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The article discusses the challenges facing the community of St. James Parish in Louisiana with the establishment of petrochemical plants which can cause significant health issues as of September 2019. Topics discussed include plan to build chemical plants from Formosa Petrochemical and Wanhua Chemical Group, the founding of the Rise St. James movement by Sharon Lavigne which aims to block operations of these plants, and lack of support from the parish community and its political wing.

The article discusses the U.S. social movement advocating for rent control legislation and for increased affordable public housing, within the context of price increases in home renting. An overview of the efforts of social movements to have the U.S. government increase funding for public housing is provided.

Several article are presented about #MeToo, a social movement and awareness campaign that was launched in October 2017 to denounce sexual assault and harassment in the U.S., in the wake of sexual misconduct allegations against film producer and executive Harvey Weinstein. Issues discussed include addressing the rights of working women in the country, how to improve condition of women in the workplace, and the need to provide basic understanding about the meaning of masculinity and manhood.

The article explores the future of the racial-justice organization Black Lives Matter (BLM) that was founded in response to a string of black deaths at the hands of police. Topics covered include U.S. President Donald Trump characterizing BLMA as totally infiltrated by terrorist groups, the engagement by BLM organizers with electoral politics in new ways given the changed political terrain, and efforts of the Trump organization to crush black organizing.

The article discusses the potential for a large-scale peace movement or antiwar movement in the U.S. Topics include the political unpopularity of direct U.S. military interventions, connections of military intervention to U.S. imperialism and white supremacy, and cooperation between social movements of young people and older peace activists.

The article discusses the popular movements that emerged during the two terms of U.S. President Barack Obama. Topics discussed include the coalition that helped propel Obama to the presidency, the heightened political action of millennials, and the lessons that radicals derive from abolitionism. The Occupy Wall Street movement that called for an end to social and economic inequality and the events that led to the formation of Black Lives Matter are also mentioned.

The article, adapted from the book "What We're Fighting for Now Is Each Other: Dispatches From the Front Lines of Climate Justice," by Wen Stephenson, discusses climate change prevention activists and their tactics. Topics include the work of the group Texas Environmental Justice Advocacy Services (TEJAS) in opposing the Keystone XL pipeline, the work of activist Tim DeChristopher, and the relation of such social movements to mainstream environmentalism.

The article discusses the proposals of the #BlackLivesMatter movement whose mission is to put an end to a racist system. Topics covered include incidents that caused the death of unarmed African-American people in different parts of the U.S., the importance of an economic program for eliminating racism, and books that deal with racism such as "Racecraft: The Soul of Inequality in American Life" by Karen E. and Barbara J. Fields. It also discusses things to consider in building a just society.

The article looks at left political activism in the U.S., focusing on the growth, funding, and collaboration among progressive organizations. Topics include the role of the Health Care for America Now (HCAN) group in passing the U.S. Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act; solidarity among civil rights, LGBT rights, and immigrant rights groups; and climate change activism. Groups cited include the Center for American Progress think tank and the Service Employees’ International Union (SEIU).

The article presents the author's views in support of the reelection of U.S. President Barack Obama in 2012, with a focus on the political issues at stake for the U.S. progressive movement. The author comments on the failures and achievements of the Obama administration; the political power and radicalism of the conservative movement led by the U.S. Tea Party organization; and the racial demographics of conservative parties. Replies are presented on topics including electoral politics, the expansion of democracy, and strategic efforts to limit the power of right-wing extremists.

The article presents the opinion of the author on the 2012 debate within the Occupy protest movement as to whether or not the group should employ violent tactics in their protests. The author states that Occupy member Yates Mckee calls for a revolutionary movement based on the ideals of men such as Jesus Christ, Martin Luther King, and Gandhi. The author examines the Direct Action Working Group (DAWG) and the call by some people for a diversity of tactics approach to Occupy protests which includes violent actions. Opponents of the diversity of tactics approach are worried about how the violent behavior will reflect on the goals of the entire Occupy movement.

The article discusses the implications of a grassroots movement in the United States that is concerned about "food democracy" and consumers' right to have access to safe, nutritious food. Five people in the food movement offer their views on how food democracy can be attained. They are Dan Barber, Alice Waters, Grace Lee Boggs, LaDonna Redmond, and Dave Murphy.

Offers a look at why liberals in the United States believe that President George W. Bush can bring democracy to Iraq and questions why some liberals refused to march against the U.S.-led Iraq War. Report that leftists have moved towards faith in U.S. power and skepticism of popular movements; Belief of some liberals that mass movements are blind to evil or apologize for it; Suggestion that liberals are inspired by that which minimizes fear; Role of liberalism in inspiring various social movements, including the war against slavery, women's rights and civil rights; Failings and compromises of liberalism; Statement that U.S. liberals in the past have looked at the rest of the world as a rebuke to illiberalism at home or a goad to domestic reform.

Focuses on the history of the West Philadelphia Pirate Radio station, run by Pete Tridish and others, and its encounters with the United States Federal Communications Commission (FCC). Statement that the FCC shut down the radio station in the 1990s; Metamorphosis of West Philadelphia Pirate Radio into the Prometheus Radio Project for media reform; Role of Prometheus in preventing former FCC chairman Michael Powell's efforts to further deregulate the ownership of broadcast stations; Report that Tridish gives advice to community groups that apply for low-power FM licenses; Lack of cooperation between Prometheus and fundamental religious groups; Background of Tridish's involvement in activism; Reference to the book "Rebel Radio: The Story of El Salvador's Radio Venceremos."

This article focuses on the alliance between activists against the Iraq war and Iraq veterans who are against the war. On a Sunday afternoon in February Michael Hoffman made a plea to a room full of 400 United for Peace and Justice antiwar activists who had gathered in St. Louis for three days of strategizing on how to end the war in Iraq. "When there are massive protests, we will be out front. We will say that you are doing everything you can to support the troops," Michael Hoffman said. Until the summer of 2003, Michael Hoffman was a US Marine with the Tenth Regiment. Today, Hoffman is a co-founder of the fledgling organization Iraq Veterans Against the War. Antiwar activists are determined to make the military a major pillar of the movement, both by homing in on one of the war effort's weak spots--the military's faltering campaign to recruit new soldiers--and by embracing antiwar troops. It is an alliance rich with promise. Part of the challenge for this peace movement is persuading Americans that attacking the war is not the same thing as attacking the troops.

Offers thoughts on a new type of labor movement in the U.S. View that labor should govern from the so-called Blue States; Focus on using state law to set up social democracy; Value of bringing individual union members together and electing officers; State law changes that unions could make to boost labor in states such as New York, California and Illinois; Role of lobbying; Suggestion that Democrats play a new role; Ways to appeal to people's economic interests; Significance of the ballot.

White Republicans are at the forefront of a new wave of minority politics in the United States: white minority politics. Though rooted in California, this new politics of fear is cropping up across the country as its promoters redefine who is racial victim and who is racial oppressor, neatly inverting the arguments and terms of the civil rights movement. Former California Democratic gubernatorial candidate Cruz Bustamante was the most high-profile Latino politician to come under attack for association with the Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán, known as Mecha, a national Chicano student group in 2003, though City Councilman and former Los Angeles mayoral hopeful Antonio Villaraigosa and dozens of other Latino politicos have also been targeted. Casting Mecha's vocabulary of racial solidarity as a pernicious ideology of racial supremacy, Republicans have raised a war chest of more than $28,000 to accomplish what Stanford University's Republicans have already done: cut off Mecha's funding. Instead of participating in serious dialogue about the roots of racial tension, the forces of white fear work relentlessly to portray now vulnerable postindustrial whites as victims of a shadowy Latino, and especially Mexican, empire. The politics of white minority status have been the blind spot in liberal Democratic California, where mostly white political consultants have yet to figure out how to reconcile Latino ascendancy with white (and, increasingly, elderly black) fear to create the grand coalition that will eventually replace the black-white coalitions that elected liberal Governors Pat and Jerry Brown as well as Mayor Tom Bradley of Los Angeles.

The author tells the stories of immigrant workers taking part in the Immigrant Workers Freedom Ride (IWFR) of 2003, and explains what the organizers of the IWFR hope to achieve. The IWFR's ambitious five-point agenda reflects the demands of a diverse immigrant constituency: a new legalization process for undocumented workers, an accessible path to citizenship, a commitment to family reunification for immigrants waiting for relatives abroad, extension of labor protections to all workers and strengthening of civil rights and liberties to insure equal treatment of immigrants. For two weeks, buses from ten cities hit the road, bound for Washington, DC, then a rally in Flushing Meadows, Queens, on October 4, where the crowd surged to 100,000, according to organizers. It's easy to become preoccupied with isolated flash points, harder to grapple with the insidious structures of racism that mold so much of the daily experience of immigrants and African-Americans. The vast diversity of today's immigrants further complicates the picture. The IWRF is a complex call for a new civil rights charter that includes the foreign-born. Employers are often the frontline enemy in this racialized reality. In the 1960s, and throughout US history, employers have used racial and ethnic differences to divide workers and weaken their organizing. In recent years, the arsenal available to employers aiming to exploit divisions among workers has been expanding. Under the Patriot Act the riders -- regardless of their place of birth or immigration status -- could have been detained if the government had somehow deemed their mission subversive. At the core of the IWFR is an evolving and sometimes rocky relationship between organized labor and the broader immigrant rights community, which have strong common interests but also some different priorities.

This article focuses on a movement by accountability activists and their labor allies to contest corporate welfare for public economic development in the U.S. An annual gathering of the AFL-CIO Working for America Institute will be held in Milwaukee, Wisconsin to discuss their campaign for accountable economic development. They call for a subsidies cutoff. Their concern centers on local disclosure measures that require firms to reveal figures received and jobs it created. There have been efforts made by activists calling for a subsidies cutoff.

The article focuses on a decline in abortion rates in the United States. The Alan Guttmacher Institute has announced that one in three women was having an abortion, totaling to 1.3 million abortions per year—the lowest rate in 29 years. There has been an increase in pro-life policy proposals as well, with bills such as the Child Custody Protection Act and those calling for a ban on partial-birth abortions and human embryonic cloning on their way to being passed in the U.S. Senate. In response to these actions, Republicans are taking steps to regain reproductive freedom.

The article states that a movement is emerging in the U.S. to oppose war on Iraq. The war plans of the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush in Iraq have unleashed a flood of antiwar sentiment and activity across the country. Various organizations, such as the National Council of Churches and the California Labor Federation, have issued strong antiwar resolutions while people are coming out to participate in peace marches and vigils. Several peace groups have also emerged, they include International ANSWER, United for Peace and Racial Justice 9-11.

This article presents information regarding the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). That vitality, rare indeed in American political culture at the start of the twenty-first century, is the strength of the NAACP. Its Philadelphia branch, with 14,000 members, is one piece of a mosaic that makes up the U.S.' largest grassroots organization, its 500,000 members, who pay dues of $30 a year, are organized into more than 2,200 branches. It is a potentially vast social and political force, but one that has been allowed to atrophy over the past generation, since the peak years of the civil rights movement in the 1960's, and it is only just beginning to recover.

Comments on problems with the new politics of religion; Discussion on social movements in the U.S.; Comments on Catholic hospitals.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) infiltration of movements in the sixties is by now well-known. But those who have excavated the history of such surveillance have barely looked into the government's infiltration of the women's movement. The FBI, it turns out, viewed the women's movement as a serious threat to national security. The FBI's surveillance of the women's movement began as part of COINTELPRO, an FBI domestic surveillance program begun in 1956. This mission was to "neutralize" the effectiveness of civil rights, New Left, anti-war and African-American liberation groups.

The young activists who went to Seattle, Washington, to shut down the World Trade Organization and to Washington D.C., to protest the World Bank and the IMF had been getting hammered in the press. these commandments. The anticorporate protest movement that came to world attention on the streets of Seattle last November is not united by a political party or a national network with a head office, annual elections and subordinate cells and locals. It seems like a perfect description of the protests in Seattle and Washington DC. These mass convergences were activist hubs, made up of hundreds, possibly thousands, of autonomous spokes.

The World Trade Organization's (WTO's) failure at settle commercial disputes in Seattle, Washington, has inspired a new organizing slogan: "Fix it or nix it?" WTO is the visible symbol of globalization and the network of forty country-based campaigns that produced Seattle is working now on when to stage another international day of action. The U.S. coalition is, meanwhile, gearing up for another crucial fight, blocking the U.S. Congressional action that would give China a permanent "good housekeeping seal," instead of annual approval of most-favored-nation status, as it joins WTO.

Presidential candidate George W. Bush has been the champion and main facilitator of the so-called tort reform movement in Texas--or tort deform movement, in Ralph Madder's 146s formulation. Here's what Nader and his coauthor. The tort deform movement is a brazen effort by corporations and politicians beholden to corporate interests to pull off a nationwide perpetual bailout for polluters, swindlers, reckless health care providers, and makers of tobacco, defective vehicles, dangerous drugs, and many other hazardous consumer products. For his 1994 and 1998 campaigns, Bush collected $41 million, the biggest haul ever made by any gubernatorial candidate in history. Chief among these outfits is Texans for Lawsuit Reform (TLR), which has perhaps the biggest political action committee in the state. TLR claims more than 4,600 members statewide, but you can forget that democratic pose. INSET: Bringing up the rear.

The article discusses activist groups in New Orleans, Louisiana in the context of rebuilding after Hurricane Katrina. Topics include the work of the LGBTQ criminal-justice reform group BreakOUT, anti-racism and anti-gentrification protests, and the work of the Hispanic American group El Congreso in building social movement cooperation. The history of African American resistance to racism in New Orleans is addressed.

The article focuses on the rebirth of socialism in municipalities in the U.S. in 2015. Topics include class inequality in the U.S., neoliberalism in U.S. politics, and social movements in the U.S. Information is provided on minimum wage increases, workers' rights, and campaigns to end the school-to-prison pipeline.

The article focuses on sociopolitical issues related to the U.S., as of December 1999. Organizing overnight, the King County Central Labor Council brought 5,000 high-spirited marchers out at noon on December 3 with two objectives: to violate the city's downtown no protest zone and to show solidarity with the hundreds of peaceful demonstrators still in jail. As the farm crisis confronts 40,000 Midwestern family farmers with the prospect of being forced off the land, no state faces a situation more dire than Minnesota. Although the problem is nothing new, this time it has spawned novel responses. Broad community- based coalitions are forming, and many young activists are be- coming involved.

For many kids at that time, punk music was one of the few vehicles for expressing anger toward what they perceived as the political and cultural bankruptcy around them. But Beefeater's songs and the antiapartheid activism they helped to inspire were destined for obscurity. The music was far too loud and abrasive for most people over the age of 30 and, more significant, inaccessible to the majority of young Americans, whose tastes in music have long been dictated by trends set in the offices of music conglomerates.

The article presents information about the Human Rights Campaign and the movement by the gay activists in the U.S. Activists criticize the narrow focus of some gay groups solely on gay-related issues, when their own experiences tell them that winning means building coalitions with potential progressive allies by embracing their issues as well as our own. One of the most successful models for building gay political power at the state level is Basic Rights Oregon, which took the lead in helping to create the progressive Voter File Project, a coalition with labor, environmental and pro-choice organizations that in the past three years has pooled lists and resources to identify over half a million voters for Election Day get-out-the-vote drives.

As the limos and their glitterati cargo pull up to the Oscars ceremony this year, they may have to share a bit of screen time with a band of angry picketers. At press time, plans to protest the granting of an honorary Academy Award to director Elia Kazan, a man shunned for decades after he named names during the great Hollywood witch hunt of the fifties, had already attracted media attention. To many, the sight of the protesters will only reconfirm notions that Tinseltown functions as the nerve center of a vast left-wing conspiracy. But the Kazan protests are more like a hiccup from the past, when the left--even a Marxist left--had a palpable presence in Hollywood.

The article presents information on political and civil movements in the U.S. History lies heavy on the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People from its glory years. Civil rights groups became prisoners of their own success, whipsawed between history and change. When the NAACP tried last year to debate the very real dilemma of pressing for school desegregation versus improving black schools, it was attacked for abandoning its historical commitment to integration. The debate was stifled before it began-and the NAACP was savaged for being a dinosaur. The burden of its honorable past kept the group from discussing one of the crucial questions facing colored Americans.

People seem either unaware or unfazed by the major contemporary struggles being waged by labor on the twin fronts of organizing and politics. Those struggles are for the very survival of a labor movement in the U.S. Organizing they list as merely a longstanding problem being addressed, to a greater or lesser extent, today. On politics they are completely silent. Contrary to their argument, unless people resolve those longstanding problems, any new challenges will by definition be unmet. It is at the confluence of an innovative, aggressive and comprehensive organizing program and an independent, analytical and calculating politics that any hope for the future of organized labor rests.

Leftists are successful when they refuse to think in terms of compromise with majority sentiments and stake out radical alternatives that generate their own support by creating social movements in their wake. Yet at the same time, the left has contributed to its current weakness by "failing to unite around economic issues of fairness that join together the interests of all but the wealthiest Americans." The cultural left has given left politics a bad name because of its divisive obsession with race and sex, its arcane "elitist" battles over curriculum, its penchant for pointy-headed social theory and its aversion to the socially and sexually conservative values most Americans uphold.

The article focuses on issues related to the U.S. government. Rumors of the death of the black freedom movement have been greatly exaggerated. At the national level, it is true, no new organizations have yet emerged in the activist traditions of the early NAACP, the National Negro Congress of the Depression years, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference of the fifties or the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the League of Revolutionary Black Workers of the sixties. But resistance is flourishing in hundreds of black communities across the nation. Many community-based protest organizations focus on the issue of jobs.

The article focuses on prevailing political conditions in the U.S. and around the world, as of May 26, 1997. U.S. President Bill Clinton has struck a budget accord with Speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich. The real threat is the "investment deficit," which will worsen under the accord: a reduction of $58 billion in domestic non-military spending. Another development focuses on the Texas property rights movement. The folks in property rights were upset over the prospect that the gummint might take their property without giving them any recompense.

The article reports that labor confidence in Las Vegas is high these days. Nowhere is the union movement growing faster than here, in the United States' fastest-growing city. Unions have always had a formidable foothold in Las Vegas. And the unions have gone through successive stages of sweetheart deals with the big casino employers, stagnation and sweaty standoffs. But as Vegas's growth skyrocketed in the past decade, the unions have been agile enough to keep pace. The labor expansion has been led by Local 226 of the Culinary Workers, which has also doubled in size in ten years to some 40,000 members, and which just won a grueling three-year face-off for recognition by the world's biggest hotel, the MGM Grand.

This has been a good year for peace in Europe, but not such a good year for the European peace movement. Organizations and experienced offices abound in Europe, and they are very much more influential than they were ten years ago. The recent Ninth Annual European Nuclear Disarmament Convention in Helsinki, Finland, and Tallinn, Estonia, demonstrated how the wide spectrum of nonaligned peace forces can still meet together in an effective alliance: the Greens, Eurocommunists and Social Democrats, the feminist and Christian movements of the West, with many allies from the Third World and increasing numbers of allies from Eastern and Central Europe. Not only in Great Britain but in Western Europe and in the U.S. as well there has been a general retreat of political forces on the center and left.

A concerted campaign afoot came at the Socialist Scholars Conference a year ago, where the author appeared on a panel with Murray Bookchin, the author and co-founder of the Institute for Social Ecology, to discuss "The Politics of Ecology." Bookchin gave one of his elegant, impassioned, learned presentations, but it had a harsh edge to it of sourness and rancors directed against those who might hold to any of the tenets of deep ecology, particularly the ideas embraced in the term "biocentrism." Deep ecology, it seemed, was a part of the broad ecological movement in the U.S. that was wrongheaded and dangerous, diverting attention from the serious tasks of eliminating capitalism and restructuring class society, and was in some way a threat to the reasonable, right-minded form of social ecology. Next came a broadside presented by Bookchin to the national Green gathering in Amherst, Massachusetts, last July, a paper starkly and forthrightly called "Social Ecology Versus Deep Ecology."

The article presents experience of various ex-students in public high school to reveal facts about radical movements in the U.S. One of the author has been Black born in New Haven. He presents his experience regarding activism. According to him, students have an important role to play in projects like ours because many of them have the freedom to organize themselves and to take risks. This author likes organizing model most is SNCC, in which people left their high schools and college campuses and went into the community to help those people lead and organize and fight. This model allows them to be organized.

This article presents information regarding the book "The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism. 1865-1925," by David Montgomery. This large book is both a summary and the culmination of Montgomery's research over the past two decades. It concerns the golden age of industrial capitalism, when the brains and bodies of millions of migrants from Europe, Asia, Mexico and rural America changed the United States from an agricultural nation into the leading manufacturing power in the world.

They may be the home-grown revolutionaries, even terrorists, of the 1980s. But when Aryan Nationalists, neo-Nazis, Ku Klux Klansmen and others on the farthest right gather, they schmooze and catch up on old friendships and new developments just like any other conventioneers. Thus they assembled from July 11 through 13 for the Aryan World Congress at Pastor Richard Butler's rural church compound near here. But these conferees had another, more serious purpose: to merge their various movements, sects and clubs in a common white separatist revolution.

It is still a new phenomenon, not more than a decade old, but bioregionalism has already opened up what the author takes to be important new territory in American politics and has gathered what may be fairly called a movement around it. As of now it can claim for itself more than sixty affiliated groups, a dozen regional congresses, a nascent continental organization, some fourteen regular publications, a sizable bookshelf of research and analysis, and a vision of the future unlike any other. What makes the bioregional movement so significant is that it is putting forth, loud and clear, a message unique to this age. Bioregionalism presents a perfectly plausible future, and the vision has the undoubted air of the practical, the doable, and the achievable.

The article attempts to outline an interim strategy for the peace movement in the U.S. It was believed that the strategies and concepts that inspired Americans to vote for the suspension of resolutions and attend anti-nuclear rallies are already ineffective. It has been said that some reassessment of the strategies are important if the movement is to counter the Administration's increasing militarism.

This article presents information on several social and political events, in the U.S. The grand classical rotunda where a Columbia University president named Dwight Eisenhower once welcomed Princess Elizabeth rang with cheers on the night of October 3 as nearly 2,000 people participated in a giant rally for social change. The event, modeled on the anti-Vietnam War teach-ins of the 1960s, was intended to educate and encourage a new generation of students and to heal the division between intellectuals and unions created by that war. Urgent business kept John Deutch; Director of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), from delivering the keynote address at the Venona Conference, held October 3-4 at the National War College in Washington, D.C. On the surface, the purpose of the conference, which was said by its sponsors to signify a "new openness" on the part of the intelligence community, was to give the participants, first crack at providing an understanding and a context for the 2,900 previously secret messages the Soviets allegedly sent to their U.S. spies in the 1940s.

Over the last handful of years, Colorado Springs, Colorado has become the new capital and staging ground for the United States' Christian right. More than seventy evangelical and Para-church groups, ranging from small oddities like the Fellowship of Christian Cowboys to midsize operations like Every Home For Christ to the mammoth multinational of conservative Christian activism. Focus on the Family; have been lured to set up their headquarters here. The concentration of all these groups with their 2500 employees plus family members has given the Christian right enormous influence in Colorado Springs, and has consequently endowed the city with disproportionate clout within the national Christian conservative movement.

This article focuses on current civil movements against social-political developments for providing equality and civil rights to women and gays in the U.S. Twenty-five strange summers after Woodstock, tens of thousands of teenagers from a Christian movement called True Love Waits came to Washington DC to plant pledges of celibacy on the National Mall. Fifty thousand white, middle-aged then calling themselves the Promise Keepers gathered in a Boulder, Colorado, football stadium to pledge opposition to equality for women, gay rights and, according to The Washington Post, "major aspects of liberal society." Nation of Islam minister Louis Farrakhan told an all-female audience in Boston to prefer household activities than professions.

The article presents historical information regarding root cause of a labor resurgency. It was a decade in which technological change, a racial, ethnic and gender recomposition of the work force, structural economic shifts, and employer and government anti-unionism decimated the labor movement. With unionized workers concentrated in declining industries and increasingly distant from the most rapidly growing sectors of the work force. This was the 1920s. Now, at the other, end of the century, when fifteen years of open, government-assisted assault on labor coupled with the unprecedented mobility of capital have prompted pundits again to write obituaries for organized labor, this dreary decade bears recalling.