feature extraction, with certain limitations in handling uncertainty and noise. This article proposes a space IR dim target fusion recognition method, which is based on fuzzy comprehensive of spatio-temporal correlation. First, we obtained multi-dimensional IR features of the target through multi-time and multi-spectral detectors, then we established and calculated the adaptive fuzzy-membership function of the features. Next, we applied the entropy weight method to ascertain the objective fusion weights of each feature and computed the spatially fuzzified fusion judgments for the targets. Finally, the fuzzy comprehensive function was used to perform temporal recursive judgment, and the ultimate fusion recognition result was obtained by integrating the results of each temporal recursive judgment. The simulation and comparative experimental results indicate that the proposed method improved the accuracy and robustness of IR dim target recognition in complex environments. Under ideal conditions, it can achieve an accuracy of 88.0% and a recall of 97.5% for the real target. In addition, this article also analyzes the impact of fusion feature combinations, fusion frame counts, different feature extraction errors, and feature database size on recognition performance. The research in this article can enable space-based IR detection systems to make more accurate and stable decisions, promoting defense capabilities and ensuring space security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the long-standing questions for scholars and policy-makers—in particular in western capitals—is how to treat the rise of new powers in world politics. Although past research has paved the way for studying power transitions, we still lack conceptual tools to understand the behaviour of peripheral states which move between different power positions. How can we explain, from the point of view of those in the margins, how such power transitions happen? To put it differently, how does a rise to power happen for states in the peripheries and semi-peripheries? I argue in this article that not all states have agentic capacities to act (e.g., to rise to a less peripheral position or to seek better status). There has been a silent and tacit consensus around the fact that peripheral states must first be recognized and accepted by systemic/hierarchy gatekeepers as actors who can fully exercise their agency in global hierarchies. I present the concept of international insertion, which contributes to a more nuanced understanding of how rising powers behave in world politics, and helps to explain why there are no discernible heightened tensions from a strategic–military perspective when peripherical countries move (or try to move) towards mid-system (or improved status) positions within regional and global hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The degree to which civility norms are upheld or violated is an important criterion in evaluating the democratic quality of public debates. We investigate civility across media types, political systems, and levels of socio-cultural division, offering a comparative perspective on how these factors shape levels of civility in public debates around a key question for societies around the world: What is the proper role of religion in public life? Capturing both positive and negative forms of civility (i.e., recognition and outrage) on multiple levels of analysis, we compile and analyze an original large-scale dataset of news items published during August 2015 until July 2016 in six democracies (Australia, Germany, Lebanon, Switzerland, Turkey, and the USA) across three types of media (printed newspapers, news websites, and political blogs). We find that mediated discourse was heavier on outrage in mixed political systems (Germany and Turkey) than in 'purely' majoritarian and consensus systems. Public debate in deeply divided countries contained more outrage but also more recognition compared to less divided countries, with newspapers and news websites mitigating outrage discourse compared to political blogs. Blogs also emerged as less nurturing of recognition than newspapers and news websites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines young volunteer's perspectives of recognition in Aotearoa New Zealand. There is a politics of recognition to navigate with the rise of formalized practices of recognition that award and reward volunteer efforts. Many of these practices draw on a neoliberal logic that centre the individual and apply instrumental motivations to their engagement, which we describe as 'accolades'. Drawing on in-depth interviews with young people, our analysis identifies a disconnect between the dominant forms of accolade that young volunteers receive, and the recognition that they consider meaningful. While volunteers appreciated accolades, they nevertheless treated them with caution and concern, highlighting the potential for accolades to elevate certain individuals while acting to marginalize, exclude and potentially devalue volunteers' contributions. In contrast to these reservations, young volunteers considered forms of recognition that were relational and justice-based to be significant and meaningful, particularly those that allowed for community solidarity and engaged structural questions of power. In exploring these perspectives, we argue that neoliberal approaches to recognition, despite their prevalence, fail to capture young volunteers' perceptions of the possibilities of recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorizes "omission," which I define as the condition of being left out of administrative apparatuses, such as civil registers, censuses, and identity management systems. According to this theory, omission is not necessarily accidental but can constitute a political strategy. When even excluded statuses can be powerful grounds for claiming rights, resources, or membership, state actors can subvert such claims-making potential by depriving unwanted populations of the practical, material capacity to establish their legal personhood through documents and records. To situate omission, I develop a typology of documentary strategies additionally comprising "recognition," "claims-making," and "evasion." Although my theorizing is informed by ethnographic research with unregistered families in Malaysia, scholars can apply this typology to multiperspectival, relational analyses of other empirical cases of documentary politics. Studying omissions has scholarly and ethical imperatives, not least to record the lives of populations denied, at times with existential consequences, the right to recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main source of animosity in modern Turkish – Armenian relations is the debate on the international recognition of the Armenian genocide. To provide an evidence-based and thorough perspective on the Turkish political stance in this discussion, this article explores all the relevant speeches in Turkish parliamentary records. It pays particular attention to political parties' stances, the historical evolution of the debate, and the significance of the individual profiles of parliamentarians who contributed to the discussion. The findings show that most political parties in Turkey articulated versions of denial, except for a few marginal anti-denial voices. The study concludes that while political parties' ideological orientations predominantly shape the Turkish debate on the international recognition of the Armenian genocide, historical contexts, local memories, and the individual backgrounds of parliamentarians seem to inspire minor variations in their tones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores two emancipatory ways that the struggle over recognition can take under conditions of social invisibility and hyper-visibility: that of social visibilization, and that of a dialectical interplay between invisibility and visibility. The theories of recognition of Honneth and Rancière acknowledge that recognition is based on socially mediated perceptual processes that enable or prevent recognition: whether and how subjects become socially visible or remain invisible. For Honneth, social invisibility is a marker of misrecognition and consists of deliberate inattention and ignorance of others, so that struggles over recognition must take place, in part, through making previously invisible subjects visible. I argue here that Honneth's account of social (in)visibility and his corresponding view of recognition in terms of properly formed visibilization, while valuable, prove insufficient when considering how racialized societies are underpinned by the power dynamics of invisibility and hyper-visibility. I turn to the works of Fanon, Ellison, and Rancière to illustrate these dynamics and to offer an account of how struggles over recognition requires practices of dis-identification from these dynamics that involve attempts to create interstices within dominant orders of (in)visibility where subjects might appear on their own terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the theorization of (in)visibility in Honneth, Ranciere, Cavell and Tully. It situates the work of Honneth and Ranciere against the background of Wittgenstein's account of continuous aspect perception and aspect change in order to draw out their accounts of invisibility and the aesthetic character of transitions to visibility. In order to develop a critical standpoint on these theoretical positions, it turns to Cavell's concept of soul-blindness and investigates the form of invisibility through the example of racism as addressed by Gaita, Fanon and Memmi. This analysis provides the basis for a critical evaluation of the strengths and limitations of Ranciere's and Honneth's approaches and leads to the proposal that Tully's public philosophy provides a more adequate way of addressing the issues of struggle and uptake that are central to the transition from invisibility to visibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The non-destructive recognition of coated seeds is crucial for advancing studies in coating theory. Currently, the recognition of coated seeds heavily relies on manual visual inspection and machine vision detection. However, these methods pose challenges such as high misclassification rates, low recognition efficiency, and elevated labor intensity. In response to the aforementioned challenges, this study leveraged deep learning techniques to develop a coated seed recognition model named YOLO-Coated Seeds Recognition (YOLO-CSR), aiming to address the challenges posed by coated seed recognition tasks. The experiment of this study mainly includes the following steps: First, a seed coating machine was set up to coat red clover seeds, resulting in three types of coated red clover seeds. Subsequently, by collecting images of the three types of coated seeds, a coated seed image dataset was further constructed. Then, the YOLOv5s was built, incorporating the Convolutional Block Attention Module (CBAM) into the model's backbone to enhance its ability to learn features of coated seeds. Finally, the training results of YOLO-CSR were compared with those of other classical recognition models. The experimental results showed that YOLO-CSR achieved the best recognition performance on the self-built coated seed image dataset. The average precision (AP) for recognizing the three types of coated seeds reached 98.43%, 97.91%, and 97.26%, with a mean average precision@0.5 (mAP@0.5) of 97.87%. Compared to YOLOv5, YOLO-CSR showed a 1.18% improvement in mAP@0.5. Additionally, YOLO-CSR has a model size of only 14.9 MB, with an average recognition time (ART) of 10.1 ms and a frame per second (FPS) of 99. Experimental results prove that YOLO-CSR can accurately, efficiently, and rapidly recognize coated red clover seeds. The findings of this study provide technical support for the non-destructive recognition of spherical coated seeds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Hegel's Century: Alienation and Recognition in a Time of Revolution" by Jon Stewart is a valuable contribution to the study of nineteenth-century philosophy. The book explores the influence of Hegelian concepts, particularly alienation and recognition, on major philosophical themes of the era. Stewart examines the works of various thinkers, including Heine, Feuerbach, Marx, Kierkegaard, Dostoyevsky, Bakunin, and Engels, and connects their ideas to their Hegelian origins. The book also highlights the connections between philosophical evolution and shifts in political, economic, literary, and religious history. While the book has some shortcomings, it serves as a gateway text for students and individuals interested in understanding the philosophical foundations of a century marked by upheaval and revolution. [Extracted from the article]

Desde hace unos años a la fecha, ha cobrado fuerza en Latinoamérica una discusión respecto a si las principales teorías del reconocimiento, y sus propuestas prácticas, responden a las demandas sociales, culturales y materiales de los sujetos subalternos del contexto Latinoamericano. En un esfuerzo por establecer líneas que esclarezcan dicho campo de discusión es que avanza, a lo largo de cuatro secciones, en un análisis hermenéutico-comparativo de las obras "La vida en común" y "La lucha por el reconocimiento: por una gramática moral de los conflictos sociales" de Tzvetan Todorov y Axel Honneth respectivamente. En las primeras dos, se realiza un estudio descriptivo global de las líneas centrales en el pensamiento de ambos autores. En la tercera sección se busca poner en discusión las aristas analíticas antes relevadas a partir del entrecruzamiento de ellas en la búsqueda de consensos generales que tributen a delimitar una óptima comprensión del encuentro y sus posibilidades de realización práctica dentro del sistema educativo como campo de desarrollo del tejido social socio-civilizatorio de los distintos grupos humanos. Finalmente, se concluye relevando la importancia del encuentro-reconocimiento y su consideración práctica dentro de la escuela como parte de los procesos a la base del desarrollo socio-histórico de las relaciones humanas, proponiendo condiciones mínimas que faciliten y articulen el diálogo educativo en "búsqueda de sociedades plenamente democráticas" [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Content generation that is both relevant and up to date with the current threats of the target audience is a critical element in the success of any cyber security exercise (CSE). Through this work, we explore the results of applying machine learning techniques to unstructured information sources to generate structured CSE content. The corpus of our work is a large dataset of publicly available cyber security articles that have been used to predict future threats and to form the skeleton for new exercise scenarios. Machine learning techniques, like named entity recognition and topic extraction, have been utilised to structure the information based on a novel ontology we developed, named Cyber Exercise Scenario Ontology (CESO). Moreover, we used clustering with outliers to classify the generated extracted data into objects of our ontology. Graph comparison methodologies were used to match generated scenario fragments to known threat actors' tactics and help enrich the proposed scenario accordingly with the help of synthetic text generators. CESO has also been chosen as the prominent way to express both fragments and the final proposed scenario content by our AI-assisted Cyber Exercise Framework. Our methodology was assessed by providing a set of generated scenarios for evaluation to a group of experts to be used as part of a real-world awareness tabletop exercise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aiming at the problems of big noise, lots of false targets, and accurate time extraction while tracking a flying target in the signal from a sky screen sensor, a flying target recognition and time extraction method is proposed, based on wavelet transformation. The noisy signal output by the sky screen sensor is filtered with wavelet transformation to filter out some high-frequency components; the filter is designed to handle the signal time frequency characteristics of the flying target and noise. To improve the recognition efficiency of whether the signal includes tracking of the flight target, based on a two-class discriminant model, the wavelet Fisher discriminant method is used to construct the feature vector of the false target and the flying target signal, and the recognition method of the flying target signal is studied. According to the wavelet modulus maxima theory, the single target signal is isolated, and the time moment of the flying target passing through the detection screen is calculated. The velocities calculated based on the flying target signal recognition method proposed in this paper and based on the least-mean-squares algorithm of the traditional sky screen sensor velocity measurement system are compared with the net target velocity measurement system. The results show that the velocity data obtained by the method in this paper are closer to the true value of the target flight velocity, and the average error between the velocity value obtained by the method in this paper and the standard net target velocity measurement system is less than 0.954 m/s, which verifies the superiority of the method proposed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is, among philosophers involved in the debate concerning the nature and epistemology of understanding, a general recognition that this state has a grasping component that accounts for some of its distinctive features. This article defends the view that this component of understanding consists of a knowledge of how to use a particular explanation to account for a given phenomenon. How a subject acquires this knowledge is examined and the result of this examination is shown to highlight the particular contribution of the grasping component of understanding to the distinctive features of this state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of circular thinking is readily attributed to patterns of Indigenous knowledge, characterised as distinct from the supposed linearity of Western epistemology; to approach epistemology through this metaphor is to anticipate identity by difference and underscore the autonomy of knowledge within bounded cultural coordinates. In seeking a more nuanced appreciation of the interwoven contours of human knowing, I consider some leading Indigenous Australian thinkers who understand cultural identities to be consolidated through creative repetition and recognised within dynamic relationality. These explorations include Mandawuy Yunupiŋu's interpretation of Yolŋu thought as a process of making "new connections and new separations"; the performance of manikay (public ceremonial song) by Wägilak singer Daniel Wilfred; Tyson Yunkaporta's conceptualisation of "turnaround"; Wanta Jampijinpa Pawu's framework of ngurra-kurlu (home-having); and Stan Grant's interpretation of an Indigenous Voice to the Australian Parliament. In contrast to the circular demarcation of identity by difference, these voices demonstrate how difference within identity can give impetus to mutual formation and growth, suggesting a Hegelian twist on notions of circularity in which critical differentiation generates an expanding gyre of recognition and meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The energy transition and the expansion of renewable energies are central challenges to planning. In view of tightened climate protection targets and the associated rise in installation capacity, planning conflicts are likely to intensify further in the coming years. At the same time, democratic institutions are under increasing pressure. The expansion of wind energymust proceed swiftlywhile democratic participationmust be ensured. Based on planning conflicts over wind turbines in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania and Brandenburg, this paper addresses the extent to which research on planning conflicts can benefit froma justice perspective, both in theoretical-conceptual and empirical terms. Drawing on concepts from research on spatial justice, energy justice, and planning justice, the paper uses a three-dimensional conception of justice to identify access points for dealing constructively with conflicts. First, conflicts have to be recognized as such and their productive potential has to be acknowledged. Second, strategies have to be established that allowconflicts to be dealtwith constructively. In doing so, several dimensions of justicemust be taken into account: distributive justice andthequestion ofwhat is to be distributed according to which criteria, recognition justice and the reflexion on difference and needs beyond hegemonic majority opinion, and finally procedural justice, which is intended to ensure that recognition and fair distribution can be implemented. In this way, a proactive attitude towards planning conflicts can make a central contribution to sustainable and democratic planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual activism (for, e.g., participants in the LGBT+ or BDSM communities) is prima facie commendable, at least for the liberal. However, it is unclear whether the end goal of such activism is toleration or recognition. The argument of this paper is that, on the level of authoritative political and social-moral rules, toleration is the only justifiable goal, while recognition may be pursued as an ideal outside the sphere of political and social-moral rules, that is, in civil society. The argument builds on a Gausian public reason understanding of justifiability, emphasizing reasonable disagreement and a diversity of viewpoints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Returning to Stewart's title and to Hegel himself, were "alienation and recognition" important elements in Hegel's philosophy of human culture? In many ways, Engels' text I Ludwig Feuerbach and the Outcome of Classical German Philosophy i (1888) frames the sense in which Stewart wants to see the epoch as "Hegel's Century". Stewart sets out a Hegelian line that begins with Heine and continues through the classic "left-Hegelian" figures Feuerbach, Bauer and Marx. [Extracted from the article]

This article aims to establish a dialogue between psychoanalysis and education, linking the concepts of subjectivity and recognition to educational transformations related to inclusion, within which curricular adaptations are inscribed. This device is designed and constructed to support the educational trajectories of adolescents who –for instrumental or emotional reasons– need bridges that promote learning, social integration, and well-being within schools. The article shows how, from the beginning of the construction of the device, both recognition and consideration of the subjectivities of the actors involved become central elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paul Ricœur says that our narrative identity depends on how others understand us. This claim, however, does not explicitly address the fact that not everyone receives the same recognition: it underexplains how certain groups are systemically not acknowledged, respected, or taken seriously. More recent work on narrative co-authoring starts to address this fact by examining how people's vulnerability to co-authoring depends on the context in which they live. But I argue that this work should be extended to attend to the kinds of vulnerabilities that result from what José Medina calls recognition deficiencies, which become more normalized due to structural oppression, specifically what Iris Marion Young calls cultural imperialism. I then illuminate the kinds of vulnerabilities that result from recognition deficiencies in cases of structural oppression by bringing in work in Black feminist thought and epistemic injustice, particularly that of Audre Lorde and Veronica Ivy, into conversation with narrative scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Care ethics has attracted much scholarly attention since its inception in the 1980s. As befits a moral theory, which is how it is frequently perceived, those working in the field have increasingly sought to clarify and make robust elements central to the project. This article hopes to offer a small but important contribution to this iterative process. I make a case for resisting what is characterized as the recognition claim found in the work of Joan Tronto, Nel Noddings, and Eva Feder Kittay. This is the claim that for an action to be caring it is necessarily recognized as such by whomever is being cared for. I explicate the arguments pertaining to this issue in these authors' writings and conclude that not only do the arguments fall short of showing the necessity for including this aspect in an ethics of care, but I make preliminary arguments as to the implications for resisting the inclusion of the recognition claim. The thrust of these suggestions is that care ethics is a better moral theory when it admits to degrees of care rather than taking a binary view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work is motivated by questions that involve us in a personal and political manner, from a feminist perspective in order to address philosophical questions regarding recognition and identity. In that sense, we invoke the notion and experience of being queer/cuir, as a situated position and also as a place that can escape from certain hegemonic identity policies, which continue to appear even within lgtbiqa+ movements. Our hypothesis is based in the fact that queer can inhabit and question practices, and not necessarily identities, which opens to other possibilities of teorethic and practical imagination. Following Sedgwick, val flores and Cairo, we intend to think the notion of queer/cuir as a resistance to various current forms of neoconservatism and neoliberalism, as it is more difficult to be appropriated by identity policies. Along with Butler, Puar and Halberstam, among others, we intend to retrace the question that tensions our work: Is identity the only language in which we can make recognition claims? What other recognition horizons can we aim for? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies have sought to explain variation in protection recognition rates between EU member states with, however, limited explanatory power. Surprisingly, few have contemplated the role of the administration, despite it being at the centre of the process through which asylum claims are examined. We posit that recognition rates are significantly affected by administrative capacity, although the administration's action may be mitigated by political factors. Our findings show that administrative effectiveness and experience in asylum matters yield higher recognition rates. We show that government preferences and the overall political context affect protection recognition, too. Importantly, we also find that the mechanisms at play are different if we consider the different forms of protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Scandinavian states' pursuit of status in world politics is well documented. However, little is known about whether these endeavors have resulted in higher status for these states. In this article, we suggest that the Scandinavian countries represent a useful case to explore whether similar foreign policy profiles and common club membership equalizes or exacerbates the unequal distribution of status recognition in world politics. To measure the status recognition of Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, we use a network centrality measure of diplomatic representation and exchange from 1970 to 2010. We also measure how well the states have performed to increase their status recognition given their available status resources (measured by military capabilities and wealth) and their status-seeking effort (measured by relative diplomatic outreach). Our results show that Sweden has received significantly more recognition and performed much better than both Denmark and Norway in the measured period. We offer three explanations for these developments. First, the spoils of seeking status using the Scandinavian brand is akin to a regional zero-sum game in which Sweden, as the most visible state of the three, is the main beneficiary of the status recognition in the direction of the club. Second, status recognition often lags achievements or increases in status resources because the beliefs of foreign policy practitioners are only updated sporadically. This status lag is especially visible when states struggle to convert their resources into status (Norway), or when they succeed in maintaining their status despite experiencing a drop in status resources (Sweden). Third, an increase in status resources will only influence status recognition if it plays into a corresponding narrative. Sweden, in contrast to the nouveau riche Norwegians, has managed to rearticulate its foreign policy in a way that has attracted recognition in world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As such, in 546 pages of richly detailed argument, she submits that Digby founded his philosophy on a baroque recognition of the instability of the material world at the same time as seeking to find some way to discern order in the chaos. De Meyer further argues that this perception of an epistemic and spiritual "crisis" ("crise") was heightened in Digby's case by the "dramatic context" ("contexte dramatique") of civil war England, in which political upheaval was ever-present and the place of English Catholics constantly precarious (p. 28). Sir Kenelm Digby (1603-1665): un penseur à l'âge du baroque: by Anne-Laure de Meyer. [Extracted from the article]

The demand for narrative coherence within a nonnegotiable normative frame may enact a form of what Judith Butler calls ethical violence. Through an interpretive analysis of archival data from O'Loughlin, Arac-Orhun and Queler's research with psychosocial clubhouse members, I argue that this ethical violence can be countered through recognition of the unsymbolizable elements of personhood that elude conscious narration. Drawing from Lacan, Bion, and Butler, I argue that by risking our exposure to the opacity of the psychiatric sufferer's subjectivity, we may avoid objectifying patients and reifying the unsymbolizable psychic violence encoded in severe forms of psychiatric distress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individuals frequently utilize social media platforms (SMPs) to express their positive features and receive recognition. Axel Honneth proposes that recognition plays an essential role in social life, explaining both social conflicts and guiding normative social development. While SMPs appear as a perfect tool for the pursuit of recognition, they often fail to achieve the intended results. This paper argues that the failure to achieve recognition through SMPs occurs because SMPs operate according to the neoliberal principle of competition. Competition arises because several structural affordances (quantification, homogeneity, and availability of information) allow for comparing different expressions of recognition. I argue that the competitive pursuit of recognition on SMPs results in several problematic developments, causing the manifestation of perfectionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism. I conclude that the normative potential of Honneth's theory is compromised if recognition is pursued competitively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lorenza B. Fontana, Cambridge University Press, 2023, pp. xix + 242 As Lorenza B. Fontana rightly observes, much of the research on recognition politics in Latin America focuses on the struggles of Indigenous social movements for inclusion, and on the vertical power struggles between Indigenous peoples and ruling elites. In fact, Fontana shows that Indigenous actors often deliberately engage in the politics of exclusion in order to block the expansion of recognition to peasant sectors. Third, Fontana shifts the focus away from the struggles between marginalised actors and the state to the horizontal conflicts between Indigenous and campesino communities. [Extracted from the article]

But these two books are sufficient to have earned Parfit a reputation among political and moral philosophers as one of the greatest moral thinkers of the past century. Morality anchored in bedrock - one philosopher's obsession Few philosophers exhibit Parfit's imagination and depth and rigor; few philosophers are capable, as he was, of bringing fresh perspectives to age-old puzzles. But once again, many philosophers adopt a position that seems to defy common sense, and which Parfit thought was crazy. [Extracted from the article]

As Q&A Communities become not only a source of information, but an interaction platform where people gain social recognition, the research into factors impacting viewers' peer recognition of online contribution helps identify an effective model for such interaction. This study focuses on finding the connection between language mimicry and the peer recognition of online contributions. We collected a total of 13,109 contributions from Fluther , an online Q&A community. Language features including linguistic similarity, text resemblance and peer recognition of online contributions were analysed, with the contributors' followers and past responses serving as moderators. Linear regression was adopted to provide empirical evidence. This study demonstrates that language mimicry between the contributor and the information seeker has significant positive effect on the peer recognition of online contributions by the viewers. Moreover, the number of contributors' past expertise mitigates the positive influence of linguistic similarity and text resemblance while their popularity strengthens the influence. It is a novel direction as prior language mimicry studies mainly focused on dyadic communication, whereas this research study aims to examine the influence of language mimicry on peer recognition of online contribution. The study extends the literature on language mimicry and provides practical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of ludic modernism in James Joyce's Ulysses, with a focus on the "Nausicaa" episode. It explores the character of Gerty MacDowell and the shifting interpretations of her as both a victim and an agent within societal constraints. The article argues that Joyce's writing combines rational and prerational play, exposing the vampiric nature of certain realist representations. It calls for a recognition of the ethical implications of these representations and emphasizes the need to address the harm they can cause in society. [Extracted from the article]

Despite a significant body of scholarship exploring the impact of securitisation and racism upon Australian Muslims, comparatively little work has been undertaken exploring the specific socio-economic challenges facing Muslim communities and resultant impacts upon citizenship. Even less research has looked at this in the context of the '9/11 generation' of young Western Muslims born at or just prior to the turn of the century. Drawing upon Nancy Fraser's social justice framework, this article argues that Muslim citizenship is not only affected by a persistent lack of recognition, but also by ongoing socio-economic disadvantage. Drawing on specially tabulated census data, this research article explores the socio-economic status and trajectories of Australian Muslims, paying particular attention to the situation of those born in Australia. It concludes with a call to pay more attention to the way in which the interplay between (often intergenerational) material marginalisation and persistent stigmatisation and misrecognition affects Australian Muslims' civic and political activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present investigation has the objective of analyzing the challenges of democracy and the pedagogical opportunities in the post-pandemic. It is a bibliographical study of a diachronic nature, from the deductive rationalist approach. Consider the sociocultural and pedagogical contexts before, during and after the health pandemic caused by COVID-19; attending to the social restrictions that accompany the health emergency. It is about taking advantage of opportunities to guarantee useful instruction, to the extent that it guarantees decent and equitable human conditions. Thus, it underlines the ethical co-responsibility as a strength of the instruction plans, since it legitimizes the actions in the recognition of the dignified condition. Limitations become advantages when coexistence is based on equitable relationships; always aimed at evidencing democratic, plural, fair coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims the meanings of cultural diversity, multiculturalism and interculturality, interconnecting them to the educational act. In this way, it is based on the premise that diversity is something inherent to the human being, exhibits the peculiar qualities of the inhabitants of certain geographical locations and the traits that make their culture unique. Within this universe, multiculturalism is defined as the recognition of the existence of diversity, of conditions of respect and tolerance to coexist within society, but maintaining a hegemonic logos that conditions social practices, adapting to global interests that pose the diversity and inclusion, masking the Western hegemonic status. From this, the urgency of entering intercultural issues, in dialogue between cultures, is assumed, but the paradigmatic approaches of Bilingual Intercultural Education have failed to transcend the limitations of multiculturalism. Interculturality, therefore, has to be connected to decolonizing proposals, to the transformation of reality, acquiring a genuine meaning in another pedagogical praxis, as another epistemic and political project, with the possibility of creating different imaginaries, where permanent processes take place. of changes, development and space for the integration of alternative identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is different procedure used to submit drug product for marketing authorization process. Mutual recognition procedure (MRP) is one of them. The European commission had published the procedure in consultation with competent authorities of member state. Using MRP, the applicant can apply for marketing authorization in one or more European Union nations. (MAH) who already holds authorization for a medical product in a EUROPEAN UNION (EU) member state can use the mutual recognition method to get authorization in additional EU member states. Directive 2004/27/EC established the decentralized procedure. Because the mutual recognition mechanism is also reliant on national authorities recognizing a first assessment done by one-member state, the distinction is that it only applies to pharmaceutical products that do not yet have a marketing authorization at the time of application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that Honneth's idea of reconstructive critique represents a type of immanent critique. Starting from the objection raised by Rahel Jaeggi, who considers the reconstructive critique to be a genre of internal criticism devoid of any transformative negativity, it seeks to show, on the contrary, that Honneth's notion of "surplus of validity" plays a role of transcendence within the historical reality, which could explain his understanding of reconstructive critique as immanent one. In the second part, the paper displays how Honneth applies this conception of critique to solve the division within Critical Theory, induced by Habermas's use of the idea of rational reconstruction, which would have split off the tasks of founding the normative criteria and discovering immanently elements for the social transformation. In the third part, the category of surplus of validity is investigated in its function of enlightening possibilities of transformation following an "universal-particular dialectic". In its final part, the paper addresses some conceptual difficulties in Honneth's attempt to clarify the systematic value and philosophical meaning of the surplus of validity within the framework of normative reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perceptual beliefs that categorize objects can be justified by demonstrating basic properties (eg shapes) of the objects. In these justifications, perceptual justifiers have different contents to the beliefs they justify. I argue that the justifications are not inferential. Subjects are unlikely to have bodies of beliefs adequate to inferentially justify the beliefs they actually form on the strength of their object recognition abilities, especially when recognition depends on stimulus-dependent retrieval of visual memories. Instead, I argue, the justifications exploit a partial awareness that subjects have of states and processes involved in object recognition. As such, they show that subjects have a degree of internal access to the principles of externalistic perceptual warrant, and to the features of perceptual states that give them justificatory force on externalistic accounts. The justifications themselves are evidential, but in order for them to have any justificatory force, they have to be placed in an externalistic framework for perceptual justification. I conclude that this form of justification shows that subjects have a degree of insight into why their perceptual experiences justify their beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the role of mutual recognition in the subject’s selfunderstanding based on Axel Honneth’s theory and relates it to the philosophical notion of autonomy, as well as to a moral conception of identity. The article emphasizes the adolescent stage and considers challenges that the philosophical perspective of recognition identifies in the development of autonomy. Finally, it suggests a few attitudes that adults can adopt in order to commit to the process of those who go through adolescence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to highlight that the recognition of the factual truth is pivotal, if not essential, to the veracity of a political opinion, as Arendt advocates in her book Truth and Politics. We seek to emphasize that freedom of expression and opinion formation are directly related; and that, for the sake of freedom of speech, Arendt claims the role and political function of the press. In this way, the main points raised here will attend to the order of elaborating the relationship between freedom of expression and opinion formation, interrelating these two issues with the determining role of the press in a post-truth era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I present a typically African account of human dignity, which I derive from Ifeanyi Menkiti’s influential strongly normative view of traditional African practices of recognition respect (2004). I explain how this implies a suitable basis for a common good criterion for human rights. I develop this account against (a) the claims of Tshepo Madlingozi (2017) and Vincent Lloyd that the struggle against anti-Black racist domination does not depend on recognition; (b) the claim by David Boucher (2011) that human dignity is a convenient fiction for human rights recognition; and (c) the claims of Kwame Gyekye (2002) and Motsamai Molefe (2020) that Menkiti’s view on human dignity does not provide adequate warrant for the universality of human rights. I draw on Menkiti’s account of recognition respect for human dignity and on arguments for the authority of actual rights recognition by Gerald Gaus (2006) and Rex Martin (2013). In doing so, I present a comprehensive theory of human rights recognition that does not depend on any intrinsic, transcendental human capacity but locates the universality of human rights in the mutually recognised common good, which is implicit in extant African communal normative social practices that are oriented toward the recognition of dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]